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Learning from International Community Forestry Networks: India Report 3. None of the networks were identified in particular with gender issues, biodiversity conservation, marketing or technical aspects. Rather they were identified with anecdotal material and institutional aspects of CF. They were also identified with generalised information as opposed to focussed intervention. 4. It was felt that international networks tended to protect a certain kind of idea, where CF could only be praised, without talking about any shortcomings, even though there is much to learn from failures of CF. 5. Networks use exclusionary methods of communication like email, use of English and expensive training programmes. 6. The effectiveness of email discussions is doubtful. It may be that it encourages networking to become an objective in itself. Identity of networks: 1. It is important for networks to have political clarity (e.g. underlying concerns of networks’ donors) in order to successfully interact with politically sensitive sectors. 2. There does not seem to be enough of a 2-way flow between networks and members. Some networks are perceived as being ‘closed’ or ‘exclusive’. 3.1 Methodology 3. WEST BENGAL STATE REPORT The study for West Bengal was conducted by a 7-day visit to Calcutta, the state capital, to interview people involved in community forestry in the state. These included 9 forest officials and 7 NGO representatives, i.e. a total of 16 interviewees. Some qualifications need to be made regarding the two groups of interviewees: Firstly, Prof Balram Bose, an academic at Jadhavpur University, Calcutta, has been included among the forest officials since he was interviewed in his capacity of Co-ordinator of the Regional Centre of the National Afforestation and Eco-Development Board (NAEB). Secondly, though Dr Ajit Kumar Banerjee was formerly an IFS officer, he has been included among the NGO representatives since he left the IFS many years ago and is now a trustee of WWF-India as well as being involved with the SPWD-JFM network. Thirdly, there is no separate grouping for academics since there is considerable overlap with the NGO category – it would be possible to classify Prof. SB Roy of the Indian Institute of Bio-Social Research and Development (IBRAD) and Dr RN Chattopadhyay of the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT)-Kharagpur as academics, but they are also key persons in the NGO sector. A one-day visit was made to Kharagpur, a town near Calcutta, to observe a workshop for women’s selfhelp groups organised by IBRAD, and to visit the Rural Development Centre at the Indian Institute of Technology (RDC-IIT). A brief trip was also made to 3 villages in Arabari, which is the area where the first pioneering JFM experiments were conducted in the early 1970s. The villages were Nipura Koyal Khal, Sukhisol and Gurchim. Library referencing was done in two libraries, namely IBRAD and the College of Juridical Sciences, both of which have good collections of CF-related publications and reports. IBRAD’s library in particular contains a large number of titles. IBRAD also has another library at its Kharagpur field office. As described below, the socio-political and ecological conditions in northern Bengal and in the Sunderbans in the south are very different from those in south-west Bengal (SW Bengal), which was the area visited. Therefore the findings of this report relate only to SW Bengal and should not be taken as representative of the entire state. In general, interviewees have not been quoted as many (especially FD officials) hesitated to speak on record. 38
Learning from International Community Forestry Networks: India Report 3.2 History and Context of CF in West Bengal 66 JFM originated in the state of West Bengal, gathering momentum ever since FD experiments in participatory forestry in the early 1970s in the Arabari forest range (Medinipur district) proved successful. West Bengal is among the most successful JFM states in India in terms of performance as well as acceptability. The context is a stark contrast to the opposition to JFM and the FD in Madhya Pradesh. The FD in West Bengal is well accepted, and JFM has been institutionalised and is practically the only form of community forestry in the state. NGO presence is small, with activities being limited to playing a supporting role for the FD. Implementation of JFM is handled solely by the FD. By and large JFM has led to a marked increase in forest cover in SW Bengal. It has been supported by political will and the bureaucracy, and has also been helped by a strong panchayat system in the state. West Bengal covers an area of 88,752 sq. km., making up 2.7% of Indian territory. About 72% of the population is rural, most being engaged in agriculture. 11,879 sq. km. is classified as forest area, which amounts to 13.38% of the total area of the state (of this, only 9.3% is actual forest area). As of December 2000, there were 3545 FPCs in the state (3253 in SW Bengal; 282 in north Bengal; 10 in the Sunderbans) and 88 EDCs (72 in north Bengal; 16 in Sunderbans). The FPCs cover a total forest area of over 488,095ha with 386,753 members. The EDCs cover an area of 85,517 ha of national parks and sanctuaries, with 20,169 members. 67 The forests of the state are concentrated in three regions – the north, south and the south-west. Conditions in these three regions vary widely. The Sundarbans comprise of mangrove forests. The North Bengal hills are relatively thickly forested and less degraded. It has been difficult to introduce JFM in this region. Some of the reasons cited were operations of powerful timber mafias and a diverse population comprising of refugees and migrants who are not necessarily permanent settlers or engaged in land-based activities, making community action on forest protection more difficult. In addition, forest regeneration in this region is slower, making the benefits of conservation slower and less tangible. On the other hand, the hill areas of Darjeeling produced an early NGO federation, which aimed to protect forests and built up public opinion on forest degradation through a media campaign. This federation did not last, however. An official resolution to extend JFM to the north and the Sunderbans was introduced relatively late - only in 1992 - and JFM in these areas has taken off only since the mid-90s. 68 The situation in N. Bengal is in contrast to SW Bengal, which is the hub of JFM activity in the state. Pioneering attempts at participatory forest management were made in this area, in Arabari, sparking off a movement that spread across the region supported by political will. It has been suggested that one of the reasons for the success of JFM in SW Bengal is that FPCs have been formed by fairly homogenous communities. 69 West Bengal has had 20 years of continuous left front rule. This has been an important factor in creating a policy and political climate conducive to people’s participation in forest management. The land tenure system underwent a revolutionary change with the enactment of the West Bengal Estate Acquisition Act in 1953. All landowners became tenants under the government, with an upper ceiling imposed on land holdings. From 1955 all forest land was taken over by the government, to be managed by the FD. This had 66 Except where stated otherwise, information in this section is based on information from Guhathakurta P and Roy S. 2000. Joint Forest Management in West Bengal: A Critique. WWF-India. New Delhi. 67 Nandi MK & Gayen KC. 2002. “Joint Forest Management in West Bengal: Experience and Related Issues”. Unpublished paper. p.2 68 Dasgupta, J. 2001. “Community Conserved Areas in West Bengal”. Unpublished paper written for Kalpavriksh Environmental Action Group, Pune; Guhathakurta P and Roy S. 2000. Joint Forest Management in West Bengal: A Critique. WWF-India. New Delhi. 69 Palit, S. 1999. “Bonds of Amity: Joint Forest Management in West Bengal has Come to Stay” in: Wastelands News. February-April 1999. SPWD. New Delhi. p23. 39
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