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Learning from <strong>International</strong> <strong>Community</strong> <strong>Forestry</strong> <strong>Networks</strong>: India Report<br />

village make up the FPC 11 , while decisions and management are carried out by an executive committee<br />

made up <strong>of</strong> a few elected villagers and a forest <strong>of</strong>ficial as the secretary. Different states have different rules<br />

regarding the composition <strong>of</strong> FPCs and executive committees, though a forest <strong>of</strong>ficial is usually the<br />

secretary and joint account holder <strong>of</strong> the FPC. As JFM has progressed, many state level JFM resolutions<br />

have undergone continuous evolution in order to fine-tune the programme. In protected areas (PAs), where<br />

JFM is not applicable, eco-development has been the strategy used to fulfil community needs. Like JFM,<br />

eco-development is based on the realisation that it is not possible to conserve PAs while alienating<br />

thousands <strong>of</strong> people living nearby. It is based on a similar concept <strong>of</strong> joint management, but with far more<br />

restrictions regarding sharing <strong>of</strong> usufructs, and greater focus on providing alternative non-forest based<br />

livelihood options.<br />

JFM has been successful in regenerating and conserving forest areas in several parts <strong>of</strong> India (although<br />

available hard data is limited). As <strong>of</strong> October 2001, 14.25 million ha in 27 states were under this<br />

programme. 12 How much <strong>of</strong> this is being successfully and sustainably managed is unclear, and there are<br />

serious concerns about the lack <strong>of</strong> true sharing <strong>of</strong> decision-making powers with the local communities.<br />

However, there is no doubt that JFM is a step towards more participatory natural resource management.<br />

One <strong>of</strong> the main criticisms <strong>of</strong> JFM has been that though it is a government policy, it is not legally<br />

recognised. In the event <strong>of</strong> a dispute, FPCs have no legal standing because they are not legal entities. Thus<br />

one <strong>of</strong> the basic criticisms <strong>of</strong> JFM is that it does not address the issue <strong>of</strong> legal community rights over<br />

forests. <strong>Community</strong> rights within JFM remain at the mercy <strong>of</strong> the FD. There have also been criticisms that<br />

the FD controls the processes <strong>of</strong> JFM far too much.<br />

Policy and Legal Context<br />

Apart from the above forest policies, there has been radical legislation in recent years with regard to<br />

community rights over natural resources. In 1992, the 73 rd Amendment to the Constitution made it<br />

mandatory to have a more decentralised mode <strong>of</strong> governance by giving greater decision-making powers to<br />

a three-tiered structure <strong>of</strong> Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) (i.e. local self-governing bodies, including<br />

urban ones). Among other things, it recommended the decentralisation <strong>of</strong> management <strong>of</strong> social forestry,<br />

fuel wood plantations and NTFPs, to PRIs. This was extended to scheduled (i.e. tribal dominated) areas by<br />

the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA) 13 . The Act states, “every Gram Sabha 14<br />

shall approve the plans, programmes and projects for social and economic development before such<br />

plans… are taken up for implementation by the Panchayat at the village level.” 15 Through Panchayats and<br />

Gram Sabhas, communities are to be given ownership <strong>of</strong> NTFP, and are to be consulted before any<br />

developmental projects are approved for the area.<br />

Since scheduled areas comprise mainly <strong>of</strong> forest-dependent tribal communities, this legislation is<br />

significant in shaping the context <strong>of</strong> CF and community management <strong>of</strong> natural resources. However, PESA<br />

is very recent legislation, and the form that it has taken on the ground has varied across states. The political<br />

will to implement it, is weak. Most states have gone against the spirit <strong>of</strong> the Act by excluding community<br />

ownership over the most valuable NTFPs. Nationalised forests and legally protected areas have been<br />

excluded from the jurisdiction <strong>of</strong> the Act by most states. It also contradicts other policies and laws. For<br />

example in areas where both JFM and PESA apply, it is unclear what the relationship between the two<br />

11<br />

In some cases the FPC includes only one representative per household, and a minimum participation <strong>of</strong><br />

50-60% <strong>of</strong> households can suffice.<br />

12<br />

INFORM (RUPFOR Newsletter), October 2001.<br />

13<br />

Sarin, M. 2001. “De-Democratisation in the Name <strong>of</strong> Devolution? Findings from Three States in India”.<br />

Forthcoming paper. p7.<br />

14<br />

Body comprising all adult voters in a village.<br />

15<br />

Government <strong>of</strong> India. The Provisions <strong>of</strong> the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996.<br />

No.40 <strong>of</strong> 1996. Dated 24 th December 1996.<br />

9

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