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1 Samuel M. Scheiner and Michael R. Willig, eds. 1. A General ...

1 Samuel M. Scheiner and Michael R. Willig, eds. 1. A General ...

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were clearly motivated by theory or formal models. Many papers did not invoke theory to any<br />

extent. However, even the most empirically oriented papers were firmly seated within modern<br />

paradigms of ecology, which itself is strongly shaped by theoretical views <strong>and</strong> constructs. The<br />

American Naturalist favors theoretically justified papers to a much greater extent, although many<br />

papers in that category involve evolutionary models. For example, the November <strong>and</strong> December<br />

issues in 2008 contained 32 papers with 25 as primarily motivated or driven by theory. The 1929<br />

(two issues each) of these two journals had almost no papers involving ecological or<br />

evolutionary theory; only 3 of 28 in Ecology <strong>and</strong> 1 of 21 in American Naturalist were expressly<br />

motivated by theory. A search of JStor (Ecology <strong>and</strong> Environment section) shows that the<br />

number of papers with keywords (see legend to Figure 2.4) that indicate theoretical motivation or<br />

links tends to increase at a faster rate than the number of papers without such a designation<br />

(Figure 2.4; cf., slope values). Whatever the particular trends, the influence of theory on ecology<br />

grows quickly <strong>and</strong>, very likely, faster than that of the observational component.<br />

The growth of influence associated with the depth of analyses, improved expertise in<br />

translating theory into lab <strong>and</strong> field research, as well as the rise of many specific theories<br />

continues to contribute to the splitting <strong>and</strong> fragmentation ecology into areas with rather<br />

independent existences. Growth is good, but fragmentation introduces <strong>and</strong> nurtures conceptual<br />

incongruities that hamper ecology in my view. In support of this idea, I cite two examples: one<br />

explicitly identifies the deficiencies due to conceptual isolation while the other shows how<br />

unification <strong>and</strong> progress could be achieved if cross-fertilization of ideas took place. For<br />

example, a considerable debate developed about the nature of competition among plants.<br />

Specifically, the relationship between nutrient availability as affected by potential competitors,<br />

allocation to root growth, <strong>and</strong> consequences of these factors for plant growth <strong>and</strong> reproduction<br />

developed as major concerns among plant ecologists (Craine 2007). Yet, specific answers are<br />

unlikely to interest animal ecologists <strong>and</strong> the conceptual refinements associated with them are<br />

unlikely to apply beyond plant ecology. The second example concerns two separate research<br />

traditions of parasite-host <strong>and</strong> predator-prey ecology. Raffel et al. (2008) argued that<br />

developments in predator-prey ecology, such as temporal risk allocation <strong>and</strong> associational<br />

resistance, can contribute to development of new hypotheses for parasite-host systems.<br />

Conversely, concepts developed in parasite-host ecology, such as threshold host densities <strong>and</strong><br />

phylodynamics, might enrich for predator-prey ecology. Propositions such as trait-mediated<br />

40<br />

40

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