O - Small Business Advancement National Center

Kazakhstan: Emerging Issues of Female
Entrepreneurship (1)
Anatoly V. Zhuplev Loyola Marymount University 7900 Loyola Boulevard Los Angeles,
CA 90045-8385 Tel: (310) 376-4712 home (310) 338-7414 office
Jeanne Almaraz Loyola Marymount University 7900 Loyola Boulevard Los Angeles,
CA 90045-8385 Tel: (310) 338-2989 office Fax: (949) 759-4964
Asylbeck B. Kozhakhmetov Almaty Management School P.O. Box 480057 58 Zhandosov
St., Almaty Republic of Kazakhstan Tel: 73272-457003 office
Janat Berdalina KPMG Janat 105 Abulai Khan Ave Almaty 480091 Republic of
Kazakhstan Tel: 73272-622694 office
Abstract
This article explores the emergence of female entrepreneurship in Kazakhstan under the
market transition to a more open competitive environment. In this traditional culture
women have been publicly "invisible" and inactive in entrepreneurship. Economic
survival and an increasing international influence are changing such traditions. A survey
in Kazakhstan identified current entrepreneurial trends, motivations, and gender-related
issues. Entrepreneurial motivations among females are found to be more internally- and
family-driven than among males. The survey found no substantial gender-related
differences in perceived difficulties of entrepreneurship. As Kazakhstan moves into the
mid-term of its socio-economic development, the emergence of female entrepreneurship
is likely to continue, integrating elements of Kazakhstani cultural traditions, European
social market concepts and American rationality.
Introduction
This research project traces the history of the Kazakh nation, the market transition
currently underway and the valiant attempt of the government at privatization. The
discussion then turns to the small business sector focusing specifically on the emergence
of female entrepreneurs in Kazakhstan. As social and political change have spearheaded
the transition to a market economy, women are increasingly undertaking entrepreneurial
ventures. These choices are driven by financial necessity and by the influence of western
culture on the traditional culture of Kazakh households.
At a women's convention held in Almaty, Kazakhstan's capital, a questionnaire was
distributed to gather demographic information on women entrepreneurs and to identify
the motivations and concerns of women entrepreneurs in the transition economy of
Kazakhstan. Questions were also posed to query differences in issues among male versus
female entrepreneurs. This paper will present the results of this questionnaire.

The History of Kazakhstan
There is no exact agreement on the origination of the Kazakh (2) people, largely because
of the lack of contemporary sources (Olcott, 1987, p. 3). Over the centuries, various parts
of Kazakhstan were incorporated into different empires. The country was integrated into
Russia in the 18th century and occupied by the Red Army after the revolution of 1917
and Civil War. In 1920, the Soviet government established the Kyrgyz Autonomous
Republic, and in 1925 changed its name to Kazakh A.S.S.R. From 1927 the Soviet
government pursued a vigorous policy of transforming the Kazak nomads into a settled
population and of colonizing the region with Russians and Ukrainians.
Kazakhstan formally became a constituent (union) republic of the Soviet Union in 1936.
Under Nikita Khrushchev, the role of Kazakhstan within the Soviet Union increased
dramatically. The Virgin and Idle Lands program launched in 1953 opened up the vast
grasslands of northern Kazakhstan to wheat farming by Slavic settlers. As the Soviet
Union collapsed, Kazakhstan declared sovereignty on October 25, 1990 followed by
gaining its full independence on December 16, 1991 (Central Asia: "The Countries of
Central Asia" Britannica Online [Accessed 18 August 1998]).
Market Transition
Despite its huge territory and some important natural resources, Kazakhstan is relatively
unknown to the world. It is the largest state in Central Asia, the ninth largest in the world,
and second in size after Russia in the Newly Independent States (NIS). Larger than
Western Europe and approximately four times the size of Texas, Kazakhstan is among
the most sparsely populated countries in the world, with just 16.1 persons per square
mile.
With a total population of 16.9 million (46% Kazakh, 35% Russian, 5% Ukrainian, 14%
other nationalities), Kazakhstan's work force is well educated. Nearly the entire
population is literate, with 64% of the population 15 years and older have a secondary
education, and 10% having attained higher education (Worldfact Book, 1997).
President Nursultan Nazarbayev, an ethnic Kazakh, is not following Moscow's bid for
democracy at any price. He has instead declared his admiration for the political models of
Singapore and other Asian countries (Fletcher, 1994). Nazarbayev's fiscal programs and
commitment to Westernization of the Kazakh economy make him a favorite of foreign
investors. But his domestic agenda involves a tricky juggling act between a program of
"Kazakhstanization", which seeks to reaffirm traditional culture and bolster the status of
indigenous Kazakhs, and multiculturalism (Reyen, 1996).
The government plays a leading role in directing national economic development. Since
1995, a number of presidential decrees were signed into law, addressing among other
things the following: banking, bankruptcy, customs, taxes, stock exchanges, insurance,

oil, land, aviation, accounting, and electric power. As a part of its reforms, the
government encourages small and medium-size businesses in rural areas, in order to
employ the available workforce locally in labor-intensive activity and to discourage
further urbanization. This is particularly understandable given that in 1989 the revenue
share of the poorest two- fifths of the population was only 23% of all personal revenues;
in 1994 this share dropped to 19%. The upper one-fifth had the same share - 34% - in
both years, and the middle class gained an increasing share. A study of 6,000 households
in August 1995 identified 84% of the rural, and 44% of the urban, households living
below the poverty line.
The Move to Privatization
Privatization is the key part of the economic transformation in Kazakhstan. Its program
began in 1991 and currently includes four elements: (a) privatization of small businesses,
(b) mass privatization, (c) privatization in agriculture, and (d) individual project
privatization.
Privatization of small businesses involves the privatization of wholesale and retail trade
companies, food service companies, cargo and passenger transportation and services
formerly owned and operated by the state. Businesses that employ fewer than 200 people
are sold at auctions for cash. Their sales provide government earnings and guarantees that
the industry is not going to be monopolized. Besides, the relatively low price of these
businesses makes them affordable which allows expansion of the number of small private
owners.
Mass privatization involves creation of conditions for the public to exercise its right to
sell and buy securities. This direction includes all the companies that are not part of the
agroindustrial complex and are not subject to small business or individual project
privatization.
Privatization in agriculture involves companies that process agricultural products and
provide services. Privatization of the agricultural sector is being implemented alongside
mandatory allocation of property and land shares to new owners. The public can buy
former government-owned agricultural businesses; a partial transfer also is allowed.
Individual project privatization involves large companies that have a monopoly position
(excluding companies that export their product) and play a strategic role in the overall
economy. Individual projects are sold to the highest bidder under certain conditions, or at
auctions, through tenders, management contracts, and through public offerings
(Rysbekov, 1995).
Problems in the Privatization Process
Privatization in Kazakhstan has been impeded by a number of factors. First, inventory of
the small businesses subject to privatization was not completed, and, as a result, a
significant number of companies to be sold at auctions were withdrawn. Second, little

interest was shown on the part of the population in the privatization of small businesses
because of the reduction in buying power and auctioning of less attractive businesses.
Third, attempts were made on the part of management and workers of some small
businesses to discourage selling of their companies. Fourth was the closing of companies
for a long time due to the lack of funds for repairs and inability to start production, trade,
or any other activity. Finally, privatization was impeded by the resistance on the part of
local authorities who lost both businesses and their share in the profits of these
businesses.
Today the level of denationalization is fairly high. The Government has been successful
in privatizing many small- and medium-size firms, and is working to privatize large-scale
industrial complexes, particularly in the oil and gas sector. In industry, state-owned
enterprises account for 40% of overall production volume; in agriculture, the state's share
is only 3%. However, the main goal of creating an efficient private sector and a
competitive environment has not yet been implemented (Rysbekov, 1995). Living
standards for many citizens continue to decline. According to several surveys, nearly
35% of citizens live below the government-defined poverty line of $50 per month
(Human Rights Report, 1998).
Small Business Sector
In the mid-1990s, there were an estimated 2,000-3,000 industrial enterprises in
Kazakhstan, and several dozen huge enterprises accounted for a disproportionate share of
total production. By 1995, two- thirds of this production was concentrated in heavy
industry, including 17% in machine building, 16% in energy, and 9% in chemicals. Light
industry and food processing each account for 15% of production. The small business
sector is comprised of more than 3500 cooperatives, 15,000 small enterprises, 11,000
private enterprises, and 15,600 farms. Among existing small enterprises, most operate in
either wholesale and retail trade, or in catering businesses. Historically, small business
and entrepreneurship were never viable avenues in Kazakhstan's political and socioeconomic
development. At the present time, the small and medium-sized business sectors
in Kazakhstan are weak, having little in common with a genuine full-fledged
entrepreneurial venture, involving substantial investment. Currently, the main
entrepreneurial activities focus on broker operations and operations with currency and
trade (Arynov and Zhulamanov, 1994, p.4,5).
Status of Women in Kazakh Culture
From a cultural perspective, both Kazakh traditional values and the effects of Soviet rule
have defined the role of women in the economic development of Kazakhstan over the
past seven decades. Traditionally, marriage and dedication to the family were central in
the life of a Kazakh woman. Women were generally married by age thirteen or fourteen,
men by fifteen or sixteen. Parents arranged marriages, sometimes as early as ten years
before the event. The Kazakhs have a much higher birthrate than the Russians do: while
the size of the average Kazakh family size is 5.5, Russian families average 3.3 members.
A survey of Kazakh women in the mid 1970s indicated that most Kazakh women both

wanted and expected to have five or more children, whereas the Russians anticipated
having only two or three (Olcott, 1987, p.250). The current capitalist transition has
created conflict with this traditional demographic pattern making it difficult for Kazakh
women to combine their family role with a full-time corporate job or running a business.
In the late 1980s-early 1990s, women comprised a sizable share of the labor pool. By the
mid-1990s, 2.3 million women were employed in the economy of Kazakhstan (47% of
the total workforce). In some industries and professions (3), the share of female
employment was quite high: 63% in wholesale and retail trade, catering and consumer
goods distribution; 84% in medical care, sports and welfare; 74% in public education;
68% in entertainment, culture and arts; 56% in science and scientific services; 73% in
banking and insurance, and 48% in government. Women also comprised 53% of those
enrolled at higher education institutions and 59% of the junior college enrollment in
Kazakhstan (O Polozhenii Sem'i i Zhenschin, 1996). Although structurally this pattern of
educational access and employment still remains, it is shifting under the market
transition. One event driving this shift is the growing pressure of change resulting in
downsizing, an occurrence that often results in women losing their positions to men.
Trends Driving the Emergence of Female Entrepreneurship
In spite of the fact that men were considered the "head of the family", responsible for its
overall well-being, even during the time of Soviet leadership it was difficult to feed an
entire family if only one spouse worked. Such financial constraints challenged Kazakh
women's traditional homebound status and pushed them towards outside employment.
The Soviet Constitution guaranteed women the equality of rights in all aspects of life, but
did not change the woman's role in a family. Thus, women had to work full time and at
the same time take care of the family. That is why employers and employees often
tolerated the underperformance of women with families and children (Kolobaeva, 1995).
In essence, the value and contribution of Kazakhstani women in the workplace was
invisible.
A recent international conference on women's issues identified the invisibility of Kazakh
women as an archenemy of the women's movement. This is true not simply because
women have long been invisible to men, but because in such societies women become
invisible to themselves. The prevailing stereotypes about women were described as
follows:
"If a woman is successful in a career, then people think that everything is not good in her
private life. A woman in politics is rare, in arts she is marginal, in science she is
industrious but not creative. A woman in the East is a special phenomenon. She combines
European independence and Asian domestication. She is part tiger, part snake"
(Chittister, 1995. p.31).
An Empirical Probe of Factors Driving the Movement
Toward Female Entrepreneurship in Kazakhstan

Given the tremendous social and political upheaval occurring in Kazakhstan, there are
many questions about how women, especially women entrepreneurs, are coping. Are they
becoming more invisible? Are they able to implement entrepreneurial ventures? What are
their motivations? What problems and difficulties are they encountering? To address such
questions, a comparative survey of motivations and problems of female entrepreneurship
was developed. The survey was written in Russian (since Russian is spoken by the
majority of the population) and administered to 100 respondents in Kazakhstan in the Fall
1997, during a women's convention held in Almaty, the country capital. Respondents
were asked to give their perceptions on 82 variables, addressing the following issues: (A)
The current situation and trends in female entrepreneurship in Kazakhstan; (B) Individual
motivation towards entrepreneurship; and (C) problems and difficulties experienced in
the entrepreneurial process. When answering questions about motivation, problems and
difficulties of the entrepreneurial process, respondents were asked to differentiate
between these issues as faced by women versus men. Questions were written using a 7-
point Likert scale. Demographic data was also collected. Descriptive data was analyzed
using the SPSS statistical package.
Respondents' Profile
In order to gain insights into the rarely articulated perceptions of women regarding
entrepreneurship in Kazakhstan, more than 90% of respondents were female. The
majority (70%) of respondents were in their 20s and 30s (please refer to Table 1). More
than 80% of them have significant educational accomplishments, which include some
college education, college, or a master's degree. Only 18% of respondents had greater
than 5 years of entrepreneurial experience -- an expected characteristic in Kazakhstan's
emerging market economy, where independent business ventures have only been legal
since the early 1990s. Most respondents indicated their job/business affiliation was with
small organizations. In fact, 13% of respondents were the only employees on the payroll.
More than 50% of respondents indicated that their organizations employed fewer than 10
people. Entrepreneurial ventures in Kazakhstan are a relatively new phenomenon, a fact
reflected in the extremely low sales volumes reported: 18% of respondents earned less
than $5,000 a year in annual sales, 42% earned between $5,000 and $100,000; 1% earned
between $5 million and $10 million, and only 1% reported their sales as exceeding $10
million a year.
Age, full years
Under 20
21-30
31-40
41-50
51-60
Table 1
Respondents' Profile
Personal data Responses, %
1
28
42
18
11

Gender
Male
Female
Marital Status
Married
Single
Single with children
Other
Educational Accomplishments
High school
Community college
Some college
College degree
Master's degree
Experience in Entrepreneurship, years
Less that 1 year
1-2
3-5
More than 5
Missing cases
Number of Employees in Respondent's
Organization
None, except for the respondent him/herself
1 other employee
2-5
6-10
11-50
51-100
More than 100
Missing cases
8
92
58
26
13
3
2
2
9
80
7
22
19
26
18
15
13
27
15
11
8
1
1
24

Table 1 Cont.
Annual Sales, $US, thousand
less than 5 thousand
5-20
21-50
51-100
101-500
501-5,000
5,001-10,000
More than 10,000
Missing cases
Increasing Acceptance of Female Entrepreneurship
The majority of respondents felt that female entrepreneurship should be among the most
important national priorities (Please refer to Table 2) deserving greater attention on the
part of the mass media, social groups, other public institutions, as well as the government
of Kazakhstan.
18
16
11
15
6
0
1
1
31
Table 2
Current Situation and Trends in Female Entrepreneurship
Female entrepreneurship should be
considered among the most important
priorities in Kazakhstan's socio-economic
development
Female entrepreneurship deserves greater
attention on the part of mass media, social
movements, and other public institutions of
Kazakhstan
Female entrepreneurship deserves greater
attention on the part of the government of
Kazakhstan
The degree of participation of women in
Kazakhstan in entrepreneurship should be
greater
Current degree of participation in
entrepreneurship among women in
Kazakhstan is greater compared to other NIS
countries
% of "Agree" and
"Totally agree"
Responses
% of "Disagree""
and "Totally
disagree" Responses
75.7 3
65.7 3
81.8 4
69.1 2.2
26.1 32.3

Table 2 Cont.
Current degree of participation in entrepreneurship among women in
Kazakhstan is greater compared to other Central Asian countries
In Kazakhstan, women, compared to men, are less effective as entrepreneurs
and managers
In Kazakhstan, men, compared to women, are less effective as entrepreneurs
and managers
In Kazakhstan, the religious norms and traditions are the obstacle for
entrepreneurship
In Kazakhstan, the ethnic, public, and family norms and traditions are obstacles
for entrepreneurship
45.3 16.8
30.6 39.8
20.6 30.5
19.4 53.8
23.7 46.2
Sixty-nine percent of respondents suggest that the degree of participation in
entrepreneurship among women of Kazakhstan should be greater. Approximately equal
amount of respondents expressed either their strong agreement (30.6%) or disagreement
(39.8%) that women, compared to men, are less effective as entrepreneurs and managers.
The opposite statement that men, compared to women, are less effective as entrepreneurs
and managers was agreed with by 19.4% and disagreed with by 30.5% of respondents.
Religious norms and traditions are considered obstacles to entrepreneurship by 19.8% of
respondents, although 53.8% disagreed with this statement. Similar views were held
regarding ethnic, public, and family norms and traditions as obstacles to entrepreneurship
in Kazakhstan, with 23.3% agreeing and 46.2% disagreeing.
Motivations toward Entrepreneurship
We asked our respondents to what extent certain factors motivate men and women in
Kazakhstan to engage in entrepreneurial activities. Among twenty four motivations, five
were considered most important for female entrepreneurs in Kazakhstan (descending
order): (1) need for material support of their children, (2) desire to be more independent
and free, (3) need for material support of their parents, (4) need for interesting work, and
(5) need to control their own time and work For male entrepreneurs, the top five
motivations included: (1) desire to make money, become wealthy and obtain security, (2)
desire to be more independent and free, (3) need for self-actualization, (4) desire to be
their own boss, and (5) desire for greater recognition, social status and prestige. These
findings suggest that women are motivated primarily by the family's financial needs, or
by individual needs to establish some financial independence. In contrast, respondents
perceive that male entrepreneurs are motivated by the desire for wealth, entrepreneurial
achievement, recognition and prestige.
Respondents felt that neither men nor women are strongly motivated to become
entrepreneurs because of issues related to previous corporate employment, or in order to
continue a line of family business traditions. The welfare of the community at large was
also rated very low as a motivator for entrepreneurship, with issues such as the welfare of
the community falling to the bottom of the list of motivators. Respondents indicated that
both men and women chose to become entrepreneurs to satisfy personal aspirations.

Problems and Difficulties in Entrepreneurship Similar for Males and Females
Those with experience in running a business know that problems and difficulties are
plentiful, while achievements are few. In this regard, our research did not attempt to find
solutions to Kazakhstani entrenreneurs' problems. Rather we were interested to see how
male and female entrepreneurs might differ in perceiving and prioritizing these problems
and difficulties. Respondents were in general agreement that problems encountered by
both men and women were similar. According to our respondents, the most significant
problems faced by both male and female entrepreneurs include (descending order): (1)
difficulties in obtaining start-up capital, (2) high business taxes, (3) government
regulations and red tape, (4) unreliability of suppliers, and (5) unreliability of business
partners. While numbers (1) through (3) are common problems faced by entrepreneurs in
many countries of the world, (4) and (5) are caused by Kazakhstan's very unstable and
volatile business environment, which forces entrepreneurs and others in business to
exercise erratic, short term strategies which Max Weber a while ago qualified as "booty
capitalism."
Table 4
Problems and Difficulties Associated with Entrepreneurship **
Finding information on registration, legal and
other start up requirements
Acquiring knowledge and practical skills
necessary to start up business
Acquiring initial capital to start up business
Finding space for office and production
facilities
Setting up communications (telephone, fax, etc.)
Crime against business and entrepreneurs
Bribery, unethical relations and actions
Unreliability of business partners
Unreliability of suppliers
Finding good employees
Conducting banking and financial transactions
Finding information about markets, products
and prices
High taxes
Government regulations and red tape
High interest rates
for Females for Males
% of
"Serious"
and "Very
serious
problem"
Responses*
38.9
38.0
79.2
48.6
40.3
65.8
65.3
67.1
68.7
45.1
29.0
29.2
70.0
69.0
58.6
34.8
45.7
29.0
31.9
Rank
18
19t
1
14
17
6
7
5
4
16
27t
26
2
3
11
22
15
27t
24t
% of
"Serious"
and "Very
serious
problem"
Respones*
42.0
36.3
71.6
38.3
30.9
37.5
56.6
59.7
62.1
38.7
31.9
36.5
68.5
68.5
58.3
42.0
38.6
27.5
33.3
Rank
11t
22
1
18
28t
20
7
5
4
16
27
21
2t
2t
6
11t
17
31
25

Table 4 Cont.
Sales and marketing
New product /service development
Day-to-day company management
Human resource management
Accounting
Environmental protection
Discrimination and harassment at work
(sexual, ethnic, religion, etc.)
Unfair competition
General management
Transportation
Business takes too much time and energy from
personal life
Business takes too much time from family
involvement
Male domination in business
Insufficient education
Family responsibilities (household, children,
etc.)
An excessive reliance on power, authoritarian
style in management
33.3
31.9
52.2
38.0
26.5
29.0
64.3
57.1
60.0
37.5
63.0
27.9
23
24t
13
19t
31
27t
8
12
10
21
9
30
*On a 7-point scale from 1 "No problem at all" to 7 "Very serious problem."
**Five most important motivations are marked in bold
Conclusions
42.0
37.7
30.9
47.9
35.8
32.8
42.0
48.6
43.9
40.8
36.2
30.9
Over the centuries, Kazakhstan essentially had neither a market economy nor any
meaningful tradition of female entrepreneurship. Under the current market transition,
only a few economic sectors, mostly comprised of large enterprises, have begun to turn
around. As a result, women are faced with their families' needs for economic survival. In
addition, women are inspired by a strong international (particularly American) cultural
influence. This situation has motivated a growing number of women to become
entrepreneurs, despite the traditional family role of women in Kazakhstan and the lack of
entrepreneurial role models.
While entrepreneurship has become a viable option for women in Kazakhstan, a number
of economic and cultural factors still restrain women in their entrepreneurial
undertakings. More than two-thirds of survey respondents believed that female
entrepreneurship should be considered an important priority in the country's economic
development by the Kazakhstani government, mass media, social movements, and other
public institutions.
11t
19
28t
9
24
26
11t
8
10
15
23
28t

In comparing the effectiveness of women versus men, the respondents were split, with up
to one third of respondents expressing diametrically different views. On the macro level,
most respondents felt that religious, ethnic, public, and family norms/traditions do not
represent obstacles for female entrepreneurship.
When evaluating motivations for becoming entrepreneurs, the least important motivators
were agreed upon as they applied to men and women. However, the most significant
motivators were perceived as different for men than for women. Females were motivated
primarily by financial autonomy and providing for the family's economic needs. In
contrast, men were motivated by wealth, recognition and success.
As far as entrepreneurial problems and difficulties are concerned, the survey did not
identify any meaningful distinctions between the two genders. Both females and males
encounter any problems typically faced by entrepreneurs in other countries of the world.
These difficulties are associated with such barriers as start-up funding, burden of taxation
and regulations. Specifically related to difficulties of Kazakhstan's transitional business
environment, unreliability of suppliers and partners in business transactions were
mentioned most often.
This study is one of few research attempts to address the issue of female entrepreneurship
in Kazakhstan. As a preliminary study, it has several limitations: small sample size,
skewed sampling procedure, geographic constraints, and others. It does not cover some
very important issues of female entrepreneurship in an emerging economy, such as the
efficiency of women in their business venture start- ups and at stable stages, etc.
However, this research illuminates a dynamic area of entrepreneurship -- the emergence
of female entrepreneurship in a country that has no tradition of individual achievement,
especially for women.
Future Research Suggestions for Kazakhstan
Entrepreneurship
There are a number of implications in this research. Gender differences were evident in
the motivations of male versus female entrepreneurs. This finding is interesting in that
since 90% of the respondents were female, these differences indicate that women
perceive men to be motivated differently. Whether men are in fact motivated more by the
desire for wealth and prestige than by the need for economical survival is an interesting
question worthy of future research.
A key issue for future researchers is to address the applicability of overseas experiences
(U.S., European, and Asian) with female entrepreneurship in the Kazakhstani socioeconomic
and cultural conditions. The current research affirms the views of Thomas and
Mueller (1998) that cultural context plays a role in the understanding of entrepreneurship.
The participation of American and European academia and government support in
research to identify these differences, and to assist in the training and development of
Kazakhstani entrepreneurs is greatly needed.

Continuation of economic reforms and privatization, foreign investment in mining and
manufacturing industries and a growing domestic consumer demand eventually will
create a broader base for small business and entrepreneurship, including opportunities for
women. Further research on women's involvement in small business and entrepreneurship
is needed to determine what is required to make them more successful. This additional
research should be structured to facilitate development and implementation of training for
the female Kazakhstani entrepreneur in the new millenium.
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(1) Research for this project was supported by grant International Research and Exchange
Board, with funds provided by the Department of State (Title VIII), the National
Endowment for the Humanities. None of these organzations is responsible for the views
expressed.
(2) The English transliteration often comes in two ways: Kazakh and Kazak.
(3) High share of female employment in these industries is more or lees typical for many
of the former Soviet republics.