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was <strong>of</strong>ten in spite <strong>of</strong> rather than because <strong>of</strong> Nazi ideology.” 37 He also focused on tangible<br />

factors in explaining soldiers’ behavior in the Soviet Union, writing that there was a<br />

“clear connection between the inferior quality <strong>of</strong> the troops and violent methods, reprisal<br />

actions in particular being used to ‘compensate’ for manpower shortages.” 38 Here,<br />

notions <strong>of</strong> a perceived pragmatism – i.e. the use <strong>of</strong> terror as a means <strong>of</strong> pacification –<br />

proved more powerful in motivating German actions than did ideological grounds. While<br />

Schulte concurred with Bartov and Fritz on the key role that ideology played in<br />

determining the policies <strong>of</strong> occupation, he significantly revised their position that these<br />

ideological precepts provided the primary motivation for the behavior <strong>of</strong> the individual<br />

soldier.<br />

The historical discussion received a tremendous jolt with the unveiling <strong>of</strong> the<br />

exhibition Vernichtungskrieg: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941-1944 (War <strong>of</strong><br />

Extermination: Crimes <strong>of</strong> the Wehrmacht 1941-1944) <strong>by</strong> the Hamburg Institute for Social<br />

Research in 1995. 39 Utilizing photographs as well as diaries and letters written <strong>by</strong><br />

members <strong>of</strong> the Wehrmacht, the exhibition cast a stark light on the atrocities committed<br />

<strong>by</strong> the German Army in Serbia and especially the Soviet Union. 40 Directed <strong>by</strong> Hannes<br />

criminal; see Theo Schulte, “The German Soldier in Occupied Russia,” in Paul Addison and Angus Calder<br />

(eds.) Time to Kill: The Soldier’s Experience <strong>of</strong> War in the West, 1939-1945 (London, 1997), pp. 274-83,<br />

here p. 277 [emphasis in original].<br />

37 Schulte, The German Army and Nazi Policies in Occupied Russia, p 294. He also identifies rear-area<br />

units, which not only failed to respond in the prescribed ideological manner to security threats, but also<br />

“appear virtually to have abandoned the war.”<br />

38 Ibid., pp. 64-84. The quoted sentence in from p. 267.<br />

39 The exhibition spawned a publishing cottage-industry that examined its reception and accuracy in<br />

Germany. Among the numerous contributions, see Hamburg Institut für Sozialforschung (ed.), Besucher<br />

einer Ausstellung (Hamburg, 1998); Hans-Günther Thiele (ed.), Die Wehrmachtsausstellung:<br />

Dokumentation einer Kontroverse (Bremen, 1997) as well as the citations given in Omer Bartov, “The<br />

Wehrmacht Exhibition Controversy: The Politics <strong>of</strong> Evidence,” in Omer Bartov, Atina Grossman, and<br />

Mary Nolan (ed.), Crimes <strong>of</strong> War: Guilt and Denial in the Twentieth Century (New York, 2002), pp. 270-<br />

71, n. 1-4.<br />

40 Hamburg Institut für Sozialforschung (ed.), Vernichtungskrieg. Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941-1944<br />

Austellungskatalog (Hamburg, 1996); English translation: The German Army and Genocide: Crimes<br />

Against War Prisoners, Jews, and Other Civilians, 1939-1944, (New York 1999). All citations are to the<br />

English version.<br />

11

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