RUBBER AND THE MODERNISATION OF THE PAKU IBAN IN ...

RUBBER AND THE MODERNISATION OF THE PAKU IBAN
IN BETONG DIVISION, SARAWAK
1. Introduction
Stanley Bye Kadam-Kiai
Faculty of Social Sciences
UNIVERSITI MALAYSIA SARAWAK
Rubber is the tree of modernisation for the Paku Iban in Betong Division 1 in
Sarawak. The changes in the way of life of the Paku Iban in the first half of the
1900s were brought about by the wealth they obtained from planting rubber.
Towards the end of the 1920s, for example, Paku Iban men were already
wearing coats and ties during Gawai festivals. In the 1950s, according to
Michael Hardin 2 (Bato, 2003), when the price of rubber was about $2 per katie,
“some families in Paku who had vast rubber gardens with hired rubber tappers
were earning as high as $200 daily”. “That made a number of natives from
Betong wealthy” 3 , he said. With the money they had, they bought shop houses
in Betong, Spaoh, in Kuching‟s main bazaar and in front of the General Post
Office 4 . During this time, “some of the prime land in Kuching … also
belonged to Betong natives.” 5
In his study of attitudes towards modernisation in three areas in Sarawak
(Paku, Lubok Antu and Kuching), Peter Mulok Kedit (1980) said that Paku
Iban are more „future-oriented‟ than the Ibans from the two areas when 74%
of them put “disagree” as response to the statement „to live for the present‟,
compared to Lubok Antu Iban (40 per cent) and Kuching Iban (68 per cent).
Why Paku Iban are more motivated to a future-orientation than even the
Kuching Iban is very interesting?
1 Betong Division is the eleventh division of Sarawak. The Division was created in 2002. Formerly, it was
part of the old Second Division (later re-named Sri Aman Division) of Sarawak. Betong Division is made
up of two districts: the Betong District (formerly known as the Saribas District) and the Saratok District
(previously known as the Kalaka District).
2 Michael Hardin worked as a Sarawak Administrative Officer (SAO) in Betong as well as in its three subdistricts
of Pusa, Debak and Spaoh from 1956 to 1961. After that he served as the Secretary of the Saribas
District Council until 1963. Before his retirement from the civil service, he had also served as the Resident
of the Miri Division. In recognition for his service to the state civil service, Michael Hardin has also been
bestowed the Datukship by the state government.
3 Quoted from Bato (2003: 5).
4 That General Post Office still stands and is still in use till this day.
5 Quoted from Bato (2003: 5).

This, according to Kedit, could only be “ponder within the whole context of
modernization” (p. 144). In his study, Kedit classifies the Ibans into three
categories: the traditionalist, the intermediary, and the modernist. The Paku
Iban, he said, are of the intermediary and modernist types. In comparison, the
Lubok Antu Iban are of the traditionalist type. Kedit believes the determining
factor in this is not education, nor occupation, or religion (christianity vs Iban
traditional religion), but the environment.
The processes of change that took place among the Paku Iban, especially in
the 1950s, could be attributed to the planting of rubber in Paku in the early
decades of 1900s. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to show how rubber has
influenced entrepreneurial development of the Paku Iban and how this has led
to the adoption of a new culture.
2. Study Area
The study area is called the Paku Ulu area. Paku is made of up of two main
Penghulu jurisdictional areas: Paku Ili (lower Paku) and Paku Ulu (upper
Paku). Paku Ili constitutes of tidal areas and is swampy, while Paku Ulu is the
fresh-water areas and hilly. The soil in Paku Ulu is suitable for rubber planting.
Paku River is a tributary of the Saribas River. Within the Iban community in
Sarawak, Paku is considered to be an old country (menoa lama). It is one of
the areas first occupied by the Ibans in Sarawak. According to Clifford Sather
(1990), the Ibans have settled in the Paku region more than fourteen
generations ago.
Normally, when people talk about the Paku region, they usually refer to the
Paku Ulu area due to its wealth in natural resources compared to Paku Ili.
Paku Ulu is more developed and richer than Paku Ili. For example, Paku Ulu
is accessible by road since 1967 while Paku Ili only in the late 1990s. Even
then not all longhouses in the Paku Ili area are affected. Paku Ulu already has
amenities such as electricity supply and telephone services, while Paku Ili still
does not have these facilities even though it is much closer to Betong and
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Spaoh towns. Our study, therefore, only covers the Paku Ulu 6 area. The study
involves all fourteen longhouses in the Paku Ulu area.
Compared to the Iban longhouses in other parts of Sarawak, the Paku Iban
longhouses are relatively short. For example, of the fourteen longhouses in the
area, only three are longer than twenty „doors‟ (pintu/bilik) 7 . Five of the
longhouses have less than ten „doors‟. The total number of „doors‟ in Paku is
less than 210.
3. Research Methods
The research populations for this study are the heads of households who are
above fifty years old, and must either be born in Paku or have been married to
Paku people for more than fifty years, and are residing in the area at the
material time of the study. As the number of the potential respondents is only
84, the researchers decide to interview all of them. Data are collected by using
questionnaires and by interviewing seven key informants. The questionnaires
were administered face-to-face by an interviewer, an undergraduate student in
Universiti Malaysia Sarawak. The informants were interviewed by the
researcher using an indepth interview technique.
4. Background of Rubber Growing in Sarawak
The first three rubber trees in Sarawak were planted in Kuching in 1881. One
rubber tree was planted in the Anglican Bishop‟s Garden in Kuching, while
the other two were planted in the Garden of the Resident. The seeds for these
rubber trees were imported by the Right Reverend Bishop Hose from the
Botanic Garden in Singapore. The next rubber trees to be planted in Sarawak
were planted five years later in the Coffee Estates on the slope of Mount
Matang 8 . Some rubber trees were also planted along the roads in Kuching but
soils in Matang and Kuching were not suitable for rubber. In 1905, Mr. Moir
6
Kedit‟s study on “the modernization among the Iban of Sarawak” is also conducted in Paku
Ulu area.
7
The length of an Iban longhouse is determined by the number of its ‘pintu’ which literally
means door. One ‘pintu’ or one door actually refers to one family unit/apartment.
8
Matang is located just outside Kuching.
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was given a concession to plant rubber in Lundu Hill 9 , as the soil there was
more suitable (The SG, Vol L, 1920, No. 802: 217) 10 . In the same year, a
rubber plantation was established in Paok, Bau 11 .
Rubber “is a vital British product” to be exported to the United States, which
needed 100,000 tons of rubber a year (The SG, Vol. XLVI, No. 702: 1916:
158). In Sarawak, the government encouraged the establishment of large-scale
rubber plantation. By the 1920s, there were few rubber estates in Sarawak
such as: (a) the Sarawak Rubber Estates Limited, which had 2,526 acres of
mature rubber trees on a capital of £120,000, and produced about 1 million
lbs of rubber in 1924; (b) the Dahan Rubber Estates, which started operation in
1924 with capital of £50,000 and 1159 acres; (c) the Lawas (Sarawak) Rubber
Estates, which had 1,023 acres with capital of £40,000, and up to May, 1923 it
had harvested 22,700 lbs of rubber, and (d) the Sungai Tengah Estate (see The
SG, 1923, Vol. LIII, No. 839 & The SG, 1925, Vol. LV, No. 861). Estate
rubber tappers in Sarawak were mainly Javanese who had been imported from
Java.
In Sarawak, individuals who wanted to grow any crop could apply for land
from the Agriculture Department Office. The popularity of rubber could be
seen from the number of applications for land to grow the crop. In May, 1916,
for example, 267 applications were entered at the Agriculture Department
Office, and of this figure, 247 were for the permission to plant rubber, 6 for
pepper, 1 for gambier, and 13 for coconut. The total number of application for
land from January to May 1916 was 2,014, and most of this was for the
permission to grow rubber (The SG, 1916, Vol. XLVI, No. 699: 125).
The vast majority of the rubber gardens in Sarawak are owned by small
holders. In 1955, for example, 250,000 acres of rubber in Sarawak belonged to
small holders. To help the development of rubber small holding, the
government set up a „Rubber Fund Scholarship‟ to train Sarawakians to
become Small Holders‟ Advisors. “Qualified boys of good character” were
sent to the Agriculture School in Malaya for two-year course and followed by
a short intensive refresher course at the Rubber Research Institute there.
9
Lundu town is about 80 kilometers from Kuching.
10
The SG means the Sarawak Gazette.
11
Bau is about 30 kilometers from Kuching.
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After completing their course, they would work with the Sarawak Small
Holders „Advisory Service‟.
Rubber brings good money to the rubber planter. One rubber planter in 1916
was reported to have earned an average income of about $1,200 per month
from his 6,000 rubber trees (The SG, 1916, Vol. XLVI, No.699: 123). He
changed to rubber planting after he had failed with other crops such as
coconuts, bananas, pineapples and durians.
5. History of Rubber Planting in Paku
It is difficult to ascertain the exact date as to when the Iban first started
planting rubber. But by 1927, the Iban already had matured rubber trees. For
example, in his report on his trip to Sebuyau, Lingga, Bakong, Simanggang,
Betong, Spaoh and Pusa 12 in 1927, R. W. Hurst, the Assistant Superintendent
of Rubber Export wrote that “some Dayaks at Betong owned smoke houses”
(The SG, 1927: Vol. LVII, No. 883: 120). G. M. Hillman, the Superintendent
of Rubber Export, in his trip to Bakong (Miri Division) found that Dayaks
there “smoked (sic) rubber in the dapur as no proper curing place was done” .
The earliest official information on rubber planting in Paku could only be
obtained from the green card „Order No. L-2 (Land) 1931‟ on land ownership,
which was issued in early 1930s. Written on the card was the occupation ticket
number, the district where the land was situated, the name of the land owner,
the locality of the land, the date of issuance of the card, and the nature of crop,
which in this case, was rubber. However, from the information obtained from
the informants, the first rubber tree was probably planted in Paku in 1909.
“We were already tapping rubber by the 1920s”, said one of them. “Our
rubber trees were already matured by early 1920s”, said another.
Paku Iban first knew about rubber when some of them went to Malaya in early
1900s in search of menial jobs. Among those who went to Malaya to look for
jobs included my great grandfather, Mr. Bye Ak Kadam, Mr. Luta, and Mr.
Lumpu. While in Malaya they learned about the rubber tree, and when they
12
Sebuyau, Lingga and Simanggang are in Sri Aman Division. Betong, Spaoh and Pusa are in
Saribas District while Bakong is in Miri Division. Spaoh town is situated in Paku river.
5

eturned to Sarawak, they brought some rubber seeds with them. But most of
the rubber seeds they brought home were bought in Kuching. The rubber seeds
were sold for $2 for a box of 200. Later, many Paku Iban made trips to
Kuching to buy rubber seeds.
For those who could not afford the trip to Kuching, they obtained their rubber
seeds from relatives and friends who already had mature rubber trees. Some
Paku Iban also obtained the rubber seeds by collecting them from the rubber
gardens of those who already had mature rubber trees, in exchange for labour
such as helping the owner to tap or helping them out in their padi farms. Some
Paku Iban also obtained their rubber seeds by unscrupulous means like
stealing them from the rubber estates where they worked. They had asked for
jobs in the estates for the sole purpose of trying to obtain rubber seeds.
6. Results
6.1. General Demographics of the Study Population
Of the eighty-four respondents, 48 are males and 36 are females. Forty-two or
50% of them belong to the 71 years old and above age group, 11 (13%) belong
to the 66-70 age group, 12 (14%) to the 61-65 age group, 9 (11%) to the 56-60
age group, and 10 (12%) to the 51-55 years age group. In terms of occupation,
36 or 43% of them put „pepper gardener‟ as their main occupation, 8 (10%)
put „pensioner‟, 5 (6%) put „rubber tapper‟, 5 (6%) put „as SALCRA estate
worker‟, 1 (1%) put „self-employed‟, while the other 29 (35%) put „others‟ as
their main occupation.
6.2. Indicators of Success
As indicators of success in the entrepreneurial development of the community,
several aspects of physical wealth were studied. Among the key indicators
used in this study were the community‟s ability to own shop houses, generate
their own electricity using generators, operate rice mills, purchase and own
essential hardware. Other than ownership of these physical goods, the study
also looked at their adoption of western and modern dressings and lifestyle.
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6.2.1. Community Based Wealth
The rubber boom during the period of 1930-1960 was a blessing for the Paku
Iban. Community strength was closely linked to economic well-being.
Separate longhouses or communities built their wealth and managed their
resources separately. Community success was largely measured in terms of
common material properties and other acquired resources. About 10% of the
respondents were already enjoying electricity in the 1950s as their longhouse
had an electric generator. Some 79% of the respondents also said that their
longhouses had at least one rice mill. Ownership of these items was an
expression of elevated standard of living, especially in rural areas where basic
road access was absent. For community welfare and security, they needed
savings. As a result of improved socio-economic standing, they were able to
save communally, a system strongly supported and enforced by the traditional
“adapt” practices. Some 52% of the respondents said they had communal
funds set aside for that purpose.
The Iban community traditionally raised pigs and chicken for meat and partly
as animals of offerings for use during gawai ceremonies, rituals and other
celebrations. During the boom period, however, another symbol of success
and economic power manifested. The Paku Iban were found to show interest
in raising larger animals. Cattle, for example, was a common sight in the area.
Data from the survey showed that 97% of the sampled households had cattle.
It was among the Paku Iban that the practice of sacrificing cattle during
weddings started in the Sri Aman Division (formerly Second Division).
6.2.2. Economic Independence
The rubber boom period was a blessing for the more business inclined Iban in
the area. It was a practice that as an Iban longhouse‟s prosper, it would
naturally be in the position to control their own economic and business
environment. Traditionally, a Chinese business man would operate a shop
even in an Iban community. During the 1930-60 period, however, 64% of the
respondents said that they had established their own cooperative shop. On a
personal basis, villagers were found to have savings accounts with the post
office banks. For, example, in the 1930s, a total of 23% of the respondent‟s
households had bank accounts. In the 1940s, this figure was 17%, while in the
1950s, it was 27%. The more enterprising of them started to operate village
7

shops. About 43% of them said that there was at least one village shop in their
longhouse in 1950s and 1960s. Eleven percent said they had two village shops,
and 7% said that their longhouse had three village shops. The more wealthy
Paku Iban even had the money to lend to the Chinese traders in Spaoh and
Betong.
The more affluent farmers were also able to buy and own wholly or in parts
shop houses in Spaoh, Betong, Debak and Kuching. Some 33% of the
respondents owned one shop house in Spaoh, 19% owned one shop house in
Betong, 7% owned one shop house in Debak, and 8% owned one shop house
in Kuching. Some Paku Iban were owning two or more shop houses. About
6% of them said that they had two shop houses in Spaoh. About 6% also said
that they had two shop houses in Kuching. Another 5% respectively said that
they had two shop houses in Spaoh, and two shop houses in Debak. And about
2% of the respondents said that they owned three shop houses in Kuching.
In Spaoh, of the initial 32 shop houses there, 12 (33.3%) were owned wholly
by the Iban from Paku, 16 (44.4%) by the Chinese, and 4 (11.1%) by the
Malay. From the information obtained from one of the informants, one Paku
Iban farmer was reported to have bought one shop house in Kuching in the
1950s for $22,000.00. His nephew, who also owned shop houses, was running
a transportation business in the 1920s, transporting passengers and goods
between Spaoh and Kuching.
This largely rural and humble community living in the Iban heartland of
Betong Division was shaken by the sudden emergence of opportunity and
economic boom which became the admiration of other ethnic communities in
the area and by the other Iban communities in other parts of Sarawak. There
were obvious changes in the farming landscape, especially with respect to the
maintenance of their rubber farms. Due to favorable prices at that time some
sampled families (18%) had more than five plots of rubber small holdings,
while the majority (32 %) had at least three holdings. With the increased
number of rubber holdings there was a need for more labour. That period
(1930s –1960s) was also a period where the Paku Iban had to “import” labour
from the other communities, in particular the neighboring Malay communities
and other Iban communities in other river systems. In the 1950s, for example,
99% of the respondents said they had hired rubber tappers. Some 42% of the
Paku Iban households during this period had more than five hired rubber
8

tappers, 13% had five hired rubber tappers, 20% had four, 6% had three, 7%
had two, and 1% had one hired rubber tapper.
The ethnicity of the hired rubber tappers also changed over the four decades.
At first, the majority of the hired rubber tappers were the Bidayuh. In the
1930s, some 35% of the respondents had Bidayuh hired rubber tappers. This
figure declined to 5% in the 1940s, to 7% in the 1950s, and by the 1960s, Paku
Iban had no more Bidayuh hired labourers.
Conversely, the percentage of the respondents who had Iban, Malay and
Chinese 13 hired rubber tappers increased between 1930s and 1950s. For
example in the 1930s, only 12 % of the respondents had Iban hired rubber
tappers. This figure increased to 27% by the 1940s and to 57% by the 1950s.
Similarly, the figure for the Malay also increased correspondingly over the
same period. In the 1930s, only 24% of the respondents had Malay hired
rubber tappers. By the 1940s, this figure had increased to 44% and to 72% by
the 1950s. The figure for the Chinese also increased substantially over the
same period. In the 1930s, only 10% of the respondents had Chinese rubber
tappers. By the 1940s, 24% of them had Chinese hired rubber tappers, and by
the 1950s, this figure increased to 48%.
By the 1960s, even though the price of rubber had dropped drastically, Paku
Iban rubber gardens remained the main source of income for many hired
rubber tappers. However, the percentage of the respondents who had hired
rubber tappers fell slightly from the previous decade. For example, the
percentage of the respondents who had Malay rubber tappers dropped to 56%
from 73% in the 1950s, while the percentage for the Iban dropped to 43%
from 57%. The figure for the Chinese dropped the most, from 48% to 26%.
6.2.3 Household Material Wealth
As indicator of improved economic well being and standard of living the
boom period saw a very fast change in the expectation of the community.
There was a gradual acquisition of material items that were considered
13
The Iban hired rubber tappers were mostly from Lubok Antu and from the Rejang basin. The
Malays were from Malay villages in Spaoh, The Chinese had come from Kuching, while some
had come from Indonesia. The Bidayuh were from the First Division of Sarawak.
9

expensive and unaffordable by the rural people at that time. A very high
percentage of households purchased and owned household material wealth
such as sewing machine, outboard engine, dressing table, and wall clock (see
Table 1 in the next page).
Most of these household items were bought in Spoah. However, some of those
items were bought in Kuching or were ordered from Kuching. About 5% of
the respondents, for instance, bought their outboard engines in Kuching, while
some 27% of them had ordered these outboard engines from Kuching. Some
respondents had also ordered their wardrobe (23%), dressing table (21%),
sewing machine (19%), wall clock (12%), brass iron (8%), and cupboard (4%)
from Kuching.
Table 1
Frequency and percentages of households (respondents)
by ownership of household items or material wealth
by 1950s and early 1960s
Items No. of households
(respondents)
Percentage
Wardrobe 71 84.5
Sewing machine 67 79.8
Dressing table 56 66.7
Outboard engine (boat) 57 67.9
Wall clock 53 63.1
Brass iron 50 59.5
Belian table 43 51.2
Wooden bed 24 28.6
Cupboard 17 20.2
Marble table 10 11.9
Brass bed 8 9.5
6.2.4. Adoption of Western and Modern Culture
Other than the gradual adoption and accumulation of household material
wealth it was also a period of transition to modern or Western cultures. This
was evident with the seemingly popular habit of purchasing of expensive and
luxury personal items. Although the introduction of Western attire such as
10

leather shoes, watches, custom-made trousers, long sleeves shirts, over coats
and ties were prevalent in the 1950s and early 1960s, the Paku Iban had been
adopting these cultures as early as the 1920s. Some 39% of the respondents
said that their family first started to wear coats and ties during the Gawai
festivals in 1920s. By the 1930s, some 71% of them said that their families
already had custom-made trousers, and by the 1950s, only one of them said
that they never had custom-made trousers. By the 1950s also, 93% of the
respondents had leather shoes and 89% of them also had watches. In the 1950s
also, one Paku man, in particular, had four coats.
Evidence of change in lifestyle among the Paku Iban during this time is also
indicated by the ownership of tables and beds. Traditionally, the Iban eat and
sleep on the floor of the common living room, the bilik. They also sat down on
the floors while entertaining their guests in the ruai (common hall in the
longhouse) or in the bilik. Some Paku Iban, however, adopted a new culture of
eating, sleeping or entertaining their guests during this time. Some of them
were now eating and/or entertaining their guests on the table, and sleeping on
the beds.
This coincided well with the improved purchasing power they possessed
during the boom period. Kitchen wares were found to be changing from the
traditional local utensils to those from China. Chinese ceramic wares, fork and
spoons were already a standard dining feature among the Paku Iban in the
1940s. The use of carpets in their living rooms during festival times, however,
started slightly later, that was in the late 1950s.
By the 1940s and 1950s, the Paku Iban already had a very fine dining and
drinking culture. In the olden days, they did not have access to modern
beverages because of their low purchasing power. In most parts of rural
Sarawak, liquors, spirits and beer were seldom heard of. The Iban served
locally brewed rice wine called tuak. This was not the case for the Paku Iban
of the 1940s and 1950s. Even at that material time they were already having
access (able to afford) to those items. It was seen that spirits (including
brandy and whisky) were already available and served to their guests during
the gawai festivals, wedding ceremonies and funeral vigils.
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7. Discussion
The Paku Iban were relatively better than many Iban settlements in Sarawak.
Several factors may account for this. First, is the Paku culture. In comparison
to many other Iban in many other Iban settlements, the Paku Iban always do
things formally. They respect each other, and help each other in times of need.
Their daily life and their relationship with other people are governed by
traditions and customs which they uphold earnestly. Respect for the traditions,
customs, and for the elders is paramount, and every man, woman, and child
knows their role and place in the Paku longhouse setting, and in the Paku
society in general. This has helped the community to grow. Second, they were
amongst the first Iban to go to school. The establishment of the St.
Augustine‟s school in Betong in early 1900s provided them the opportunities
to know about the world, and they quickly learned from this experience to
improve themselves.
8. Conclusion
In this paper, I discussed how the Paku Iban obtained their rubber trees, and
how they have benefited from planting them. I also have discussed the
background of rubber planting in Sarawak.
Rubber has made the Paku Iban more enterprising and open to new ways of
doing things. They have become more modern in outlook and style. Peter
Mulok Kedit confirms this new approach in lifestyle among the Paku Iban in
his study of the modernisation of the Iban which involved the Paku Iban.
With the money they obtained from rubber, Paku Iban bought properties such
as shop houses, not only in their own home town, Spaoh, but also in Betong
town, in Debak town, and even in Kuching. They started to adopt Western
style of dressing like by wearing coats and ties, and custom-made trousers
during Gawai festivals and weddings. With their increasing wealth, they also
started to buy modern household items such as kitchen wares, spoon and folks,
wardrobes, irons, clocks, watches, beds, and so on. To increase their mobility,
they bought outboard engines as the only means of transport in Paku at that
time was by river. To ensure that they would have a much safer future, some
of them put their money in the (post office) bank.
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Communally, they became more community-oriented and more conscious of
the need to work together to progress. Most Paku Iban longhouses during this
time established their own cooperative. Through this cooperative, they started
to buy communally owned assets such as cattles (which are not traditional
animals raised by the Ibans) and rice mills. Cattles are useful not only for their
meat, but are also useful in helping to ensure that the grasses around the
longhouses are short. Rice mills helped them by quickening the processes of
husking padi, and so lightened their tasks. In other words, the Paku Iban
enjoyed their life because they planted rubber, and this is an indication of their
enterprising spirit and willingness to change.
13

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