OF SOUKHUAN AND LAOS Elena Gregoria Chai Chin Fern Faculty ...

OF SOUKHUAN AND LAOS 

Elena Gregoria Chai Chin Fern 

Faculty of Social Sciences 

UNIVERSITI MALAYSIA SARAWAK 

Introduction 

Modern societies need ritual elaborations as much as they need science (Ernest 

Gellner; 1992:91). As Gellner puts it, “ritual now mirrors, not the real situation, but 

the past or fictitious distribution of social power in Laos”. The soukhuan is the most 

ubiquitous of all occasions and celebrations, according to a Lao scholar, Phoumirath 

(2002) in his paper titled Laoness Performed: Rituals, Memory and Identity In Laos 

Wedding. Phoumirath wrote that the soukhuan ceremony is an integral part of the Lao 

village life. It can be compared to the Javanese slametan that Clifford Geertz 

(1960:95) called a `core ritual’ which acts as “….. a kind of social universal joint, 

fitting the various aspects of social life and individual experience together in a way 

which minimizes uncertainty, tension, and conflict - or at least it is supposed to do so”. 

Like slametan, the Lao soukhuan can be held for various ceremonies such as farewell, 

welcoming someone, birth of a baby, house warming, job promotions, harvesting 

season, acquisition of a new car, and during a marriage ceremony. The soukhuan is 

also performed for special people such as foreign guests or ambassadors, and during 

special events such as the New Year and at formal receptions. 

The practices of traditional beliefs is part and parcel of the daily lives of Lao. 

Although they have begun to embrace the modern world, the government of Laos has 

reinstated many traditional practices and ceremonies into mainstream society. One of 

them is soukhuan, which literally means ‘the calling of souls’ which has been 

incorporated into various local and national events. It has even come to a point where 

it is considered a part of national identity. Nevertheless, the perception that links 

soukhuan to animistic beliefs will prevail in the minds of many people. Although the 

term ‘animism’ is contentious among scholars, it is my personal belief that soukhuan 

can be defined as an animistic belief as it concerns the indiscernible world dealing 

with human souls. 

The soukhuan, known also as baci ceremony, according to Phoumirath, is one 

tradition that best characterizes the Lao identity. He added, “although this custom is 

not unique to the Lao, it has been said that it is a Lao ceremony `par excellence’. 

Attempts have been made to raise the ceremony to the level of national identity for the 

Lao” (2002:1). Ruth-Inge Heinze in her book entitled Tham Khuan (1982:98) wrote, 

“The idea of khuan cuts across Western categories of `psychological’ and `spiritual’. 

The khuan concept does `objectify’ certain psychological features, most specifically 

the `psychological balance’ or equilibrium of the individual, but it also `spiritualizes’ 

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those characteristics as well”. Once regarded as an ancient and customary ceremony 

only believed and performed by villagers, soukhuan has now been honoured as a 

national ceremony. The government’s propaganda that recognizes soukhuan as a Lao 

bohan or Lao tradition appears to be successful. 

The concept of animism 

In Laos, the basis of most traditional religious beliefs revolved around animism. 

Heinze (1982:116) explained the concepts of animism in detail and according to her, 

can be interpreted in many ways. Heinze noted that the concept of animism has been 

wrongly used as a blanket term to simplify very elaborate indigenous beliefs in 

developing countries. Weber (1961:4), approaching the subject of souls from a 

sociological angle, noted, “These spirits or soul may ‘dwell’ more or less continuously 

and exclusively near or within a concrete object or process. But on the other hand, 

they may somehow ’possess’ types of events, thing or categories, the behavior and 

efficacy of which they will determine. These and similar views are animistic. The 

spirits may temporarily incorporate themselves into things, plants, animals, or people; 

this is a further stage of abstraction, which is scarcely ever maintained consistently, 

spirits may be regarded as invisible essences that follow their own laws, and are 

merely ‘symbolized by’ concrete objects.” 

Webster’s Third New International Dictionary (1971) defines animism as: 1) a 

doctrine according to which the immaterial soul is the vital principle for every organic 

development; and 2) attribution of conscious life and a discrete indwelling spirit to 

every material form of reality often including belief in the continued existence of 

individual disembodied spirits capable of exercising a benignant of malignant 

influence. In the Webster’s 1967 dictionary, there is an additional definition of 

animism aside from the above. It is also defined as a belief in the existence of spirits 

separable from bodies, such as in Christianity. 

In Hasting’s (1921:525) opinion, “in the language of philosophy, animism is the 

doctrine which places the source of mental and even physical life in an energy 

independent of or at least distinct from the body”. From the point of view of the 

history of religions, animism is taken in a wider sense to denote the belief in the 

existence of spiritual beings, some attached to bodies of which they constitute a real 

personality (souls), others without necessary connection with a determinate body 

(spirits). 

The anthropological interpretation of animism is based on Tylor (1958:10-11), which 

states that “Animism is, in fact, the groundwork of the Philosophy of Religion… the 

theory of animism divides into two great dogmas, forming parts of one consistent 

doctrine: 1) concerning souls of individual creatures, capable of continued existence 

after the death or destruction of the body; and 2) concerning other spirits, upward to 

the rank of powerful deities.” 

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Spiritual beings are held to affect or control the events of the material world, and 

man’s life here and after. It is also believed that they hold intercourse with men, and 

receive pleasure or displeasure from human actions. The belief in their existence lead 

naturally sooner or later to active reverence and propitiation. Thus animism in its full 

development, includes the belief in souls and in a future state, in controlling deities 

and subordinate spirits. 

Malinowski added that “the real nucleus of animism lies in the deepest emotional fact 

of human nature, the desire of life” (1948:81). This, Heinze said, goes back to 

psychology and she specially referred to Freud’s thought (1938) as follows, “Human 

beings have souls which can leave their habitation and enter into other beings; these 

souls are the bearers of spiritual activities and are, to a certain extent, independent of 

the ‘bodies’. Originally, souls were thought of as being very similar to individuals; 

only in the course of a long evolution did they lose their material character and 

attained a high degree of ‘spiritualization’ (1938:866). Animism is a system of 

thought which gives an explanation of a single phenomenon, but makes it possible to 

comprehend the totality of the world, as a continuity. It is said that in the course of 

time, three such systems of thoughts came into being; the animistic (mythological), the 

religious, and the scientific. 

The soukhuan is largely in connection with the human soul, often affecting one’s well 

being and health. The accounts of events observed in this research has a strong 

resemblance to the ideas of animism as described above. The animistic and religious 

beliefs of the people practicing soukhuan are widely discussed here, very often 

without a clear scientific explanation of why such event is performed or held. 

Heinze noted that animism is the first conception of the world which man succeeded 

in evolving and was therefore psychological. It did not require any science to establish 

it, for science sets in only after we have realized that we do not know the world and 

that we must therefore seek means of getting to know it. Animism was natural and 

self-evident. We are therefore prepared to find that primitive man has transferred the 

structural relations of his own psyche to the outer world. On the other hand, we may 

make attempts to transfer back to the human soul, what animism teaches about the 

nature of things (1938:867, 877-78). Heinze provided a coherent definition of 

animism, which can be understood in the context of soukhuan. Nevertheless, in the 

following discussions, the soukhuan is portrayed as an identity bearer. Rather than 

analyzing in detail the true relevancy of animistic definitions as described above with 

the subsequent accounts of event, I will discuss soukhuan in the context of Laos 

nationality. 

A brief history of religious practices in Laos 

Animism with ancestor-worship is the traditional belief of the Laos people. It formed 

the first layer of Laos religion. When Buddhism spread from Sri Lanka to Laos in the 

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13th century, the Lao Loum adopted it as their national religion under the strong 

patronage of King Fa Ngum. The Lao Loum is the dominant group which is made up 

of a few ethnic groups residing in the Mekong valley. The Lao also inherited some 

Hinduism through the influence of Cambodians, who were very devout Hindus 

themselves. 

King Fa Ngum was believed to be the founder of the Lao Kingdom in 1353. He was 

brought up in a Cambodian court and was married to a Cambodian princess. Thus, the 

strong influence of Cambodian or Khmer civilization in old Lao or Lang Xang 

Kingdom is evident. When the Lao Loum adopted Buddhism in the 13 th century, preexisting 

cults and beliefs were modified and incorporated into Buddhism. Phya 

Anuman Rajadhon (1962) was one of the leading scholars to have spotted such 

syncretism. 

Another leading scholar on religion in Laos, Marcel Zago (1972) mentioned, 

“animism and Buddhism form a structural religious unity and appear as two 

components or subsystems of the unique religion of Laos” (1972:380). However, he 

also mentioned that the functions of animism and Buddhism are different. He noted 

that, “With regard to animism, the Lao searches for well-being and terrestrial 

protection, while the shift to Buddhism is in response to essential problems of life, a 

way of extra-temporal salvation” (1972:380). 

Martin Stuart-Fox (1982) explained further, “It can be said that in Laos, obeisance to 

the spirit world, to a degree unsurpassed in other Southeast Asian Theravadin 

Buddhist societies, does not conflict with the adept’s private spiritual quest for the 

accumulation of merit” (1982:64). 

In the soukhuan ceremony, there can be Buddhism, Hinduism and animistic elements 

incorporated into one ceremony and it can be difficult to single out the different 

religious elements. In a seminar on Buddhism and Civilization held on 11 December 

2001 (Vientiane Times, 11-14 Dec 2001), the director of Ong Teu’s Buddhist 

University in Vieng Chan, Abbot Boukham Saribouth said, “Buddhism originally 

entered Laos twice but could not win over the Brahmin and animism, which were the 

original beliefs of local people. The first arrival of Buddhism in Laos was more than 

2000 years ago during the time of the landlords. This was a time of strength and unity 

in original beliefs. Buddhism was easily swallowed by the two older beliefs of 

Brahminism and animism. In the 14th century, King Fa Ngum united an area covering 

much of modern Laos and adopted Buddhism as the official religion. This was the 

emergence of a great movement among Lao people to replace Brahmanism and 

animism which were still buried deeply in the hearts of many communities. However, 

only the kings and landlords practised Buddhism for their own interest. The people 

were discouraged from practicing it. Thus the spread of Buddhism was interrupted and 

the belief in the other two older beliefs returned. Today, Lao people integrated 

Buddhism in their older beliefs and through centuries, such integrated beliefs has 

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ecome a dominant aspect of their multifaceted spirituality,” (Vientiane Times, 11-14 

Dec 2001). 

The Ong Teu’s Buddhist University is the only university in Laos emphasizing on 

Buddhist teachings. Undeniably, we could comprehend from Abbot Boukham 

Saribouth’s remark above, that it is a widely accepted view that animism and other 

beliefs predated Buddhism in the beginning of the Lao kingdom. It has since coexisted 

and there is to some extent an amalgamation of these beliefs which makes it 

impossible to differentiate between animism, Brahmism and Buddhism. 

One example of such practice is the structure of Phasat Pheung, made from banana 

trunk and decorated with bee-wax flowers that resembled the palace in heaven, which 

was used in a procession in Wat Si Meuang, Vientiane (Elena Chai, 2000). Wat Si 

Meung is a temple named after the guardian spirit of the city, Nya Mae Si Meuang 

(Lady Si Meuang). Legends were told that when King Setthatirath moved his 

kingdom from the old capital of Luang Prabang to the present capital of Vientiane in 

the 16 th century, a pillar known as Lak Muong or the Guardian Pillar had to be erected 

to protect the city. When a hole for the pillar was finally dug, the Chao Muong 

(headman) announced that a voluntary sacrifice had to be made to protect the city 

from any harm. Upon hearing this, a pregnant young lady jumped into the hole and 

was soon followed by a bolt of lightning and the hole became filled. After this, the 

pillar was erected. Other version of this legendary event mentioned the existence of 

supernatural beings which forced the lady into the hole where she was buried alive. 

Today, the pillar stands right next to the main praying chamber of the monks at Wat Si 

Meuang. Before entering the chamber to pray, Buddhist laity will pay homage to the 

guardian spirit of the city. Human sacrifice is quite a common practice of many 

societies in olden days in order to appease the guardian spirit(s). The belief in the 

presence of a guardian spirit of the city which is, closely associated with a Buddhist 

temple on the same site, is an example of how animism and Buddhism co-exist in 

Lao. 

The impact of communism on religious practices in Laos 

The current ruler of Laos is the communist government of Laos People Democratic 

Republic. When the Pathet Lao communist government took over from the Royal Lao 

Government in December 1975, King Savang Vatthana, who was the ruler and 

protector of Buddhism then, was forced to abdicate. The existing Buddhist sangha (the 

order of the monks) in Laos was reorganized and named as the United Buddhist 

Association. This Buddhist association was subordinated to the Pathet Lao’s National 

Front Organization. 

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The new government announced that, “every Lao citizen is allowed to practise any 

religion he wishes. He also has the right not to practise any religion” (Evans, 

1998:57). 

In other words, when the communist took over, Buddhism was no longer the state 

religion of Laos. Alms giving such as offering food for the monks was banned. Monks 

were forced to cultivate land and raise animals, acts which totally violated their 

monastic vows. 

During this period, the Pathet Lao tried to eliminate all superstitious beliefs in spirits 

and thevadas (divine angels, benevolent in nature and living in heaven). The soukhuan 

ceremony was also suppressed. It was considered as a backward superstitious belief 

and a waste of time and money. Nevertheless, many elderly people in Paksan (a 

district in central Laos where this research was conducted) remarked that the Lao 

people had continued to hold such ceremonies. Officials and members of the Pathet 

Lao were definitely discouraged from holding such ceremonies. 

Marie-Nele Sicard (1981) wrote about the view of a few Pathet Lao members during 

the marriage of two party officials in 1977. “We entered into a bare room, on a kind of 

altar covered with a white sheet was the flag of the new popular democratic republic, 

no phak(h)uan for the baci (or soukhuan) or flowers; and above were the portraits of 

the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister. The chief of the locality lectured 

those present on the requirements of a good citizen under the new regime, and 

encouraged the young couple to put all their effort into helping the people. We all 

applauded, shook their hands, as in the West and left. Everything had been said, 

without embellishments, and with no wasted gestures” (Sicard 1981:48). 

In 1988, Grant Evans described how in the early 1980s most villages and suburbs of 

Vieng Chan carried out the soukhuan ceremony. Even communist officials started to 

participate openly in the ceremonies. 

Evans wrote, “The main noticeable political influence on these ceremonies was some 

toning down in the blessings which formerly called for the couple to get rich or 

powerful, and at the end, the officiant (Mor Phon) called on the couple to be good 

socialist citizens and to work hard for the development of the country.” In my 

research here on the soukhuan of marriage in modern Laos, the advice to the newly 

weds to be good and hard working socialist citizen, as described by Evans above was 

absent. Instead the text showed how the elder (Mor Phon) summoned the young 

couple’s khuan to be prosperous and rich. This indicates a change in peoples’ 

perception which is, a far cry from the communism era. Furthermore, the reforms 

directed by Pathet Lao on Buddhism has resulted in a shift in the religious faith in 

Laos. 

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The khuan 

The belief in khuan has long been a strong element in Lao culture. The word ‘Lao’ 

used in this text describes the people of the Lao Loum group. The Lao still retain what 

most people consider as a pre-Buddhist belief in khuan or soul. Written material on 

this is very limited as books and were burnt during the Revolution of 1975 (pers. 

comm., Bounmihang [Lao National University]). 

The Lao people originated from southern China. Phya Anuman Rajadhon (1968) 

linked the word khuan with the Chinese (hwun). The concept of hwun is similar to 

those of khuan. For instance, in both cases, the absence of hwun will make one 

vulnerable to sickness and misfortune. In order to call one’s lost hwun, a (Chao 

Hwun) ceremony is performed. For thousands of years, calling the soul back to the 

body has been a custom in China (Terwiel,1978:13). Ch’un Yuan wrote a poem 

sometime in the early third century B.C. called Chao hun or “summons of the soul” 

(Hawkes,1959:100). It is evident that the ritual is still performed now (Terwiel, ibid). 

Chao Hun was used in ancient China to call the wandering soul of a sick man back to 

his body and also to summon the souls of the dead (Terwiel, ibid). When a baby is 

sick, a mother “hastens up to the roof of her house and, waving about a bamboo pole 

to which is affixed a garment belonging to the little one, exclaims several times in 

succession: 

“My child …. (child’s name), come back, return home! In the interim, another inmate 

of the house beats a gong loudly to arouse the attention of the soul. After a while, the 

vital spirits are expected to recognize the garment and slip into it; and so, along with 

it, they are taken back to the sufferer and placed either upon or at the side of his bed” 

(De Groot, 1892:243). 

This Chao Hwun ceremony for the sick child is similar to the Wankhuan ceremony 

performed by an elderly woman for her grandchildren as described in the following 

section. Although the paraphernalia of the ceremony is different in both cases, there is 

a similarity between the Chinese and the Lao practices. The Chinese perform the soul 

calling with the child’s garment while beating a gong, where as the Lao uses a fishing 

cage and a piece of smoldering wood. Both are used to call the return of the lost soul. 

The Lao ritual is a close resemblance to the Chinese one. 

The word ‘khuan’ means ‘soul’. Clearly, any researcher who is keen in Lao culture 

could not help but be fascinated at how the social and religious belief of the Lao and 

their outlook on health and happiness are governed by the belief of khuan. Such belief 

is not restricted to the Lao; the Thai, the Burmese and other Tai-Lao speaking 

minorities occupying the Mekong Delta region also hold such belief. In fact, this 

belief could be traced to other races in Southeast Asia as well, for example, the Iban, 

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Dayak, and Berawan of Borneo Island, the Toba-Batak in the Malay Peninsula and the 

peoples of Melanesia. 

In an interesting article by Peter Metcalf (The Borneo Journey into Death, 1991), it is 

shown that the Berawan’s notion of soul is different from that of the English version. 

The Englishman does not normally think of the soul as divisible from the body in life. 

“The soul may be damaged, diminished or ‘blackened’ by evil acts, but it does not 

wander about independently. The Berawan ‘telanak’ (soul) does.” It is a widespread 

belief amongst Southeast Asian ethnic groups that a soul can travel or move about in 

and out of the body independently. 

The 32 khuan 

Among the Lao Loum, the khuan (or soul) has a plurarity of 32 with each residing and 

guarding a part of the body. Many researchers have tried to specify, among the Lao 

and the Tai speaking people, all the 32 parts of body where the khuan is alleged to stay 

but none has agreed on a common list. Many assumed the number 32 is due to the 

influence of Buddhist teaching where there are 32 enumerated integral parts of a 

human body. Some said that it derives from the 32 marks on Siddartha Gautama’s 

body. In Lafont’s article (1953) on the Tai group in central upland of Mekong Delta 

region, he tried to give an enumeration of all the 32 khuan of a person, namely the 

khuan of the skull, forehead, eyes, mouth, nose, ears, neck, heart, lungs and liver, 

intestines, stomach, shoulders, shoulderblades (sic), bladder, belly, armpits, breasts, 

sides, waist, buttocks, hips, the swallow-khuan (which constitutes the capacity to 

sustain long walks), the dragon-khuan (which means one’s courage and power), 

thighs, knees, soles of feet, arms, hands, ankles, wrists, toes, fingers and elbows. 

My findings about the 32 khuan are very different from the one given by Lafont. The 

abbot of Tong Tom temple in Chanthabuli district of Vieng Chan gave a full 

description of where all the khuan are residing. The khuan or what he called as 

duangkit in Pali language is to be found on human body, from the foot to the top 

(head); from the hair (head hair) to the bottom and the inner part of the human body to 

the outside surface of the skin. The 32 khuan are namely; 

1) pom tang lai - head hair 

2) kon - hair of hands, legs, etc 

3) lep - nails 

4) kaew - teeth 

5) nang - skin 

6) sin - flesh 

7) aen - tendon 

8) kadu - bone 

9) neaw nai kadu - bone membrane 

10) mam - spleen 

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11) hua chai - heart 

12) tap - liver 

13) pang phet - undefined 

14) tai - viscera 

15) pot - lungs 

16) sai nyai - big bowel 

17) sai lat sai - small bowel 

18) ahan mai - new food 

19) ahan kow - old food 

20) nam dir - bile 

21) nam salek - mucus (from throat) 

22) nam lieng - blood plasma 

23) nam like - blood 

24) nam heai - sweat 

25) nam man kon - marsh water 

26) nam tar - tear drop 

27) nam man liew - fatty oil 

28) nam lai - saliva 

29) nam mu - nasal mucus 

30) nam man kai kor - fluids in joints 

31) nam mut - sperm 

32) nyer nai samua hua - brain membrane 

It is obvious that all these 32 khuan are mostly the integral part of the body system as 

described by the Buddhist teaching of the number of enumerated integral parts of the 

body, thus representing the influence of the Buddhist teaching, even though there is no 

Buddhist doctrinal concept of soul. The beliefs in khuan and close association of 

soukhuan to Buddhism has been demonstrated by the strong influence of the latter. 

Nevertheless, it is generally believed that 20 of the khuan are inherited from the father 

and the remaining 12 from the mother. 

Significance of khuan 

The absence of any single khuan is thought to result in a fragile health or can expose 

one to undesirable effects. The soukhuan ceremony is performed to reclaim the lost 

khuan back into the body of the patient or the candidate of the ceremony. It is 

understood that the absence of certain khuan will result in ill effects, but there are 

instances where one possesses more than the normal number of khuan. The Tai Nua 

and Tai Lu of central Mekong River believed if the number of khuan exceeded 32, 

then one is equally exposed to ill health or ill fate, according to Seidenfaden’s study 

(1958). 

However, to the Lao, a person with special abilities such as those who are able to 

release their soul out of the body intentionally during a meditation, have more khuan 

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than the usual number. Effort has been made to find out from the Tom Tong temple’s 

abbot on the number of khuan of someone who can foretell the future, but it could not 

be confirmed if people of this ability has more or lesser khuan. 

Nya Tham Somphone, the abbot remarked that palm reading or fortune telling is 

derived from Brahmanism but has seeped into Buddhism. Before Siddartha Goutama 

reached his Enlightenment, he studied Brahmanism for a period of six years and could 

not gain Enlightenment from the teaching of Brahmanism. He then revised 

Brahmanism and today’s Buddhism is in many ways, a revolutionary religion 

(Thomas 1951:3). 

What Nya Tham Somphone intended to say was probably Brahmanism predated 

Buddhism and influenced Buddhism. In the case of people who are physically 

handicapped, it is believed that they were born without the complete number of 32 

khuan. In my personal experience, I have not encountered any soukhuan ceremony 

held for a handicapped recipient. 

Whilst there have been much discussion on the belief of khuan among the people of 

the Mekong Delta region, there is still a lack of implicit translation of the concept of 

khuan. Wales (1931) called it a guardian spirit in the head, who easily takes offence 

with disastrous effects for the welfare of the individual. Phya Anuman Rajadhon 

(1962:119-164) called the khuan an abstantial thing which is supposed to reside in the 

physical body of a person. On the other hand, B.J. Terwiel (1975) regarded it as ‘ego’, 

‘soul’, ‘morale’, ‘grace’ and ‘prosperity’. 

From my own research, there are actually two types of khuan. One is at the crown of 

the head called Chom Khuan, whereby the khuan exit and return into the body. For 

almost all inhabitants in Laos, the head is considered the most sacred and respected 

part of a person’s body. Stroking or touching a person’s head is considered an 

offensive act. It is said that a man with two Chom khuan is destined to have two 

wives in his life but a woman with the same number of Chom Khuan is never said to 

have two husbands! It is also believed that baldness is caused by the constant 

‘movement’ of khuan entering and leaving the body through the head. The other 

khuan is the body khuan or otherwise known as Khuan King which is believed to be 

32 in total. 

The Ceremonies of the khuan 

Soukhuan ceremony, sometimes called baci, is a ceremony directed at summoning the 

return of the wondering khuan which is believed to have taken flight when one has 

been frightened or agitated. It is performed during births, marriages, upon entering 

monkhood, leaving or returning home, recovering from illness, or entering the New 

Year. The word soukhuan, ‘sou’ means ‘to ask’. 

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Soukhuan is mainly performed by the Lao Loum, who are mostly devout Buddhists. 

As interaction and inter-marriages between the different ethnic groups is on the rise 

now, it is not uncommon to see the Lao Theung or Lao Sung attending such 

ceremonies. The specialist of the rite is known as Mor Phon, an elderly man who has 

been ordained as a monk before. Therefore, the role of the specialist is confined to 

Buddhist devotees, the Lao Loum. Everyone, including other nationalities are 

welcomed to join in the ceremony. It is also not unusual for Lao employees or friends 

to hold soukhuan ceremonies for their foreign colleagues who are leaving the country. 

Apart from Soukhuan, other soul calling methods include Wankhuan and Sornkhuan, 

as elaborated further in this paper. 

The soukhuan ceremony is held all over Laos. There are actually considerable 

differences in the details of the ceremony from one province to another. Nevertheless, 

there is also a similarity of form. For example, the paraphernalia of the ceremony 

differs greatly. In Sekong province, the mak beng is sometimes made from newspaper. 

Mak beng is a cone shaped structure usually made from banana leaves and is placed in 

a silver or golden bowl, which itself is placed on a huge tray to create the Phakhuan, 

the main item of the soukhuan ceremony. ‘Pha’ means table and Phakhuan indicates 

the table of the khuan. It is at this table that the khuan will gather. The silver or golden 

bowl with the mak beng is usually filled with raw glutinous rice and five types of 

auspicious leaves. 

The role of rice 

Rice, the staple food for East Asian, South Asian and Southeast Asian is not just a 

food item but is rich in symbolism. It is viewed as a life-giver from god and is an 

inseparable life force. Rice symbolizes survival and sustenance and therefore, is 

worshipped and glorified in many rice-growing countries. However, sticky rice (kaw 

niow) or glutinous rice occupies a special position above the normal rice (kaw jau). 

Not only Lao people eat sticky rice as their staple food, the Chinese and Japanese also 

use sticky rice extensively in rituals. 

The Japanese place ‘mochi’ (made from mochi gome: - sticky rice) on the front 

gate or doorway as an offering to the god on New Year day. Then on the 11 th day of 

the New Year (used to be the 20 th day), known as the ‘Kagami Biraki’ day, the mochi 

is ‘opened’. It is actually a process of cutting but the word ‘cut’ is prohibited on 

auspicious occasions. After it has been opened, the mochi is cooked and eaten by 

every member of the family. For the Chinese, on the 24 th day of the 12 th lunar month, 

every household will prepare a kind of sweet cake made from Nouk Mi (sticky rice) 

and sugar to be offered to the Kitchen God before he ascends to heaven to report on 

the behaviour of family members to the Emperor God. It is hoped that the sweet cake 

will appease the Kitchen God and he will convey good messages to the Emperor God. 

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The sweet cake is no ordinary food. Only the most superior rice could be used. Thus, 

sticky rice plays an important role as a medium of communication between gods and 

humans. In Laos, kaw niow is undeniably used most extensively in all types of rituals, 

including the soukhuan. 

Auspicious leaves in soukhuan ceremony 

Apart from rice, leaves are important components of the soukhuan ceremony. The 

leaves used in a soukhuan ceremony are: 1) Bai Ngo (Nephelium lappaceum); 2) Bai 

Khun (Cassia fistula); 3) Bai Kham (Tamarindus indicus); 4) Bai Ngoen; and 5) Bai 

Sam Sen Nga. 

The word bai brings a special and prosperous meaning to the participant or celebrant 

of the ceremony. 

1) Bai Ngo means “Nyok ngo kern” which is “Lifting everything” 

2) Bai Khun means “Hai mam khun” which is “Multiplying” 

3) Bai Kham means “Kam” which is “Gold” 

4) Bai Ngoen means “Ngoen” which is “Money” 

5) Bai Sam Sen Nga means “Sampan nga” which is “Thousand poles” 

What could be understood from the meaning of these leaves are: 

To raise all goodness or righteousness, 

To multiply all that is good, 

To have plenty of gold and money, 

To have a stable life, with the support of a thousand poles. 

The Wankhuan Ceremony 

Other simple, non-ceremonial methods are also used to summon the return of the 

wondering khuan of a sick person. The Wankhuan is performed using a rattan fishing 

cage called kerng and a smoldering piece of wood with billowing smoke. Mae Thao 

Khammee (grandmother Khammee) used such a method to call back the khuan of her 

grandson, Kok who fell down from a mango tree. Kok appeared to be in a stage of 

shock and showed great discomfort on his chest after the accident. Mae Thou 

performed the Wankhuan by first visiting the site of the incident where the khuan was 

believed to have left her grandson’s body. There, she began by waving the wood. 

While doing so, she murmured, 

“Ma yer khuan er!”…….”Khuan Bak* Kok , ma yer ma yer!” 

(Come oh khuan come!……Khuan of Kok, come oh come!) 

*Bak is a friendly term of address for a younger person, similar to ‘chan’ ( ) in 

Japanese. 

- 12 - 



The smoldering wood was waved in a sweeping motion towards the direction of the 

kerng. That was done to direct the khuan into the fishing cage. Mae Thao then walked 

around the mango tree several times and then made her way home. The villagers who 

witnessed this did not utter a word to her. She continued to call the khuan back. The 

villagers would give way as she walked as they believed that any disturbance or 

obstruction would result in the khuan ‘held’ in the kerng, to flee again. When she 

reached the front gate of her house, she covered the kerng with a clean piece of cloth. 

Before stepping onto the staircase of the house, she asked loudly, “Has Bak Kok come 

back?” The mother and sisters of Kok answered simultaneously “Yes! He has already 

returned.” Then Mae Thao left the smoky wood behind, on the foot of the staircase 

and walked into the house. She went to Kok’s bedside, lifted the kerng, took the cloth 

away and ‘poured’ the khuan over Kok’s body. The rite then ended. As the word 

‘wan’ means ‘to find’, Wankhuan therefore is a generic term used to find the khuan 

which has been frightened off from the body. If one’s health does not improve within 

a few days of a Wankhuan, a more elaborate soukhuan rite will be performed. In this 

case study, Kok got well the next morning and everyone in the house thanked Mae 

Thao for finding Kok’s khuan back. 

The sornkhuan Ceremony 

In other villages, the Sornkhuan method is used (pers. comm. with Mae Thao). ‘Sorn’ 

means ‘catch’, and therefore Sornkhuan means catching the khuan which has 

wondered away from the body. It is performed for the same purpose, for people who 

has fallen after an accident. Similar to Wankhuan, the kerng, this time filled with a 

handful of cooked sticky rice and a hard-boiled egg. Yet again, the person who 

performs such a task is an old person like Mae Thao (grandmother) or Pho Thao 

(grandfather). Upon reaching the place where the accident occured, Mae Thao or Pho 

Thao will try to capture the lost khuan as if catching fish in the river, simultaneously 

calling, “Ma yer khuan er! Ma yer!” After sometime, when the khuan is presumably 

caught, Mae Thao or Pho Thao will go back to the house and feed the sick person with 

the sticky rice and egg. 

It must be noted that an older person performs both khuan “finding” and khuan 

“catching” rites. Similarly, an older person summons the khuan to return in a 

soukhuan ceremony. This is because older people are believed to possess stronger 

khuan because of their age. Their khuan are stable and firmly attached, unlike the 

young. The younger a person is, the more vulnerable the khuan is and the tendency to 

lose the khuan when frightened, is high. The khuan of children under the age of ten 

are considered very weak. 

When a young child cries in the middle of his/her sleep, it is believed that his/her Mae 

Kaw, (his/her mother from a previous life) has returned to play with him/her. When 

the crying continues for several nights, it is said that Mae Kaw has brought him to a 

far away place and some of his khuan have gotten lost and could not return home. In 

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such an instance, a soukhuan ceremony will be held. Below, I provide an account of a 

soukhuan ceremony held for a young child. The ceremony was held at Paksan Neua 

village, where a five-year child had been crying in the middle of the night for no 

apparent reason. 

Soukhuan ceremony for a sick boy 

This is a soukhuan ceremony held for a sick boy which I observed. Those who 

attended the ceremony sat around the Phakhuan, a tiered conical structure built on a 

tray. When the Mor Phon invited the khuan of the child, the khuan will be attracted 

by the food and flowers on the Phakhuan. A white cotton thread called fai mong kon 

was attached to the Phakhuan and passed through the hands of the parents of the child, 

then the child, the grandmother and the Mor Phon held the other end of the thread. 

Just before chanting, the Mor Phon lit up the candle on the highest point of the 

Phakhuan and then started calling for the khuans. Every one present started to clasp 

their palms together. 

The translated recital is presented below: 

Si…….Si…….. 

Si thi sai ya mang ka la (in Pali language, meaning “Be healthy”) 

I will now call the little child’s khuan back 

I will invite the thevada to come down and help to bring the child’s khuan back 

Where ever it is 

In the forest or in the deep hole 

Ma yer khuan er! 

Your khuan will not lost in the forest or go to play in the open plain 


Your khuan will not go to play in the river 

If your khuan has gone to see the ghost 

Please come back today! 


If your khuan is with the big trees, big bat 

Please come back! 

If your khuan has gone to play at the waterfall or big river 



If your khuan is playing with the big bird or sitting sadly under the big tree 


The 32 khuan that you have since born 



Khuan of the head please come back to your head 

Khuan of the hair, eyebrow, left and right hand, both foot 


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When there is a lightning in the sky, please come back 


Khuan of the eyes, come back, do not go far 

Khuan of the leg’s hair and calf, mouth, heart 


When there is a lightning in the sky, please come back 


Khuan of the eyes, come back, do not go far 

Khuan of the leg’s hair and calf, mouth, heart 

Please come back today! 


Please come back to hide in the house with your khuan of the ears and eyes 


If your khuan has gone deep down into the cave or is playing with small dragon 


Khuan of little fingers come back to wear gold ring 

Also every khuan of your body 


If your khuan has come back, please do not hesitate to come in 


If your khuan has gone out to drink alcohol with friends 

Please come back today and stay to build your old house 

When the sky is getting dark, do not go out to play 

Do stay at home 


Do not go out when it rains 

Do not travel far away when the storm is coming 

If you are too lazy do stay at home 

If you have eaten the ghost’s rice, do vomit it out 

The sewing of ghost, do spit it out 

Come back to eat rice with banana 

Come back to eat fish with grandfather 

Be strong and grow up 

Do not fade away like ash 

Do not grow old 

Have a long long life 

Be as big as your uncle, 

Be as tall as your aunt 

Be prosperous forever 

When you sleep dream of 10,000 kip 

When you get up get 100,000 kip 

Have no enemy in your life 

Be healthy without any diseases 

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The lighting up of the candle signifies the commencement of the ceremony. Therefore, 

all those present during the ceremony should pay attention to the chanting, which is 

important for the effectiveness of the ceremony. From the text that was recited, the 

khuan of the little child is believed to have gone far away into non-human habitats 

(river, caves, forest) and is perhaps in the company of unusual beings (ghost, big bat, 

big bird, little dragon). 

Starting with the khuan of the head, the khuan of the hair, hands, feet and so forth are 

asked to come back. The khuan is then asked not to hesitate to enter. Here, it is 

entering the Phakhuan where the thread (fai mong kon) is attached. At this point, the 

Mor Phon takes two pieces of fai mong kon and ties it to the wrists of the child. The 

khuan, which is attached to the thread, is now transferred to the child and is firmly tied 

with three knots. When the chanting continues, it is noticeable that the Mor Phon 

gives advice and moral instructions to the adults, especially targeting the parents of the 

child. Towards the end of the chanting, the Mor Phon wishes the child to be strong 

and healthy. When this has ended, cotton threads are tied to the wrist of the child, 

called mat ken, a process which begins with the Mae Thao of the child, followed by 

the parents, and all those present. The child is also fed with a bit of the sticky rice and 

egg of which the thevada and khuan are believed to have feasted on. Then, everyone 

proceed to another section of the house where the host serves food and alcohol. 

The Soukhuan ceremony for marriage 

Soukhuan is also performed during an important occasion such as marriage. Below is 

an English translation of a marriage ceremony which I witnessed in Paksan village of 

Bolikhamsai Province. Bolikhamsai Province is located in the narrow ‘neck’ of central 

Laos. The marriage ceremony was held on 12 th December, 2001. The marriage was 

between two local Lao. 

The soukhuan ceremony held during the marriage in Paksan is quite similar to the one 

Tambiah (a renowned anthropologist) encountered in Northeast Thai. Soukhuan is 

regarded as an important rite which accompanies a marriage ceremony. Before the 

actual wedding day, a Un Don ceremony, literally translated as ‘warm up‘, is held. 

This ceremony is conducted on the evening before the marriage, in the house of the 

bride-to-be and the groom-to-be, respectively. The bride-to-be and the groom-to-be 

invite their relatives and close friends to attend the ceremonies which begin with a 

small soukhuan or Soukhuan Noi ceremony. The congregation sit around the 

Phakhuan, with the Mor Phon on one side and the bride-to-be, accompanied by the 

parents and grandparents on the opposite side of the Phakhuan. When the Mor Phon 

lights the candle, everyone stays silent and focuses on the Mor Phon chanting. During 

the chanting, the Mor Phon invites the thevada or divine angels to come and witness 

the ceremony. The thevada are asked to help summon all the khuans of the bride-to-be 

to return for the big occasion on the next day. Then the Mor Phon continues to give 

advice and moral instructions to the bride-to-be. Such advice range from how a bride 

- 16 - 



should conduct herself in the presence of the senior members of her husband’s 

household, how she should not wake up later than her husband, how she should not go 

out when the sun is setting and many more. When all the khuan of the bride-to-be has 

come to the Phakhuan, the tying of the fai mon kon (the white cotton thread) began. 

Similar to other Soukhuan ceremony, the Mor Phon is the first person to tie the wrists 

of the bride-to-be and this is followed by the elders. Other relatives and friends will 

only have this done to them in Soukhuan Nyai (Big Soukhuan ceremony) to be held on 

the wedding day itself. 

After the Mor Phon has offered thanks to the thevada and invited them to return to the 

heavens, the Soukhuan Noi ceremony comes to an end officially. This is followed by a 

big buffet meal with unlimited flow of alcohol served in the house yard. Lao and Thai 

folk songs are sung and sometimes pop songs are performed by hired musicians. Men 

and women form a circle and dance the Lamvong, a Khmer traditional dance found in 

Laos and Cambodia. 

Lamvong is a slow revolving circle dance where men stand on the inside of the circle 

and the women on the outside. Dancers will move their hands slowly in expressive 

gestures. This will continue until midnight. Sometimes, relatives and friends become 

drunk and put up the night at the host’s house. 

Next morning, family members of the bride and groom are dressed in Sut Teng Dong 

or wedding suit. The bride could wear any colour whereas the groom should avoid 

wearing red colour or an entirely black suit since black represents solemnity. On a 

‘bright’ and auspicious day, any ‘solemn’ coloured attire is not permitted. Red 

symbolizes ‘blood’ and it is a taboo for the groom to wear such a ‘dangerous’ colour. 

A man dressed in red symbolizes a bleeding man in an accident or war. As for the 

bride, red Sut Teng Dong is permitted as bleeding in woman is associated with the 

monthly menstrual cycle which symbolizes fertility. When the Nyamdi (the auspicious 

time selected by the Mor Phon) approaches, the groom’s party set out to the bride’s 

house. Just before the party leaves, an elderly person lights a candle that will be 

carried by the groom to the bride’s house. Once lit, a crowd of elders or friends will 

escort the groom while drumming gongs and playing the Khaen (Lao flute) creating a 

noisy atmosphere. As the groom’s party arrive at the front gate of the bride’s house, 

representatives of the latter will ask, “Where does the young, charming prince come 

from? What does he want?” The groom’s side replied, “We come from a big palace 

from the huge mountain on the other side. We have lots of gold and silver in our 

palace. We have lots of land and harvest. We heard of how beautiful and kind the 

princess is and on this very good day, our prince has come to marry her”. The bride’s 

family will reply, “If this is the truth, prove it!” The groom’s family then takes out a 

few big kip notes (Lao currency) and hand them over to the bride’s party saying “We 

have sacks of money in our palace.” The banter continues for some twenty minutes 

until finally the bride’s party gives in and asks the groom’s party to drink a few 

glasses of strong Lao Lao (rice wine). 

- 17 - 



When the gate is opened, the groom walks in first, followed by the rest of the party. At 

the stairs leading up to the house, a young unmarried girl who is usually the younger 

sister of the bride, bows and pours clean water over the groom’s feet while the groom 

steps onto a knife-sharpening stone. The water is to clean off any dirt which might be 

attached to the groom’s past behaviour. The stone ‘hin lap pha’ or stone for 

sharpening knives is considered as the hardest stone and by stepping onto it, the 

groom will have a strong heart. He needs a strong heart as he will face a new life with 

his new in-laws and will have to live up to their expectations. When entering the 

house, the groom walks straight to the Phakhuan. There, he places the lit candle on 

top of the Mak Beng with the help of the Mor Phon. There are two Phakhuan present 

during the ceremony, one for the bride and the other for the groom. Once the bride’s 

candle on the Mak Beng is lit, the Mor Phon begins chanting. An excerpt of the recital 

is given below: 

Soukhuan Teng Dong’s Recital 

Si…..Si….. 

Today is a very good day 

This is the maichan table 

This is the maikeo bowl 

Here there are so many senior men with the cotton thread 

There are also rings, bracelets, necklace on the phakhuan 

There is plenty of food 

Plenty of blooming flowers on the phakhuan 

We also have fresh eggs, sticky rice, food, fruits and a bottle of Lao Lao 

There are so many people here to witness your ceremony 

After marriage both of you must not divorce 

Be a good son-in-law, daughter-in-law of your parents 

Here we also have to sign the agreement which were told by the local authority 

There are so many people to support you both 

After marriage, both of you will love each other until you die 

You will be the next representative of the house 

So we hereby inform the heavens that this couple is being married 

And they shall love each other 

When the red sun goes down to the deep forest 

The khuan of the bride, please come back to your husband 

Your mother-in-law is waiting for your and has made the bed for you 

There are the good bed sheet and the most comfortable mattress waiting for you to 

sleep on 

Wherever your khuan is, please come back tonight 

Even if your khuna is still with your ex-lover, please come back! 

Ma yer khuan er! (All present repeat in a high intonation, “Ma yer!) 

Please come back like a blooming flower 

- 18 - 



Please come back to see your beloved parents 

Please come back to put on the flower necklace your mother-in-law has made for you 

All your cousin-in-laws are waiting 

The cousins from the northern part of the village are waiting to see your face 

So many people said you are such an excellent person 

Please come back now to see the new phakhuan in your bedroom 

Please come back to fee the egg and sticky rice to your husband 

As our ancestors used to do before 

From now on you will be the best parents of your children 

You shall be pregnant like all the other women 

On 8 kham you should pray 

On 14, 15 kham you should give alms to the monks 

Never forget about this 

Khuna of the eyebrows, please come down to be with your eyes 

Khuan of the mouth and cheek 

Khuan of the chin and waist 

Khuan of the breast 

Please come and sit on the phakhuan 

Ma yer khuan er! (Ma yer!) 

[At this stage, the Mor Phon throws rice into the air as a signal of calling the khuan to 

come] 

Today is a good day 

Today is our day 

When you sleep you dream of 10,000 kip 

When you wake up you have 100,000 kip 

Have plenty of rice in the granary 

In 3 days Buddha will give you the emerald 

In 5 days the heaven will give you plenty of clothes and all the things you want 

If you are a son-in-law 

Be respectful to your parents 

Please do not try to deny your mistake 

Open your heart to listen to them 

When you chase the chicken, please say “so” 

When you chase the dog, please say “say” 

When you chase the buffalo, please say “hrr” 

Don’t be naughty in front of the senior cousins of the bride’s family 

Don’t say something nonsense 

Be fair and do not tell lies 

For the bride, please be the good daughter-in-law of your husband’s parents 

Don’t say anything about marrying another boy in front of your parents-in-law 

Because you are an excellent girl and have been selected to be the daughter-in-law 

When the sky is dark, do not travel alone 

The small house there is your aunt’s 

- 19 - 



The bigger one belongs to your uncle 

You are given this house by your parents-in-law 

We have given you the golden water well 

Take whatever you want 

When you have meat, please share with your aunt 

When you have fish, share it with your parents-in-law 

They believed you’re a good daughter-in-law 

If you have a son, please have a good son 

Do listen to the great grandparents 

Be sympathetic and generous to your cousins 

Your left eye do not look at the boys 

Your right eye do not look at another man for sex 

In the evening, set the food for your family 

In the morning, prepare lunch 

Do not sleep longer than normal 

Prepare betel leaves and roll cigarette for your husband 

You have a husband now 

Leave your old love which you have shared with someone before 

The bigger alcohol jar give to the people around 

The smaller one give to the senior people. 

This is the best speech from the Mor 

This is also the instruction from the thevada 

If you are having good luck 

You will be successful in all the said things 

Be patient 

Ma yer khuan er! (Ma yer!) 

Khuan of the husband please come back to be with your wife’s khuan 

In the evening sleep beside your partner 

Be loving, be a good couple 

Be prosperous 

Have good dreams days and nights 

Be healthy throughout your lives 

In this recital, it is noticeable that no words were mentioned about the thevada. The 

Mor Phon did not invite the thevada to come first, instead he went forward to call the 

khuan. At the start of the recital, ‘Mai Chan’ table and ‘Mai Keo’ bowl was 

mentioned. ‘Mai’ means wood and Mai Chan is a type of wood found a long time ago. 

I was informed by the elders that such wood is now extinct. “We used to have plenty 

of it in the forest” said the Mor Phon. Another elderly man told me his ancestors used 

to own plenty of such wood. ‘Keo’ means emerald and ‘Emerald Wood’ is a type of 

legendary wood found only in heaven. In other words, even though no specific 

invitation was given to the thevada, the stating of the ‘Mai Chan’ table and the ‘Mai 

Keo’ bowl connotes an invitation to the thevada angels to be present. 

- 20 - 



The Mor Phon gave moral instruction to the new couple on how they should behave in 

front of each other’s in-laws and relatives. They were repeatedly told to be truthful 

and loving to each other. For instance, the bride was told not to look at another man 

and to forget about her ex-lover and also to be respectful to her parents-in-law. The 

groom is asked to behave politely as well. For example, when he chases the chicken 

he should be polite. He should say “So!” instead of the normally used “Shh!” or when 

he chases the buffalo he should not use the harsh “Hooi!” but use the polite “Say!” 

Anyone can bind the khuan of the newly wedded. There are proper procedures in 

doing so. The right wrist is tied first, and before tying, the tip of the fai mon kong is 

stroked onto the wrist three times as words of wishes are uttered. The tying of the right 

wrist symbolizes the entry of khuan while the tying of the left symbolizes the staying 

of the khuan. It has become a modern trend to insert money between the fai mon kon 

and the wrist as a token of gift to the newly weds. However, children or teenagers are 

not allowed to perform the mat ken. The binding of the cotton thread to the wrists of 

the new couple is believed to bring good luck to the celebrants. 

Expressions or wishes most commonly used are; 

1) Hai kuat ni dii kuat khao 

- May all bad things be swept out and all goodness be swept in 

2) Pen phua diaw mia diaw 

- Be only a husband and a wife. 

3) Kwam cep ya dai kawm kai ya mi 

- Have no pain and no illness. 

4) Hai su kai sabai chai 

- Be happy mentally and physically. 

5) Non lap hai dai ngoen men, Non tern hai dai ngoen sen 

- Dream of 10,000 kip and when awake own 100,000 kip. 

6) Hai jau lam luay pen set thi ngoen lai 

- Be prosperous and a millionaire . 

7) Hai jau hak ho hom tum luk mia 

- Be warm hearted and loving to your family. 

8) Pen thi peng khong kop kua 

- Be responsive to your family’s need. 

Conclusion 

The ceremonies described in this paper illustrates the importance of khuan related 

practices amongst the Lao communities. There are many facets of khuan ceremonies. 

Some are performed purely for religious purposes while some are performed during 

auspicious occasions, such as wedding ceremonies. Soukhuan is also performed during 

a healing ceremony-one of life and death. This shows its importance in the lives of the 

- 21 - 



people. Thus, soukhuan generally, and other ‘sub-types’ of the khuan ceremonies such 

as Wankhuan and Somkhuan play a significant role in Lao society. 

Nowadays, soukhuan has been identified with the Lao people. When the Lao 

government adopted an open door policy in the late 1980’s, financial aid began to 

flow in, providing much needed assistance to this undeveloped South East Asian 

country. With the anticipated economic boom, the richer and more developed 

neighbouring countries entered the Laos market to tap its economic resources. More 

and more people are flocking into Laos. The tourism industry has been enjoying a 

huge influx of tourists, although Laos has often been labeled as the forgotten country 

in Asia. It was in such a context that the communist government realized that there is 

a need for a distinctive Lao identity. 

Although Theravada Buddhism is widely practiced in Laos, its neighbour Thailand, 

has a stronger identity associated with Buddhism which enjoys royal patronage. In 

Thailand, the king is the protector of the religion. Unfortunately, the last Lao king 

was said to have died in the re-education camp. In Laos, many homes display the 

portrait of the Thai royal couple alongside their very own President and Prime 

Minister. This indicates the high esteem that the Lao people have for the Thai 

monarch. 

The Laos government is trying to instill a sense of Laoness among its people through 

the revival of traditional customs. The belief in khuan pre-dated Buddhism and is 

therefore useful for such purposes. Even under the great suppression of the communist 

government, Lao peasants continue to uphold the soukhuan ceremony. What was once 

labeled as a superstitious belief by the communist government has now found a 

commendable place in official occasions, such as welcoming foreign ambassadors and 

bidding farewell to foreign expatriates. Anyone can participate in the ceremony as it 

is most commonly explained as a ceremony which is a mixture of animistic, 

Brahmanistic and Buddhist elements. As it can be participated by people of other 

religious faith, it serves as a good unifying. Thus, an aged old tradition has been 

resurrected for a new purpose in shaping a Lao national identity. 

- 22 - 



Acknowledgements 

I have been blessed with kind people who render me help and advice unconditionally 

at all times. I would like to take this opportunity to thank, namely; my husband, 

Jason Hon for putting up with my bad temper and selfish demands, my parents for 

believing in me and my supervisor, Professor Uchibori Motomitsu for all his 

encouragement and guidance. Associate Professor Dr Hew Cheng Sim has given me 

many opportunities and lastly I would like to thank Miss Haslina Hashim for being a 

wonderful colleague and friend. 

- 23 - 



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OF SOUKHUAN AND LAOS Elena Gregoria Chai Chin Fern Faculty ...

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