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successful programs in the United States. <strong>The</strong> marine law<br />

enforcement operations grew from the DEA’s close coordination<br />

with the U.S. Coast Guard, while vehicular interdiction<br />

originated from the DEA’s Operation Pipeline, EPIC’s national<br />

highway interdiction program.<br />

With DEA support, Bolivian troops burned a cocaine<br />

conversion lab.<br />

Carlos Lehder Extradition<br />

(1987)<br />

In 1981, Carlos Lehder was indicted on U.S. federal charges in<br />

Jacksonville, Florida, and a request for his extradition from<br />

Colombia was formally presented to that government in 1983.<br />

Up until that time, no extradition requests had been honored<br />

by the Colombian Government. Lehder, a major cocaine<br />

trafficker, had formed his own political party and adopted a<br />

platform which was vehemently opposed to extradition. He<br />

viewed cocaine as a very powerful weapon that could be used<br />

against the United States and referred to the substance as an<br />

atomic bomb. Lehder also claimed that he was allied with the<br />

Colombian guerilla movement, M-19, in an effort to protect<br />

Colombian sovereignty.<br />

Fanatical in his efforts to prevent extradition, Lehder was<br />

instrumental in forcing a political debate on the merits of<br />

extradition and publicly faced off against Colombia’s Justice<br />

Minister, Rodrigo Lara-Bonilla. When Lara-Bonilla was suddenly<br />

murdered in 1984, Lehder and the Medellin cartel, who<br />

had hidden behind the pseudonym “<strong>The</strong> Extraditables,” were<br />

suspected. Embarrassed and outraged by the terrorist tactics<br />

employed by the Medellin organization, the Colombian Government<br />

turned Lehder over to the DEA and extradited him to<br />

the United States in February 1987. Lehder was convicted and<br />

sentenced to 135 years in federal prison. He subsequently<br />

cooperated in the U.S. investigation of Panama dictator Manuel<br />

67<br />

Carlos Lehder<br />

conceived the<br />

idea of<br />

transporting<br />

loads of cocaine<br />

from Colombia to<br />

the United States.<br />

Noriega and received a reduced sentence in return for his<br />

testimony. However, the Medellin reign of terror did not end.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Medellin cartel was responsible for the murders of many<br />

government officials, including Attorney General Carlos Mauro<br />

Hoyos-Jiminez in 1988, and presidential candidate Luis Carlos<br />

Galan in 1989.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Anti-Drug Abuse Act of<br />

1988<br />

<strong>The</strong> 1988 Anti-Drug Abuse Act (PL 100-690) increased criminal<br />

penalties for offenses related to drug trafficking and<br />

created new federal offenses and regulatory drug control<br />

requirements. Federal funding for state and local drug enforcement<br />

grant programs were also bolstered under this law.<br />

<strong>The</strong> 1988 Anti-Drug Abuse Act also expanded a change to the<br />

certification process established by the 1986 Anti-Drug Abuse<br />

Act. <strong>The</strong> 1986 legislation required all certified countries to<br />

sign a treaty with the United States that addressed drug<br />

eradication, interdiction, demand reduction, chemical control,<br />

and cooperation with U.S. drug enforcement agencies. <strong>The</strong><br />

1988 act went a step further and made it unlawful to certify a<br />

country’s compliance unless it had signed such a treaty.<br />

Another requirement called for the Secretary of the Treasury<br />

to initiate negotiations with governments whose banks were<br />

known to engage in significant U.S. dollar transactions. <strong>This</strong><br />

requirement helped to identify money laundering and illicit<br />

drug transaction funds.<br />

Perhaps the most significant provision of this legislation was<br />

the creation of the Office of National Drug Control Policy<br />

(ONDCP) and it’s director, the “Drug Czar.”

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