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Scalar Implicature 6 Rips, L. J. (1975). Quantification and semantic memory. Cognitive Psychology, 7(3), 307-340. Sanford, A. J., Moxey, L. M., & Paterson, K. B. (1996). Attentional focusing with quantifiers in production and comprehension. Memory and Cognition, 24(2), 144-155. Sperber, D., & Wilson, D. (1985 1996). Relevance: Communication and Cognition. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
1 Anaphora resolution Nominals are Doubly Dual António Branco Since the so called integrative approach to anaphora resolution was set up in late eighties ([Carb88], [RL88], [AW89]) and its practical viability extensively checked up ([LL94], [Mit98], among others), it is common wisdom that factors determining the antecedents of anaphors divide into filters and preferences. The latter help to pick the most likely candidate, that will be proposed as the antecedent; the first exclude impossible antecedents and help to circumscribe the set of antecedent candidates Binding constraints are a significant subset of such filters. They capture empirical generalizations concerning the relative positioning of anaphors with respect to their antecedents in the grammatical geometry of sentences. We follow here the definition proposed in [PS94] for these constraints, and subsequent extension in [XPS94], [BM99]: Principle A: A locally o-commanded short-distance reflexive must be locally o-bound. Lee i thinks [Max j saw himself *i/j ]. Principle Z: An o-commanded long-distance reflexive must be o-bound. Zhangsan i cong Lisi j chu tingshuo [Wangwu k bu xihuan ziji i/*j/k ]. [10]:ex(2) Zhangsan i heard from Lisi j [Wangwu k doesn't like "himself" i/*j/k ]. Principle B: A pronoun must be locally o-free. Lee i thinks [Max j saw him i/*j ]. Principle C: A non-pronoun must be o-free. [Kim i 's friend] j thinks [Lee saw Kim i/*j ]. X o-binds Y iff X o-commands Y and X is the antecedent of Y. O-commands is a partial order under which, in a clause, the Subject o-commands the Direct Object, the Direct Object o- commands the Indirect Object, and so on, following the obliqueness hierarchy of grammatical functions; in multiclausal sentences, the upward arguments o-command the embedded arguments, etc. The local domain is, roughly, the subcategorization domain of the predicator selecting the anaphor. When stripped away from procedural phrasing and non-exemption requirements, these generalizations, quite surprisingly, instantiate the following square of oppositions (detailed discussion in [BM99]): (*) Principle A: x is locally bound Principle Z: x is bound contrad Principle C: x is free Principle B: x is locally free Given this square, the questions to pursue and the answers we argue for in this presentation are: (A) Question: Is this a sign that binding constraints are the effect of some underlying quantificational structure? Answer: Yes. (B) Question: What are the implications for our 1
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