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demands for lesbian and gay equality, if not as overtly hostile as their counterparts<br />

in the US. This distinction between branches of North American conservatism can be<br />

seen as reflecting the economic focus of Canadian conservatives, in contrast to the<br />

more explicitly moral conservatism that prevails in the United States (Adams, 2004).<br />

However, so-called ‘slippery slope’ arguments have been heard in the UK, Canada<br />

and the US alike, with legal recognition as a focus for highly stigmatising assertions<br />

that seek to maintain the exclusion of same-sex couples. ‘Slippery slope’ arguments<br />

are commonly deployed by conservative opponents to same-sex marriage to claim<br />

that this will open the door to polygamous, incestuous and bestial marriages<br />

(Johnson, J. L. B., 1997). John Witte Jr. (2003) is typical of this school of thought,<br />

though if such a thesis is to be believed, the slippery slope surely began with<br />

heterosexual marriage. Either way, the purported equivalence between<br />

homosexuality, polygamy, incest and bestiality delivers an explicitly stigmatising<br />

political message. Consultations on marriage equality in Scotland in 2011 and<br />

England and Wales in 2012 appear to have sparked off a minor re-enactment of the<br />

culture wars. Slippery slope arguments have lent an alarmist tone to parliamentary<br />

debates on same-sex marriage, with Dr. Matthew Offord, MP for Hendon, asking in<br />

December 2012 if the government was planning to introduce other forms of<br />

marriage, such as polygamy, alongside same-sex marriage (Wintour, 2012).<br />

With regard to policy choices, courts in Canada and California have explicitly rejected<br />

as insufficient the UK’s approach in setting up a parallel status to marriage. The<br />

positions of the courts in Canada and California appear to concur with Mello’s (2004)<br />

assessment of marriage-like statuses as compounding the secondary status of samesex<br />

relationships and maintaining heterosexist power relations. At the same time,<br />

Lewin’s assessment of same-sex marriage as, ‘a moving target’ (2008, p. 777),<br />

appears entirely appropriate, certainly in California and the UK, with challenges to<br />

Proposition 8 and DOMA to be heard by the US Supreme Court during 2013 and<br />

governments in the UK actively proposing marriage equality.<br />

Conclusion<br />

30

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