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crisis. Andrew Cherlin has interpreted increasing divorce rates, cohabitation and<br />

same-sex marriage as evidence of a “de-institutionalisation of marriage” (2004).<br />

Cherlin asserts that marriage has become weakened by an erosion of social norms<br />

governing cohabitation, wedlock, divorce and parenting, with the rise of<br />

individualism in the United States and elsewhere breeding dissatisfaction with<br />

established patterns of family life, including marriage. He dismisses Giddens’s<br />

voluntarist pure relationship as, “characteristic of a world where commitment<br />

doesn’t matter,” (2004, p. 858) and evokes a Parsonian ideal of marriage in his<br />

apparent yearning for a reassertion of more gendered family roles. In this context,<br />

granting same-sex couples access to marriage has been interpreted as a sign of its<br />

weakness as an institution, with gay and lesbian couples hastening the destruction of<br />

the institution they covet (Cherlin, 2004).<br />

Others take a more sanguine view of the continuing evolution of marriage. Lee<br />

Badgett (2009) interprets the apparent appetite of same-sex couples for marriage as<br />

evidence of its strength and enduring appeal. Similarly, Nancy Cott (2000) has<br />

argued that greater diversity in intimate life will not bring about the demise of<br />

fulfilling relationships, but will instead encourage more people to seek to form such<br />

relationships, whether through marriage or other new possibilities. George<br />

Chauncey (2004) views the apparent erosion of gender roles within marriage as a<br />

positive development which itself has made same-sex marriage more imaginable,<br />

whereas Nancy Polikoff (2008) argues that the political focus should be on making<br />

marriage matter less, by extending the rights and privileges associated with marriage<br />

more widely.<br />

Friendly and unfriendly fire: Feminist, queer and conservative critiques of legal and<br />

social recognition for same-sex couples<br />

As the previous section of the chapter suggests, legal recognition for same-sex<br />

couples has not been met with universal approval. Walters (2001) identifies two<br />

parallel debates around legal recognition, the first of which is taking place within the<br />

lesbian and gay communities about whether marriage and other forms of legal<br />

recognition are appropriate responses to the needs of same-sex couples. The<br />

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