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part three - Department of Immigration & Citizenship

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The policy implications <strong>of</strong><br />

the patterns <strong>of</strong> settler loss<br />

are to continually<br />

improve post-arrival<br />

services that assist<br />

economic and social<br />

adjustment to Australia.<br />

English language training<br />

is a crucial element.<br />

One group among the<br />

settler loss that may be <strong>of</strong><br />

concern is the substantial<br />

numbers <strong>of</strong> returnees to<br />

some Asian nations that<br />

in recent times have sent<br />

large numbers <strong>of</strong><br />

immigrant settlers to<br />

Australia.<br />

While DIMA surveys<br />

indicate that the Business<br />

Migration Program has<br />

been largely successful,<br />

field studies tend to<br />

indicate that some<br />

business people from<br />

Asia have found it<br />

difficult to make the<br />

transfer <strong>of</strong> their business<br />

activity from the Asian t o<br />

the Australian context.<br />

5 . 5 An Australian policy on emigration?<br />

For the entire post-World War II period there have been clearly articulated and<br />

substantial national policies and programs relating to immigration and settlement in<br />

Australia. These have been the subject <strong>of</strong> considerable public debate and have<br />

undergone substantial change over that period. This has been in line with Australia<br />

being one <strong>of</strong> the world’s major sources <strong>of</strong> immigration over that period. However,<br />

Australia has also been one <strong>of</strong> the world’s most significant emigration countries<br />

consistently over this period (Hugo 1994), but there has been no development <strong>of</strong> a<br />

clear national policy on emigration and little public debate about it. Certainly, the<br />

issue <strong>of</strong> ‘settler loss’ has attracted considerable attention from time to time but it<br />

seems that levels in Australia are similar to or lower than those in comparable<br />

countries (Hugo 1994). The reasons for settler loss are discussed in Chapter 3 and they<br />

tend to duplicate those examined in earlier settler-loss studies (Hugo 1994). They<br />

indicate that the bulk <strong>of</strong> overseas-born emigrants do not leave for economic reasons.<br />

Among this group family-related reasons, homesickness and retirement are important<br />

reasons for leaving Australia. An exception has been the New Zealanders whose<br />

migration to and from Australia ‘varies according to the differences in relative real<br />

incomes and employment opportunities between the two countries (Struik and Ward<br />

1992; Ward and Young 2000). The policy implications <strong>of</strong> the patterns <strong>of</strong> settler loss<br />

are to continually improve post-arrival services that assist economic and social<br />

adjustment to Australia. Hence, English language training is a crucial element since<br />

it greatly influences the degree <strong>of</strong> success in the labour market. However, it is clear<br />

that there will be a return flow <strong>of</strong> former settlers regardless <strong>of</strong> the economic climate<br />

and the effects made to assist adjustment to Australia.<br />

Despite the above, we need to stress that the sample for LSIA on which Chapter 3 is<br />

predominantly based was drawn almost a decade ago before the moves to place a<br />

greater emphasis on skilled migration in the middle and late 1990s. Given the high<br />

incidence <strong>of</strong> loss among settlers who had entered Australia on economic criteria, we<br />

can expect a higher level <strong>of</strong> settler loss in the future. This is due to a greater<br />

proportion <strong>of</strong> immigrants being influenced, like the New Zealanders, by trends in the<br />

economy. Also, however, they will be influenced by the operation <strong>of</strong> international<br />

labour markets such that more settlers (like their skilled Australia-born counter<strong>part</strong>s)<br />

will operate in international labour markets and as a result move between countries<br />

when they change jobs.<br />

One group among the settler loss that may be <strong>of</strong> concern is the substantial numbers<br />

<strong>of</strong> returnees to some Asian nations that in recent times have sent large numbers <strong>of</strong><br />

immigrant settlers to Australia. These include especially Hong Kong with 1600<br />

emigrants in 1999–2000 (an emigration rate <strong>of</strong> 31 per 1000 3 ), China with 1800 (11<br />

per 1000), Indonesia with 400 (7 per 1000). This may, in fact, represent the backflow<br />

<strong>of</strong> some business migrants from these countries. Business migrants are those who<br />

gained entry to Australia on the basis <strong>of</strong> investing a minimum level <strong>of</strong> funds in a<br />

business in Australia. 4 While DIMA surveys indicate that the Business Migration<br />

Program has been largely successful (DIMA 1999b), field studies (for example,<br />

Nonini 2001) tend to indicate that some business people from Asia (especially Hong<br />

Kong, Taiwan and so on) have found it difficult to make the transfer <strong>of</strong> their business<br />

activity from the Asian to the Australian context. This is <strong>part</strong>ly associated with a lack<br />

<strong>of</strong> local knowledge and networks, but it also is related to the very different business<br />

and regulatory environment to that which they are used to. The numbers <strong>of</strong> these<br />

returning business migrants are still relatively small but they do suggest that there is<br />

106 C E DA – Emigration from Australia: Economic ImplicationsJune 2001

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