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Sessar Porto Problems criminology has with criminal law

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8<br />

Western style) acknowledged political instruments. Highly estimated political enterprises<br />

such as the war on crime because of crime’s destructive nature might by themselves be destructive,<br />

as we know from our experience <strong>with</strong> the war on drugs.<br />

Once again, none of these areas can be controlled by universal moral rules as they may disturb<br />

the autopoiesis of the particular systems. Therefore, it is not <strong>with</strong>out irony that some systems<br />

claim to control themselves, for example by Ethical Commissions in medicine, by Compliance<br />

Departments in larger companies or by Press Codes in the media; it would be worth<br />

studying the degree of their transparency and practice regarding the prevention or the protection<br />

of systems-specific <strong>criminal</strong> acts.<br />

6. The criminological observation of the political system.<br />

Special attention will be given to the political system. The traditional “war on crime” <strong>with</strong> its<br />

ever increasing number of <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong>s, harsher punishments and longer sentences and <strong>with</strong><br />

elaborate incapacitating regimes (all this much less so on the European mainland) is still dominating<br />

the agenda of legislation and <strong>law</strong> enforcement agencies and thereby will remain of<br />

interest for criminological observation (research). The well-known key phrases for such analyses<br />

are “culture of control” (Garland 2001) or “governing through crime” (Simon 2007).<br />

One may say that <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong> in close connection <strong>with</strong> <strong>criminal</strong> policy is exceeding the area<br />

of case-related crime control and is gradually developing more universal standards of governing<br />

society by, e. g., broadening the area of <strong>criminal</strong>izable human behaviour and actions.<br />

Parallel to this war on crime a much more radical system of individual and collective control<br />

<strong>has</strong> emerged. The central ideology is prevention. In many countries, health-care systems, insurance<br />

networks, anti-movements against smoking, alcohol use or drug use, community<br />

crime prevention schemes, <strong>law</strong>s against truancy, gated communities, an excessive private security<br />

industry and so forth work on the creation, or are the result, of prevention as a selfcontained<br />

pillar of society. The philosophy of this kind of prevention tries to gain the power<br />

of definition over the future by replacing the concrete person by factors of risk which make<br />

the individual increasingly superfluous. “What the new preventive policies primarily address<br />

is no longer individuals but factors, statistical correlations of heterogeneous elements. They<br />

deconstruct the concrete subject of intervention, and reconstruct a combination of factors liable<br />

to produce risk. Their primary aim is not to confront a concrete dangerous situation, but<br />

to anticipate all the possible forms of irruption of danger. … To be suspected, it is no longer<br />

necessary to manifest symptoms of dangerousness or abnormality, it is enough to display<br />

whatever characteristics the specialists responsible for the definition of the preventive policy<br />

have constituted as risk factors” (Castel 1991, 288-289).<br />

Amazing parallels exist between the new forms of crime control. They operate widely <strong>with</strong>out<br />

crime, but <strong>with</strong> fear. They are less concerned <strong>with</strong> perpetrators; rather they are concerned <strong>with</strong><br />

each and every one of us. The key phrases are “culture of fear” (again Simon 2007) or “politics<br />

of fear”, <strong>with</strong> fear being “the most powerful enemy of reason” (Gore 2007, 23). Criminology<br />

will discover that our societies are about to undergo an increasing change from a repressive<br />

type of (limited) crime control to a preventive type of (unlimited) social control.<br />

“Crime” may gradually be substituted for “risk”, which would then be the criminological way<br />

from crime society to risk society. “Risk-based control is no longer only one trend among<br />

several others, including retributive and restitutional justice, but <strong>has</strong> instead become a presence”<br />

(O’Malley 2004, 135), covering almost all segments of our life-world.<br />

One elementary feature of risk is that it is unknown; we don’t know if and when it will materialize<br />

by turning into a real danger or threat and what the consequences will be in such a<br />

case. Because of this ignorance, such an uncertainty will be compensated by control; one may<br />

call it absorption of uncertainty (Luhmann 1998, 89) through an all-encompassing high-tech

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