The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXXXVI, Part 1-2 ... - Khamkoo

The Journal of the Siam Society

Patrons of the Siam Society 

Patron 

His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej 

Vice-Patrons 

Her Majesty Queen Sirikit 

His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn 

Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn 

Her Royal Highness Princess Galyani Vadhana Krom Luang Naradhiwas Rajnagarindra 

Honorary President 

Her Royal Highness Princess Galyani Vadhana Krom Luang Naradhiwas Rajnagarindra 

Honorary Vice-Presidents 

Mom Kobkaew Abhakara na Ayudhya 

His Serene Highness Prince Subhadradis Diskul 

Council of the Siam Society, 1998-2000 

President 

Vice-Presidents 

Leader, Natural History Section 

Honorary Secretary 

Honorary Treasurer 

Honorary Librarian 

Honorary Editor, JSS 

Honorary Editor, NHB 

Members of Council 

Bilaibhan Sampatisiri 

Prof. Krisada Arunwongse 

John Reid 

Khunying Niramol Suriyasat 

Dr. Weerachai Nanakorn 

Monita Singhakowin 

Robert Siedell 

Michael Wright 

Dr. Ian Glover 

Dr. Warren Y. Brockelman 

Navarat Laekhakula 

Fran\!ois Lagirarde 

Paul G. Russell 

Peter Skilling 

Vara-Poj Snidvongs 

Chaisak Suwansirikul 

John K. Withrington 

Albert Paravi Wongchirachai 

Dr. Woraphat Arthayukti

The Journal 

of the 

Siam Society 

Volume 86, Parts 1 & 2 

1998

Honorary Editor 

Ian Glover (University College London, UK) 

Advisory Committee 

Prapod Assavavirulhakarn (Chulalongkom University, Thailand) 

Oskar von Hinliber (University of Freiburg, Germany) 

Sunait Chutintharanon (Chulalongkom University, Thailand) 

Pirya Krairiksh (Thammasat University, Thailand) 

David K. Wyatt (Cornell University, USA) 

Charles Higham (Otago University, New Zealand) 

John Guy (Victoria and Albert Museum, UK) 

Charles Keyes (University of Washington, USA) 

Dhirawat na Phombejera (Chulalongkom Univc;rsity, Thailand) 

Nandana Chutiwongs (Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, The Netherlands) 

Phasook Indrawooth (Silpakom University, Thailand) 

Louise Cort (Smithsonian Institution, USA) 

H. Leedom Lefferts (Drew University, USA) 

Claude Jacques (Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, France) 

Editorial Board 

Bruce Evans 

Kanitha Kasina-ubol 

Euaypom Kerdchouay 

Frantrois Lagirarde 

Albert Paravi Wongchirachai 

Martin Perenchio 


© The Siam Society 1999 

ISSN 0857-7099 

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any 

means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and 

retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the Siam Society. 

The Journal of the Siam Society is a forum for original research and analysis. Opinions expressed in the 

Journal are those of the authors. They do not represent the views or policies of the Siam Society. 

Printed byAmarin Printing and Publishing Public Company Limited 

65116 Chaiyapruk Road, Taling Chan 

Bangkok 10170, Thailand. 

Tel. (662) 882-1010. Fax (662) 433-2742, 434-1385 

e-mail: info@amarin.co.th 

http://www.amarin.co.th

The Journal of the Siam Society 

Volume 86, Parts 1 & 2 1998 

CONTENTS 

Ian C. Glover 

Editorial 

7 

ARTICLES 

Andrew Turton 

Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-- 9 

1839: anthropological perspectives 

James R. Chamberlain 

The origin of the Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history 27 

Paul T. Cohen 

Lue ethnicity in national context: a comparative study of Tai Lue communities in 49 

Thailand and Laos 

Pierre Le Roux 

Coudee magique, eau lustrale et Mton enchante: rites et croyances dans la 63 

construction de !'habitat traditionnel des Jawi (Patani, Thai1ande du Sud) 

Berenice Bellina 

La formation des reseaux d'echanges reliant 1' Asie du Sud et 1' Asie du Sud-Est a 89 

travers le materiel archeologique (VIe Siecle Av. J.-C.-VIe Siecle Ap. J.-C.-le 

cas de la Thai1ande et la Peninsule Malaise 

Michael Smithies 

Siamese Mandarins on the Grand Tour, 1688-1690 107 

John Villiers 

Portuguese and Spanish sources for the history of Ayutthaya in the Sixteenth 119 

Century 

Richard A. Engelhardt and Pamela Rumball Rogers 

The ethnoarchaeology of Southeast Asian coastal sites: a model for the deposition 131 

and recovery of archaeological material 

Gerd Albrecht and Johannes Moser 

Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Southern Thailand 161 

Bernard K. Maloney 

A 10,600 year pollen record from Nong Thale Song Hong, Trang Province, South 201 

Thailand 

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts 1 & 2 5

Contents 

KlausWenk 

Thai literature as reflected in Western reports during the 17th to the 19th Centuries 219 

NOTES AND COMMENTS 

J C Eade 

Round-number reckoning in Thai for the 5000 years of the Buddha 227 

Anthony Diller 

A Trang cave text of 1614 AD 232 

Frederic Maurel 

The work of George Credes: views of a young man 235 

Betty Gosling 

Comments on Christian Bauer's 'The Wat Sri Chum Jataka glosses reconsidered' 239 

REVIEWS 

Ronald Bruce StJohn 

Thailand's Boom and Bust by Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker 241 


Khmer Mythology: Secrets of Angkor by Vittorio Roveda 242 


Loyalty Demands Dissent: Autobiography of an Engaged Buddhist by Sulak 243 

Sivaraksa 

William J. Klausner 

Loyalty Demands Dissent: Autobiography of an Engaged Buddhist by Sulak 244 

Sivaraksa 


The Dviiravatf Wheels of the Law and the Indianization of South East Asia by 245 

Robert L. Brown. 


Singhalesische Handschriften, Tei/2, Die Katalognummem /99-376 (Verzeichnis 247 

der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland Band XXII, 2) by Heinz Bechert 

Notes for contributors to the Journal of the Siam Society 249 

6 Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts 1 & 2

EDITORIAL 

This volume brings to a close the second of the 

two years for which I was appointed Hon. Editor 

of The Journal of the Siam Society and, at the 

time of writing the Society's Council is 

considering the appointment of an editor for the 

next issues. 

Once again I have some apologies to make to 

members and other subscribers. Despite 

strenuous efforts it was not possible to get the 

volume published within the year for which it is 

dated-largely because there was no backlog of 

contributions after the publication of Volume 

85; and although, unsolicited and solicited, they 

came in steadily, throughout the year it was only 

by November 1998 that enough material was 

available to make up a respectably-sized issue. 

In Volume 85 I expressed the hope that we 

could revert to the Society's former practice of 

publishing two separate parts but in July 1998 I 

was again asked by the Council to make, for the 

sake of economy, one double issue, and this we 

have done. 

Another, and more serious error has been 

called to my attention by Sheila Middleton in 

connection with her paper on engraved gems 

from Southeast Asia, and these are detailed in a 

separate errata slip. In fact, most of the items 

she asked to be noted are not so much errors as 

changes in wording made by myself or suggested 

by a referee in an attempt to clarify what we 

thought to be ambiguities or obscure passages in 

the text. As the completed paper and referee's 

comments were received only a short while before 

I left for Bangkok with the material for the 

printer there was no time to resolve all the changes 

we wanted to make with the author. In retrospect 

it would have been best to postpone publication 

until this was done, and in failing to do this I 

apologise both to the author and the readers. 

There were far more errors in the J.S.S. 85 

than I had wished for, and perhaps the most in 

my own article. One careful reader even asked 

me, 'Where is the dog ?' mentioned in the caption 

of figure 11 (p. 179); and of course it was not 

there. At the last minute, I substituted, on the 

advice of the printers a photograph of Henri 

Parmentier, his daughter and J.-Y. Claeys (but 

without the dog) at Tra Kieu in 1927, but forgot 

to amend the caption. This shows how necessary 

is careful independent proof reading by someone 

who has not written nor worked on the text for 

some time. One sees what one thinks should be 

on the page rather than what actually is there. 

Fortunately, the new Hon. Secretary of the 

Society has taken on the job of recruiting a 

number of proof readers for this issue so there 

should be fewer careless errors. 

In my last editorial I mentioned that the 

majority of the papers delivered at the sixth 

conference of the European Association for 

Southeast Asian Archaeology which were not 

included in J.S.S. 85 would be published in a 

volume, to be entitled Southeast Asian 

Archaeology 1996, and this, edited by Marijke 

Klokke and Thomas Bruijn came out in 

September 1998, and is available from the Centre 

for South-East Asian Studies, University of Hull, 

HU6 7RX, UK. Since then the same association 

held its seventh biennial conference at the 

Museum ftir Volkerkunde, Berlin in August 

1998 and most of the papers given then will be 

published in a similar volume to be edited by Dr 

Wibke Lobo, the conference organiser. 

In this volume of the J.S.S. readers will note 

some further changes but also continuities, in 

style and layout. We have kept the same page 

size but used 'Times family' fonts which make 

the use of diacriticals for Sanskrit and other 

languages easier to handle. The 'Notes for 

Contributors' at the end of this volume has been 

slightly amended to take account of some 

omissions for instance how best to refer to multivolume 

books-so potential contributors are 

advised to consult the latest version. 

As on the last occasion, I and any future Hon. 

Editors of the journal will have to be quite rigorous 

in asking contributors to adhere to the guidelines 

laid down. Only rarely will it be possible to have 

contributions re-typed into machine-readable 

format and I do not regard it as the editor's job 

carefully to check or complete references. 

Ian C. Glover, Ruthall Cottage, Ditton Priors, 

Shropshire, UK, December 1998. 

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts 1 & 2 

7

DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS TO TAl STATES BY 

DAVID RICHARDSON AND W. C. McLEOD 1830-1839: 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES 

Andrew Turton* 

Abstract 

This paper examines the ethnography of travelling embassies to Tai states in 

the 1830s (Chiang Mai, Chengtung, Chengrung and other Shan States) as 

seen primarily through the unpublished journals of two British officials based 

in Tenasserim: Dr David Richardson and Captain W. C. McLeod. It considers 

features of the lengthy overland journeys and the daily journals themeselves. 

The main analytical focus is on pre-modem Tai diplomatic practices and their 

engagement with European diplomatic guests. It explores themes of diplomatic 

ceremony and propriety, delays and mutual suspicions, cordiality and 

friendship. 

Introduction 

In writing this as an anthropologist, I am aware 

that I am treading rashly in the historian's 

territory, if not literally, then in the historian's 

time and sources. The specific time is the 1830s, 

but it starts earlier. It starts with a new European 

and world order after 1815; a late enlightenment 

intellectual climate combined with incipient 

industrialization. When John Crawfurd sailed 

from Calcutta in 1821, he remarked later with 

hindsight (Crawfurd 1967 [1828]), there were 

no steamships, but by 1824 a small steamship, 

named Diana, was in action against the Burmese 

army on the Ira waddy. 1 It starts with Thailand 

in confident and expansive mood, with increases 

in empire, in the China trade, in population, and 

freedom from war with Burma. It starts also 

with the Crawfurd mission to Bangkok in 1822, 

and, more intimately for my story, with the 

arrival in Madras of two young Anglo-Scots, 

William Couperus McLeod as an infantry cadet 

in 1821 and David Richardson as an Assistant 

Surgeon in 1823. 

The story of British diplomatic contact with 

the Tai world starts earlier still of course with 

the travelling merchant Ralph Fitch, back in 

London in 1591 after a nine-year Asian tour 

regaling Shakespeare's contemporaries and the 

London inns, with tales of fabulous Pegu, and 

his claim to have made a side-trip in 1587 to 

Chiangmai (see Ryley 1899; Edwardes 1972; 

Hall 1928). By 1600, year of the formation of 

the British East India Company (EIC), Sir Foulke 

Greville was advising Queen Elizabeth to send 

a mission to Siam, as it was free from Portuguese 

or Spanish influence. In Banten in early 1608 

EIC Captain Keating invited to dinner the 

Siamese ambassadors who were on their slow 

way to Holland. They seem to have made it 

clear that the King of Siam would welcome an 

embassy from the English. 2 The first British 

embassy duly arrived in Ayutthaya in 1612, and 

in the following year a trade mission was sent to 

Chiangmai from Ayutthaya headed by two 

representatives of the EIC, Thomas Driver and 

Thomas Samuel (see Hall 1928; Hutchinson 

1940). Or we could pick up the thread again 

from the years 1683-87 when Captain John 

Burnaby, an Englishman, and what the EIC 

• School of Oriental and African Studies, 

Thomhaugh Street, London WClH OXG, e-mail 

 


9

Andrew Turton 

called an 'interloper', or free trader, was 

Governor of Mergui, as a Siamese official 

(Hutchinson 1940), as W.C. McLeod was to be 

under British over-rule 150 years later. 3 

Despite these linking threads of narrative, 

discontinuity is more marked than continuity. 

In the early 1820s, as Stamford Raffles noted 

when he commissioned John Crawfurd to 

undertake the first proper European diplomatic 

mission to Thailand since 1687, European 

knowledge of, and relationship with the Tai 

world-indeed the whole area of 'the countries 

between Bengal and China' to use a 

contemporary phrase, was virtually starting again 

from scratch. Though true in diplomatic terms, 

this is a bit misleading however, since for several 

decades Calcutta had been a centre for 

commissioning, storing, and disseminating 

knowledge of the East Indies region. For 

example we may note the founding in 1788 of 

Asiatick Researches, later to become the Journal 

of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (JASB), the 

journal in which several of Richardson's reports 

were to be published. There was the publication 

in 1810 of the first English language outline 

Thai grammar by Leyden. In 1824 Captain 

James Low, aged 33, based in Penang, who also 

made a number of visits into Tai territory in the 

Peninsula in the 1820s was awarded by the EIC 

a bonus of 2,000 Spanish dollars for his expertise 

in the Thai language of Bangkok, which he 

never visited, and in related Tai studies, which 

he had acquired over some six years with the 

help of Thai informants. 

By about this time-if we include the 

occupation of Singapore in 1819 and the treaty 

of Y andabo in 1826 by which Britain took the 

Tenasserim Provinces, from Mergui in the south 

to Moulmein in the north-by this time, British 

India bordered most of the long western edges 

of the Tai-speaking world. From Manipur in the 

North to Penang in the South, there were Tai 

speaking residents, subjects of the Government 

of India. 

So much, by way of introduction, for a 

heterodox appropriation of the historian's 

dimensions of time and chronology. As for my 

principle sources, they are principally the reports 

of five missions undertaken by Dr David 

Richardson and one by Captain W.C. McLeod 

to Tai states (mostly known then as Western 

Lao or Shan) and one by Richardson to Bangkok. 

While most of the reports have been publishedin 

the JASB 183~0 (Richardson 1836, 1837, 

1839-40); in Parliamentary Papers in 1869 

(McLeod 1869; Richardson 1869); and in the 

five volumes of the so-called Burney Papers in 

1910-14 (Burney 1910-1914)-none have been 

properly edited or commercially published to 

date, though the journals of the Richardson and 

McLeod missions of 1837 are due to be 

published, edited by Volker Grabowsky and the 

present author. We have not yet examined all 

the manuscript versions of these sources, but it 

seems that virtually all relevant material has in 

fact been published in the limited forms 

mentioned. For example the Burney Papers, 

published safely after the Anglo-Siamese Treaty 

of 1909, released much correspondence 

originally classified as secret. 

The territory in which these events take place 

is not so unfamiliar or off limits to me as it 

happens. I have spent quite some years living in 

Thailand, especially the North, and have visited, 

as McLeod and Richardson did between them: 

Chiangmai, Lamphun, Lampang, Chiangrai, 

Chengrung, and neighbouring places they spoke 

of: Chiangsaen, Chiangkhong, Nan, Luang 

Prabang, Puerh, Kunming, Tali and so on. I 

have also spent quite a few days walking through 

the hills and foothills, occasionally camping in 

the forest, as they so frequently did. Even more 

intimately, McLeod twice passed right through 

the area of a village and district in Chiangrai 

where I lived and researched for more than two 

years. This was then known until the early 

twentieth century as Muang Nong Khwang, now 

Amphur Mae Sruay. McLeod describes flora 

and fauna, crops, hot springs, elephant hunting, 

trading with Chengtung, political allegiances 

and dependencies and so on, which were as I 

found or had told to me. 4 

Ethnography of embassy 

The travelling embassies of the early modern 

period are extraordinary kinds of transcultural 

encounter. 5 They start with assumptions of the 

possibility of a cultural 'bridgehead' of mutual 

understanding. There is both strong self-interest 

and commitment to some common interest. Some 

mutually beneficial exchange is sought. It is a 

10 

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts 1 & 2

Diplomatic missions to Tai states by David Richardson and W. C. McLeod 1830-1839 

negotiation. The diplomatic encounter constitutes 

a contested zone. Accounts thus have the merit 

of a kind of robust honesty, reflexivity even, 

about self-interested purpose and the difficulties 

of 'translation' in various senses; a transparency 

all too often lacking in other travellers' and 

some academic accounts. And despite the fact 

that there are fewer Tai records, or for some 

missions none at all, there are opportunities to 

see the Tai side exercising reverse determination: 

facilitating, blocking, dissimulating, modifying, 

appropriating and so on. 

Part of my method is to identify recurrent 

rhetorical themes or tropes, what have been 

called 'formulaic commonplaces' ( cf Boon 

1982, 1991) or what in the history of literary 

rhetoric are called topoi, which is to say figures 

of speech, which can be seen in these and other 

accounts. I argue that they are not so much 

accidental, or merely stylistic or symptomatic, 

but largely constitutive of the events as 

recorded. They include a series of critical, 

rhetorical complaints: of excessive ritualisation 

and ceremony; of excessive control, surveillance 

and lack of freedom; of endless, unnecessary 

delays and frustrations; of lack of 'civilization' 

among the host society (including excessively 

deferential and despotic behaviour, absence and 

style of clothing etc.). Then there are 

classifications of peoples in an ethnicising, 

gendering, sometimes racialising, and almost 

always hierarchising way. 

Interesting} y, some of these hyperbolic styles 

seem to serve to reveal-just as well, or better 

than the equally exaggerating method of 

claiming to present standard-average 

descriptions-or let us hear, something of the 

voice from the other side-their concerns and 

suspicions about possible threats, duplicity, 

espionage, and bad faith; their evaluation of the 

European; their lack of unanimity and so on. 

And there are plenty of other themes, currents 

or undertones, some of which may be 

contradictory or which leave the whole not 

adding up in any convenient or expected way. 

One of these I discuss below as the trope of 

friendship and delicacy; themes which I would 

argue are worthy of greater attention in historical 

and ethnographic studies. 6 

One influence on my approach has been 

from reading about Chinese diplomatic 

practices, which seem to have been replicated 

or transformed in many East and South East 

Asian countries. Bangkok was sending almost 

annual missions to China in this period. There 

are quite a few interesting references to Thai 

and Burmese diplomatic officials met by 

Europeans who had had previous experience of 

missions to Beijing. There had been Burmese 

diplomats in Beijing when Lord Macartney first 

went there in 1793. Burney translated the 

account of a Burmese mission to China in 1833. 

One of the Tai states visited by McLeod, 

Chengrung, had been under Chinese suzerainty 

for centuries. Richardson meets, on the road, a 

Burmese official he had met a few years earlier, 

who had since been to Beijing as second 

ambassador. But in terms of my present focus, 

on what I do of course concede are relatively 

small scale missions, what struck me-totally 

freshly on a second reading-was the similarity 

of structure and processes of these British 

missions to those in Bangkok in 1822 (Crawfurd 

1915, 1967; Finlayson 1826) 1825-26 (Burney 

1910-14), 1850 (Thailand 1936), 1855 

(Bowring 1857), to a Srilankan mission in 1750 

(Pieris 1903 ), to the French missions to 

Ayutthaya in the 1680s (Choisy 1993), the 

Dutch in Vientiane in 1641 (Van Wuysthoff 

1987), and so on further back and farther afield. 

What we can call the intertextuality of this 

discursive phenomenon is a fascinating aspect. 

This includes the way in which authors refer 

to the texts of others, meet each other if 

contemporaries, are briefed from Calcutta by 

scholar officials with access to excellent 

libraries and archives, and so on. There is 

clearly a cumulative production not just of a 

corpus of texts, but more than that of a 

discourse on the Tai world, which is 

increasingly shared with the Tai side over time. 

In 1834 Cao Lamphun consults his copy of the 

Tai text of the Burney treaty of 1826; and in 

1839 the future King Mongkut's younger fullbrother, 

the future Upparat, shows Richardson 

a copy of 'Crawfurd's map' published in 1828, 

and so on. 

Some of this is part of the ethnography itself. 

For example, Richardson records a conversation 

in 1838 between Henry Burney, who was then 

British resident, or Commissioner, at Ava, and 

the new King of Burma, Tharrawaddy. 


11

Andrew Turton 

Richardson had made many other visits to Ava, 

receiving an honorific title from the previous 

king. This is a year before Richardson follows 

in Burney's footsteps on a mission to Bangkok. 

He has also travelled, sometimes in the company 

of Burney, to Calcutta for various briefings and 

debriefings. Earlier still he has. kept the 

knowledgeable Mrs Ann Judson company in 

Moulmein, while her husband Dr Adoniram 

Judson accompanied the notoriously 'undiplomatic' 

Crawfurd as interpreter on his 

mission to Ava in 1826. Richardson reports the 

Burmese king as saying to both of them that he 

is willing to talk to diplomats like Burney and 

Richardson-both we can assume totally fluent 

in Burmese, after some 14 years continuous 

residence- 'but', he goes on, and Richardson 

seems to quote almost verbatim 'let any "green 

man" who does not know the language and 

customs of the Burmese, and assumes a higher 

tone, be sent here, he will look to it as a warning 

to prepare his troops; ifMr Crawford (sic) were 

here now, it would be war directly' (Richardson 

1869: 146). 

The similarities-as between Bangkok and 

the other Tai states-are in this case more 

interesting than the differences. Though once 

we have established the comparabilities, the 

detailed differences once again become 

compelling. I might briefly mention a few broad 

differences. They mainly derive from the fact 

that the Siamese state centred on Bangkok (or 

the Burmese at Ava, or the Chinese at Peking) 

are sovereign states or rather empires, and 

possessed of far greater wealth and resources 

than their 'vassals' the phrathetsarat. So the 

difference is mainly in the scale of magnificence 

and ceremoniousness, and in the extent of 

possibilities for a less formal, more egalitarian, 

more participatory encounter (for example in 

access to various parties and classes of people, 

such as exiles, monks, women, other foreigners 

etc., less punctiliousness about sitting on chairs 

or removing shoes etc., more reference to use of 

alcohol in socialising. And also by virtue of the 

lesser status of these vassal states-and, which 

is almost the same thing, their lack of any 

maritime frontier-the missions are the first or 

the ftrst remembered, direct encounters on home 

territory with Europeans at this level of 

formality. 

The journeys 

Let me now give a starkly factual description of 

the missions and journals. All six missions were 

overland journeys (excepting a little by riverboat 

and raft) from Moulmein to Tai territories and 

back to Moulmein, the administrative capital of 

British Tenasserim Provinces. They were 

journeys on foot, both human and animal feet. 

They were among the first, certainly the first 

well documented, and the first diplomatic 

journeys by Europeans into the hinterland of 

mainland South East Asia, to anticipate a term 

of political geography-of German origindating 

from the high imperial 1880s and 1890s. 

Earlier accounts had been of journeys from port 

to port, and they contain descriptions of whatever 

was encountered on the way. So we have 

ethnography of the Cape of Good Hope 

prefacing an embassy to Beijing (Cranmer-Byng 

1963; Staunton 1797); or of the behaviour of 

Eurasian high society in Malacca in Crawfurd's 

narrative of his mission to Bangkok. McLeod 

and Richardson, on the other hand, travel from 

the land frontier inwards towards the capitals, 

and so they have seen much of the conditions of 

the country before seeing its rulers. 

The journeys were made in 1830,1834, 1835, 

1837 and 1839. They usually started in mid 

December of the year before, and tried to return 

before the rains set in the following May. 

Richardson's 1834 mission arrived back on 21 

May; it had rained throughout the final week, 

causing several deaths from exposure and most 

of the party to suffer from fevers. On the whole 

the accounts minimise the physical dangers and 

risks. 

The number of people on these journeys 

varied from about 50-100 and up to 300 and 

more. The caravan consisted first of all of the 

personal party of Richardson and McLeod. This 

consisted of about 20-30 people, comprising 

five or more Indian soldiers, personal servants, 

tent pitchers, interpreters, guides, and so on. 

Then there were the elephant drivers and others 

in charge of bullocks and horses; and people 

referred to as 'coolies', who I think were porters 

on foot. The porters and the animals carried 

food and other supplies, trade goods, and very 

importantly diplomatic gifts, which I discuss 

later. There were often other traders, on their 

12 



own account, some of whom joined at later 

stages of the journey, taking advantage of the 

protection as well as the trading opportunities 

offered by the expedition. In addition there was 

sometimes an armed escort from the host state. 

As far as one may tell, Richardson and 

McLeod were the only Europeans on these 

journeys. 7 If the expeditions are, somewhat 

anachronistically, thought of as research 

missions, then compared with the embassies to 

major capitals, which involved quite large multiskilled 

teams, these were more like solo field 

trips. However, the value of a small entourage 

of experienced traders and interpreters, and other 

sources of local knowledge, must have been 

considerable. In any case they were not 

accompanied by relatives, as were the leaders 

of several other missions. For example, 

Crawford took his wife in 1822, Burney his 

wife and six year old son in 1826, and Bowring 

his adult son in 1855. The traders and others 

would usually include Bengalis and other 

Indians, Mon, Burmese, Shan, maybe Karen 

and Yunnanese Chinese. There were Animists, 

Buddhists, Christians, Hindus, and Muslimsthough 

the religious differences or practices of 

members of the caravan are hardly ever alluded 

to. With one exception, there is no mention of 

religious holidays, not even Sundays, or 

Ramadan for instance. By contrast local religious 

events, such as Northern Thai New Year, 

Buddhist ordinations and funerals, and some 

other festivals, and Buddhist monks encountered 

are mentioned. 

The total journey times were approximately 

as follows: McLeod five and a half months, and 

Richardson respectively three and a half, two 

and a half, four and a half, eight and a half, and 

seven and a half months, a total of over two and 

a half person years. The distances covered 

averages about 10--12 miles per day in a median 

range 8-16, at a walking pace of about 2.5 

miles per hour or less. In colder, flatter country, 

and for one stretch without elephants, which 

were usually the most important limiting factor, 

McLeod averaged 15 mpd (24 km) over a 

fortnight without halting for a day; and on 

another occasion 20 mpd (32 km) over a week 

without halt. 8 

Richardson had had even more demanding 

experiences in Burma during the war (1824- 

26) as an army surgeon in sole command of 

caravans of wounded soldiers and field hospital 

staff. For example in January 1826 he had led a 

caravan of 263 people, including 63 wounded 

on carts and stretchers, for three days, covering 

120 miles by land and river. Richardson wrote 

to his father that he would decline 2,000 rupees 

(about six months salary) to do the same again. 

They seem to have usually made only one 

march in a day, arriving mid-day to early 

afternoon. Even if they rose well before dawn it 

would usually take two to three hours to cook, 

eat, and look after animals before leaving at 

7.00 or 8.00 am or even later. The times recorded 

seem mainly to be of the main party which 

travelled faster, whereas elephants and load 

bearing 'coolies' sometimes took longer (10-- 

12 hours), and sometimes arrived after dark. 

They seem never to have halted for the day 

unless absolutely obliged to by the needs of the 

pack animals, by the need to supply food, or 

more usually, by the political demands of their 

immediate hosts, which could mean a wait of 

several days on end. Reference to these 

unwelcome delays becomes a regular figure in 

their narratives. 

They usually spen~ about two to three 

weeks-and up to a couple of months-in major 

centres, a week or two in lesser ones. While 

roughly 60 percent of the total time was spent 

travelling between centres, more journal entries 

are written at these centres, as one would indeed 

expect. Journal entries, however brief, are made 

for almost all days. Every day's entry records 

distance, direction(s) and duration of march, 

sometimes the actual times of departure and 

arrival; place names where inhabited or known 

(villages, mountains, rivers, and small streamsand 

their breadth and depth); and occasionally 

the estimated height above sea level is calculated 

from the temperature at which water boils. In 

the Appendix to this article I give excerpts from 

each of Richardson's and McLeod's 1837 

journals chosen as examples of fairly short 

entries on the march, just to give some flavour. 

Pre-modern Tai diplomatic practices 

It might be thought that these missions were too 

low level and small scale to be called diplomatic 

missions, and that they were at most like consular 


13

Andrew Turton 

or trade missions. The emissaries were well 

regarded by their superiors and each had several 

years experience, military and administrative, 

but neither was senior in rank: Richardson had 

the rank of Assistant-Surgeon, and McLeod was 

only made up to Captain for the mission, or was 

possibly promoted immediately after. Both were 

aged about 33 on their first missions, which 

may not be an advanced age but nonetheless 

one by which many of their contemporaries had 

reached high office and responsibility. Although 

authorised by the Government of India, like 

Crawfurd and Burney, the letters they bore came 

from the Commissioner of Tenasserim 

Provinces. They are not conventionally thought 

of as 'diplomatic' missions, although the title of 

Langham-Carter's 1966 article, does refer to 

Richardson as 'diplomat and explorer' 

(Langham-Carter 1966) and Walter Vella also 

refers to Richardson as a 'diplomat', at least in 

regard to his mission to the King at Bangkok in 

1839 (Vella 1957: 124). 

However I think is it useful to assimilate 

these missions to the category of 'embassy' or 

diplomatic mission, for several reasons. First, 

these were the first official encounters between 

Britain (not just Tenasserim or India) and these 

Tai states; in the case of Chiengrung, almost 

certainly the first local encounter with Europeans 

of any sort. Secondly, for all that these were 

tributary states-always looking over their 

shoulder, so to say, towards Ava, or Bangkok, 

or China, actually Puerh, or Kunming at bestthey 

had varying amounts of autonomy, a sense 

of their own dignity, and a desire, and some 

freedom, to pursue their own external relations. 

The British tended at first to exaggerate the 

sovereignty of the Burmese Shan states, but 

more out of ignorance perhaps than for any 

devious reason. 

Some evidence for the relative autonomy of 

Chiangmai, for instance, is that the Cao 

Chiangmai had sent a letter to the British in 

Moulmein arriving as early as March 1825, 

from the 'ruler of 57 provinces and possessor 

of the richest throne in the East'. Possibly this 

was from King Phuttawong in the first days of 

his reign, or near the death of the previous 

ruler. This was just a few months after the 

occupation of Tenasserim by the British during 

the war but nearly a year before the treaty of 

Yandabo, and seven months before Burney's 

embassy to Bangkok started in November 1825. 

Another letter, perhaps from the ambitious 

viceroy was sent in 1828, not long after the 

sack of Vientiane by the Siamese in 1827. A 

third letter from Lannathai arrived in Moulmein 

from Bunma, the Cao Lamphun and titular cao 

ciwit, or senior cao in the north, in early 

December 1829, and was either the trigger or 

the final authorization for Richardson's first 

mission which departed Moulmein on 11th 

December 1829. Brailey, my source for these 

letters, surmises plausibly that Burney had 

probably met Phuttawong and Bunma, called 

'Western Lao Chiefs', in Bangkok on his visit 

in 1825-26 (Brailey 1968). Assembling vassal 

state rulers to attend major foreign embassies 

seems to have been a likely practice, so that 

several of the Shan cao probably had experience 

of meeting British officers at Ava (from the 

Symes mission of 1785 onwards) or Bangkok, 

prior to any formal direct contact, and they 

certainly would have known how various 

ambassadors were treated. 

Thirdly, and most importantly for my 

approach (and which I may hope gives it some 

originality), my analysis shows that the structure, 

the semiotics, and practices of the whole mission, 

and within it the more focused episodes 'at 

court', and in the performances of royal audience 

and reception, allow us to assimilate these events 

to the category not just of diplomatic embassy, 

but of a generic Tai diplomatic event, at least to 

an extent that permits some comparison and 

further analysis. 

Let me develop this last point and take the 

argument forward. I have just implied that there 

may be apparently factual, reliably constant 

features of formal events: rules or norms of 

language, practice, and behaviour, whether of a 

more ritual or more broadly social kind. For 

example the King or Cao receives the visitor, 

the khaek muang, in a palace (phra raja wang 

or ho luang); he sits in a relatively high position; 

the diplomats are accorded some privilege but 

must obey certain local rules of behaviour; there 

are rather strictly governed exchanges of letters, 

of formal questions and other rhetorical niceties, 

of gifts etc; hospitality and security are provided; 

information is requested and exchanged, or 

withheld within certain rules, agreements are 

14 



made and recorded, and so on. All this, though 

recognizably part of an even more general 

category of pre-modern South East Asian 

embassy, is conducted in a distinctive Tai idiom; 

it is not identical to Burmese or Vietnamese, for 

example. In the first place, it is interesting to 

study this in itself as part of a general history 

and ethnography of social forms, and not just in 

order to see what was the outcome of the 

negotiations, or what specific bits of information 

were recorded. 

The journals 

But what can we do with this material? Most 

often it is mined for factual information on 

British colonial history, on the structure and 

political economy of Tai states, on the Karen 

and other peoples, on elephants and so on. I 

myself have used it as a source on Tai practices 

of slavery. Nigel Brailey in his unpublished 

1968 SOAS PhD thesis made particularly good 

use of it to consider the political dynamics of 

the Lannathai or Chiangmai Kingdom in the 

nineteenth century and the origins of its 

incorporation by the Siamese (Brailey 1968). 

My current purpose is to examine these texts 

as a genre of ethnography, and more particularly 

as ethnography of embassy, ethnography of 

diplomatic missions. This is part of a larger 

project which does the same for other European 

accounts in the early modem period 9 • We might 

say that these embassies produce three kinds of 

ethnography. First, the most obvious sort, what 

I call 'narratives and classifications of other 

peoples'; this is ethnography .Ill!. the embassy. 

Secondly, there is 'ethnography of the 

embassies' themselves. And thirdly, a kind of 

ethnography in the embassy; a less than 

explicitly descriptive or narrative account, an 

ethnography of each side's calculations and 

efforts as they test ways of communicating their 

desire to be and to remain both distinct, distant 

and autonomous, and yet closer in friendship; 

and a desire both to accept and reject the other's 

view and opinion of oneself. 

On the face of it my sources mainly belong 

to the genres of official report writing, of diaries 

or journals, and of writing about journeys. They 

were not written for publication (a contrast with 

the accounts of Finlayson (Finlayson 1826), 

Crawfurd (Crawfurd 1967), Bowring (Bowring 

1857) and many others) and neither McLeod 

nor Richardson themselves published their 

accounts. This was mediated by superiors. Of 

the two Richardson may be considered the more 

reflective and scholarly. He also wrote detailed 

and thoughtful letters to his father, extracts from 

which were published in 1966; and he translated 

a basic Burmese law text which was first 

published a year after his death in 1846 

(Richardson 1847). 

The journals of McLeod and Richardson are 

more like the field diaries of later academic 

ethnographers than other accounts of the period. 

This is partly due to their general familiarity, 

gained over many years of residence, with much 

of the region, and many of its peoples and 

languages, and to their travelling for long periods 

in the company of a multi-ethnic caravan. All 

this and their ability to witness and participate 

in many aspects of the life of the ordinary people 

as well as the nobility, and the frequency of 

their visits, gave them some advantages over 

many academic researchers, who are faced with 

different opportunities and constraints on their 

time, mobility and access. Like many 

ethnographers of other peoples, they become 

somewhat, or more than somewhat seduced by 

the exotic, or rather, by the exotic become routine 

or a second home. 10 Richardson makes many 

allusions to the attractiveness ofTai--or at least 

Khon Muang and Shan-ways of life, for 

example the looks and behaviour of northern 

Thai women, music, hospitality, and food (the 

latter in contrast to the predominantly Chinese 

and possibly Eurasian food prepared for 

diplomatic visitors in Bangkok, as when at one 

formal dinner he says '[I] smuggled my own 

[Indian style?] curry onto the table'). In a village 

just outside Lampang Richardson's party were 

offered a meal of 'rice and vegetable stews'. 

'These were brought out by the women of the 

village, young and old; the former, as usual, 

uncovered to the waist, and finer busts are not 

to be found in the world, and many of them fair 

as Europeans.' (Richardson 1836: 699) 

Richardson seems to have committed himself 

fairly early on to a career or even a lifetime 

spent in the region. He said in a letter to his 

father, fairly soon after his arrival in Burma, 

that he had a premonition he would not return, 


15

Andrew Turton 

even to Madras. He was said by his grandson in 

1947 to have married the daughter of a Shan 

cao, to have died in Moulmein-he died aged 

49-and by that time to have turned to Buddhism 

(Langham-Carter 1966). It is quite possible that 

he was married by the time of some of his later 

missions. 

Let me give some examples of seemingly 

near verbatim, and instantaneous reports of 

richly textured, sometimes polyvocal, multiethnic 

encounters and performances-no doubt 

written up before going to bed as all good 

anthropology fieldworkers do! 11 

Here is an entry for 29 January 1837. 

Richardson is in Karen country: 

I had a long conversation this morning with an 

old Shan woman, from Monay, the wife of the 

chief man of business and interpreter; she gave 

her opinions freely of the Kareans, in the 

presence of the [Karen] chiefs son ... she said 

they were jungle wild animals; they had neither 

temples nor laws; did not know good from evil, 

and were perfectly uncivilised; the bystanders, 

or rather sitters, though she was understood by 

two-thirds of them, seemed perfectly unmoved 

by her eloquence (Richardson, 1869: 109). 

It is most likely, if not absolutely certain, 

that she was speaking in Tai. In any case I feel I 

can almost translate this directly back into Shan 

or kham muang colloquial cliches. 12 The mutely 

self-deprecating (non-)response of the Karen 

also rings true. 

Or this brief extract from his 1839 journal, 

written in the evening at a camp made for the 

night in the forest, perhaps not far from the 

Three Pagodas Pass. Given the scarcity of Karen 

villages, they have run out of rice and have 

eaten yams and ferns for three days: 

One of our Karen companions is at this moment 

giving the most ludicrous and savage imitations 

of the dances of the Siamese, Taline [Mon], 

Birman and Sawas by the ftre-light.' (Richardson 

1839-40: 1028) 

For me, this seems to resemble a comic 

interlude in front of the curtain in a Shakespeare 

history play; a few days later Richardson would 

be in audience with the King of Siam. 

McLeod had similar opportunities and a 

certain talent for writing. It is May 1837. He has 

been talking, on the road not far, from Chiangmai, 

to the Cao Ho Na of Chiangmai, who was the 

viceroy and in practice probably the most 

powerful member of the ruling group. The prince 

has an escort of about 100 elephants and 700 

armed men; compared with him McLeod must 

have seemed like a backpacker! The prince has 

just come back from a diplomatic trip to 

Bangkok, which may also have been something 

of a shopping trip: 

He spoke of Dr Richardson's mission [in 1834?], 

and said he was sure the Red Karengs, who 

were the bitter enemies of the Burmans, would 

never consent to their passing through their 

country. I asked him how his countrymen, being 

good Buddhists, could permit and encourage the 

slave trade with that country. He said that God 

had provided every nation according to its 

necessities; that to the Red Karengs, he had 

given men but no salt. The Chief of that tribe, 

who accompanied him down to Bangkok, went 

back soon, considering the capital a most 

disagreeable place, and Zimme far superior to it, 

though nothing equal to his own mountains . . . 

[though they were both] loud in their praises of 

the English shop at Bangkok' [presumably the 

godown of Robert Hunter, the only European 

commercial establishment in the city at the time] 

(McLeod 1869: 95). 

Ceremony and diplomatic propriety 

The earliest European account of the Ayutthaya 

court, in about 1515, says that the King 'is very 

ceremonious with strangers' and that his 

'ambassadors carry out their instructions 

thoroughly' (Pires 1944: 103-4). In the sixteenth 

century, Anthony Reid says, an important 

'measure of a ruler's greatness' was to have a 

harbour 'full of foreign ships and the court of 

foreign envoys' (Reid 1993: 190). Nicholas 

Gervaise, referring to the court of King Narai 

(r.1657-88) commented 'There has never been 

any court anywhere in the world more ritualistic 

than the court of the King of Siam' (Gervaise 

1989: 221). 

Chiangmai may not have been full of foreign 

envoys, but there were a number of exiled cao 

16 



muang kept close to court and Richardson 

observed that the shutters on the reception hall 

had paintings of foreigners paying homage or 

respects to the King, including farang dressed 

in early eighteenth century costume. And 

compared with Ayutthaya or Bangkok, the 

ceremony, both for the visiting diplomats and 

local nobles is perceived as less deferential. 

However, a straightforward structural kind of 

analysis of the more focused ceremonial parts 

of the missions, reveals common elements, and 

variations which permit an understanding of, on 

the one hand, the different degrees of wealth, 

strength and vassal status of the Tai states or 

muang in question; and on the other hand, of 

diplomatic tactics. 

Richardson's first visit to Lamphun may 

serve as an example. It has most of the 'basic' 

elements which can be summarised as follows: 

a meeting outside town by a senior royal 

official; 

a request for an audience together with 

frrst mention of an official letter and gifts; 

arrangement for the audience (in this case 

the very next day) and details of protocol, 

including refusal of his request to wear a 

sword; 

the audience itself and its key elements: 

seating, dress code (especially shoes), 

gestures of respect (from both sides 

towards ruler), presentation of letter and 

gifts, formal exchange of questions and 

answers etc.; 

entertainment afterwards (feasting, 

music); 

socialising on the days following 

(attending religious ceremonies, for 

example New Year ceremonies, rocket 

festivals, funerals, ordinations of 

Buddhist monks, and also authorised 

visits of inspection of the town and its 

fortifications); 

semi-formal meetings with other senior 

officials to discuss business; 

other informal meetings with officials 

but also monks, women, exiles, traders 

etc.; 

throughout the visit: a succession of small 

gifts of provisions etc. to the visitors; 

an audience of departure; 

presentation of return gifts. 

A distinctive ceremonial element in the 

northern scenario is the ritual of soul-calling 

and wrist-tying (pouk[khwan]) 'beyond which' 

he is told 'there is no possible mark of 

friendship'. Much used throughout the Tai world 

in popular practice, this is still used, and indeed 

has been re-emphasised in formal government 

receptions in Laos. 

Although Richardson sits on a lower level, 

and on carpets and not chairs in royal audiences 

(though on a chair with the Phra Khlang in 

Bangkok), he always notes that he is permitted 

to keep his boots on, even in Bangkok. The 

Burmese commissioners do however try to get 

him to remove his shoes; Richardson says he 

would do this only in the company of princes, 

but the Tai do not insist. Richardson usually 

bows from a standing position, and remarks 

that the chiefs 'assume a much more manly 

position than in the presence of some of the 

lowest chiefs of Bangkok'. 

Even on his visit to the Karen Chief, Pha 

Bho, Richardson notes, albeit with heavy irony, 

a few details of ceremony. Having described 

the chiefs house as little different from the 

other 70 or so houses 'in the worst Burman 

style', he refers to 'his Majesty's mansion' and 

'the royal presence'; the room is a very dark 

interior with a frre burning in the middle of the 

floor, and 'the roof splendidly varnished with 

soot', but there was a carpet. Richardson gives 

gifts [unspecified on this occasion but usually 

in such cases a gun and some cloth] 'The only 

indications of his chieftainship were a gold and 

silver sword and silver betel box, both of which 

he carried himself, and his only attendant was 

the old Sban .. .' , a 'factotum', as Richardson 

calls him, who wrote the chiefs letters in 

Burmese. However this chief was the man who 

Richardson says had the power to extract 'the 

blackmail' (a nice historical Scottish term for 

the political economy of frontiers and cattle 

trade!) from both local Burmese and Shan, and 

who, when Richardson frrmly refuses his request 

that the British ally with him in fighting the 

Burmese, nonetheless 'promised his protection 

to traders from Maulamyne and to people 

(Chinese included) from the northward'. 

There are other instances of the 

contradictoriness of Richardson's representation 

of the Karen chief. Of the people in the soon 


17

Andrew Turton 

crowded room, he writes: 'their whole 

demeanour was civil and respectful,-very 

different from what the Zimmay chiefs wished 

me to believe'. But having heard and seen some 

effects of slave raiding by Karen-if cultural 

relativism will allow me to call it that-including 

an interview with a pregnant woman whose 

husband had been 'cut to pieces in her arms', 

and who had been separated from her two 

daughters and all fellow villagers, and other 

'diabolical scenes' as he calls them, Richardson 

does not mince his words and refers to the Karen 

in general in terms of 'the terror with which 

these detestable savages have inspired their 

neighbours, though I am convinced they are 

equally despicable and detestable'. 

Richardson nonetheless maintains a 

diplomatic propriety, telling the chief that 'I 

had come as he had requested, and as the 

Commissioner of Maulmayne [sic] had promised 

last year, from whom I had brought a letter and 

presents, and wished to open the gold and silver 

road between us, and be friends with the Kayen 

nation, etc. etc.' And he is convinced that Pha 

Bho himself 'discourages men-catching', and 

that he has secured 'the good-will towards us of 

the Red Kay ens'. And although there is a fair 

amount of disparaging language-much of it is 

only of the order of 'shabby' and 'vile smell of 

the house', which together with the noise he 

says gave him a headache-his invective is 

reserved for the practice of 'kidnapping and 

selling their neighbours'. It is only this practice 

that he refers to when he says: 

. . . it is possible that the intercourse with these 

people now commenced may lead eventually 

towards their civilization, and that our influence 

with them may hereafter be successfully exerted 

in putting an end to their system of kidnapping 

and selling their neighbours. . . . 

This is a quite rare instance of moralizing. 

And it is noticeable that those Farang writers 

who have spent longest in the company ofTai (I 

would include also James Low and Bishop 

Pallegoix) are the least prone to use hierarchical 

notions of degrees of 'civilization' and so on. 

When Richardson arrives at the Karen village 

in the evening, he pitches his tent 200 yards from 

the village. Early in the morning he sends to the 

Chief to ask when he may see him. 'After 

breakfast' is the reply. In Bangkok in 1839, in 

some contrast, Richardson is invited to the royal 

audience ten days after his arrival. King Rama 

ill had received Burney 15 years earlier and had 

been present at Crawford's mission. The King 

had no doubt had Richardson's visits to the north 

reported to him. Richardson is carried in a 

'hammock' by eight of his own servants. He no 

doubt had read of Crawford's physical and 

diplomatic discomfort at being carried rolled in 

a soft hammock by only two porters provided by 

the Thai side. When the Siamese and 'native 

Christians' 'fell on their knees and made as 

many prostrations as they could' Richardson sat 

on the carpet at the designated spot and, in his 

words, made 'two or three salaams to his 

Majesty', which, though in Anglo-Indian usage 

could mean any greeting, I translate or interpret 

as a gesture with the hands and head, rather than 

merely a bow from the waist. During the royal 

conversation Richardson remarks 'From the 

knowledge I have of the Laos language, and its 

affinities to the Siamese, I could make out that 

my answers to the king' s questions were modified 

to meet the royal ear'. He comments that, 

On the whole, my reception (as I was frequently 

told it would be) was one of more state and 

ceremony, and oflonger and more friendly nature 

as regards the time of its continuance, (lasting 

one hour and 20 minutes) and number of 

questions put, than has been granted to any 

mission for many years, which I presume may 

be attributed to ... ' [I paraphrase] British power 

in Burma . . . and 'a more just appreciation of 

our relative rank in the scale of nations', and 

[again I paraphrase] . . . the efforts of Mr Hunter 

(the Scottish and sole European resident trader 

in Bangkok 1824-1844). 

McLeod finds Lamphun in 1837 in a 

weakened state following the death of the cao 

chiwit, with the palace recently 'pulled down', 

and hardly prepared for a formal visit. He goes 

on to Chiangmai where the officials are better 

dressed than at Lamphun though 'some are 

without jackets' and the 'Tsobua' is preceded 

'by a few men shabbily dressed, armed with 

swords and spears'. The Tsobua himself wore a 

white jacket and 'ordinary cloth of the country', 

18 



carrying himself an ordinary sword without a 

scabbard, said to be a Lawa custom. In 

Chengtung by contrast, for all that the palace is 

described as a 'shabby pile of wood'. it is 'richly 

gilt' inside, has a throne with a door at the back 

as at Ava, and there are men holding swords 

with golden scabbards. McLeod says he is 

'struck with the grandeur of everything 

compared with what I had seen at Zimme'. The 

officers, all Shan, were dressed in the Burmese 

fashion, the rest with Shan jackets and blue 

trousers. On his second, less formal visit to the 

Tsobua (the Cao Chengtung Mahakhanan), 

McLeod spends nearly four hours sitting on a 

mat. He comments 

The position in which I was seated not being the 

most comfortable, which his son observing [the 

Tsobua was blind], whispered to his father; when 

pillows were ordered to be brought in for me. 

None of the officers are permitted to use these 

in the Tsobua's presence.' 

He was also given refreshment in a gold cup 

and on silver trays. 

In Chengrung there is another contrast. The 

palace buildings and decorations are said to be 

Chinese, as is the costume of the court officers. 

Chinese is the language of the court, with one in 

ten of the officers able to write in Shan, we are 

told, and one in a hundred in Burmese. There 

are tables and chairs in the throne hall, and at 

the formal dinner with the regent, widow of the 

late ruler, there are three high tables with chairs 

and other lower tables with mats. McLeod has 

brought with him his own spoon and fork and 

wine glass, which it seems he is obliged to give 

as a present to the Regent at her request. The 

recent death of the Ruler is given, apologetically, 

as the reason for lack of a ceremonious reception 

suitable for 'a stranger of rank'. 

Cordiality and friendship 

I want to bring into focus frequent references in 

the embassy literature to personal friendship, 

pleasure, delicacy, kindness, and appreciation. 

They occur alongside expressions of negative 

prejudice, and politically motivated protest. I 

am in sympathy with Theerawat Bhumichitr, a 

relatively new member of a long tradition of 

Thai scholar-diplomats. He argues the 

importance of the study of emotion and 

interpersonal factors in international politics 

(Theerawat 1993). 

There are limiting cases of envoys being 

arrested, even killed (certainly Burmese and 

Vietnamese). We are also alert to the ambiguities 

of hospitality. But the positive side tends to 

prevail, that sense of 'cherishing men from afar', 

as the Chinese annals put it. The summit of 

proceedings is the moment when the King briefly 

addresses the envoys. This is remarkably like 

the Chinese practice of the Emperor offering 

'soothing words' (cf. Hevia 1995: 176), referred 

to in Thai for example as song phraraja 

phatisanthan sam khrang ['the three gracious 

royal questions']: how is your King; is there 

peace in your country; how long have you 

travelled? These are uncontentious words of 

welcome, formally friendly. Whether we are in 

Bangkok or the Shan States we hear these 

questions repeatedly. 

The experience of progressively, or perhaps 

intermittently, more relaxed, 'cordial', 

conversations and expressions of care and 

generosity during the course of a mission can 

be interpreted in much the same way as the 

process of 'centring and channelling' which is a 

feature of diplomatic strategy within Chinese 

guest ritual. It could be reduced and turned off, 

as well as turned on and up 13 • Cushions and 

chairs could be provided or not; boat crews 

could be dismissed, elephants take longer to 

assemble, privileges and concessions modified. 

And there was the final assessment of the return 

gifts, when all other business had been 

concluded. 

In addition to this highly managed aspect of 

personal treatment, there are many instances of 

something more personal. McLeod's experience 

can stand as an example. On the sixth day of his 

visit to Chiangmai in 1837, the day after his 

royal audience, he meets the third most senior 

prince who is commander-in-chief. The meeting 

starts formally. 'He received me with proper 

Siamese (sic) indifference'. McLeod thinks he is 

suspicious of English motives. But 'he soon 

made himself pleasant' and 'before we parted he 

threw off all reserve, put on my cap, and 

introduced his wives and children, of both of 

whom he has a vast number'; and McLeod records 

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts I & 2 

19

Andrew Turton 

that he was offered miang [fermented tea leaves] 

and coconut juice (McLeod 1869: 29). 

In addition to visits of ceremony and business 

there are visits of a more personal kind, motivated 

by personal curiosity, when conversation turns 

to trivial matters, including for instance 

inspection and admiration of Richardson's 

equipment, his magnificent double-walled tent 

and 'brass-bound bullock trunks', his scientific 

instruments (including sextant, thermometer, 

watch, and compass) and, he lets slip, his 

greyhounds, English racing dogs, which must 

have travelled many hundreds of miles with him. 

Prominent among these visitors are monks, and 

on other occasions groups of women, who in 

Bangkok, but more especially in the north are 

not backward in introducing themselves. 

Conversations with women feature with some 

regularity in the journals of these two men, who 

give a strong impression of reporting the women's 

speech quite directly. 

McLeod is generally sensitive to the intimate 

dimension. Gift giving as ever provides a good 

medium. He grows fond of the Cao Chengtung 

(Mahakhanan) to whom, when he discovers he is 

blind, he gives a musical box 14 • When in 

Chengrung he is given-in true imperial style-a 

Chinese, or should I say Tai, official's robe and 

an inscribed gold plate to hang round his neck. 

They ask him to put these on, 'which [he says] I 

did, much to their satisfaction'. One of the princes 

asks him to bring as a present, when he next 

comes, together with reading spectacles and a 

compass, 'some flower and garden seeds', 'he 

being fond of gardening' (McLeod 1869: 55-83). 

Music plays a consistent part in these 

narratives 15 • Musical performance is always 

offered by the Thai side; sometimes by the 

Farang side. Most Farang· seem to appreciate 

what they hear. Richardson-whose 'seduction' 

was rather complete, as we are seeing-heard a 

male and two female singers in Lamphun on 

his second visit and comments that 'the voices 

of the performers, both in sweetness and in 

compass were, beyond comparison, superior to 

anything I have heard out of Europe' 

(Richardson 1836: 690). 16 

In time-honoured diplomatic fashion 

McLeod loads his elephants not only with 

hunting guns and musical boxes, but also with 

cases of whisky, cherry brandy, and port wine. 

He says these helped communication in a region 

where the cao were fond of spirits. He sums up 

his experience in Chengrung 'the aim of the 

[Burmese] is to treat strangers ... with marked 

indifference and slight; whereas with my new 

friends the reverse is the case, their politeness 

being extreme' (McLeod 1869: 82). 

Richardson was instructed to 'endeavour to 

render [himself] agreeable to the people and 

their chiefs through whose country [he would] 

pass'. Friendship and general goodwill were 

criteria by which he judged the success of his 

work. He writes: 

In my mission so far, I have perfectly succeeded, 

as far as the feelings of the chiefs here are 

concerned, and my intercourse with all classes 

of the people since the first few days has been 

all I could wish ... (Richardson, 1869: 130, 

emphasis added). 

Two years earlier he wrote: 

'The kind feeling our north-eastern Shan 

neighbours towards us, have [sic] been increased 

by my late visit. The mixture of firmness and 

conciliation I had it in my power to exhibit 

towards them on the points discussed, has tended 

to convince them that we are firm and consistent 

friends, not desirous of aggrandizing ourselves 

at their expense, but at the same time not to be 

imposed on or trifled with.' (Richardson 1836: 

706-7). 

Of course maitri ['friendship'], maitricit 

['friendliness'] or phrarachamaitri ['royal 

friendship' or 'friendly relations' (as between 

states)] may not be quite the same thing as 

'friendship'. There remains an element of 

European realism in Richardson's search for 

friendship, which he reports after his visit to 

Bangkok in 1839: 

In conclusion I am sorry to say that I slightly 

suspect the cordiality of this people towards us: 

their professions are as warm as could be wished 

for but there is hollowness .. .' (Burney 1910- 

15: Vol. 4 (1) 24, original italics). 

Interestingly this was part of some covering 

letter, which was not included in the version of 

20 



his journal edited for the Journal of the Asiatic 

Society of Bengal in 1839-40. But note, 

however, the tentativeness and reluctance to 

confirm this 'suspicion'. 

Envoi 

This paper is a report of work in progress, of 

how I am beginning to read this rich material. 

My main purpose is to begin to establish a field 

I am calling the ethnography of embassy or of 

diplomatic mission, by treating these sources 

critically as ethnography of various sorts: 

ethnography of exceptional cultural and more 

specifically diplomatic episodes; and by 

examining their own methodology and 

assumptions. Inevitably, in order to refer to the 

wider project, I have had to repeat myself at 

several points, quoting myself in the processwithout 

precise references which would have 

held up the narrative (see Turton 1997). 

I have attempted to recover as much as 

possible the 'lively voice' and the 'ocular 

witness' to use phrases of sixteenth century 

travel writers. And I have tried to avoid what S. 

S. Smith, Presbyterian Minister and Professor 

at Harvard in the late eighteenth century, refers 

to in his An essay into the causes of the variety 

of complexion and figure in the human species, 

namely the assumption that: 'ordinary travellers 

could not be trusted with scientific information 

. . . Countries are described from a single spot, 

manners from a single action, and men from the 

first man that is seen on a foreign shore.' (Smith 

1788, cited in Marshall and Williams 1982: 138 

note). 

I have very much in mind George Stocking's 

recommendations in the volume of his 

monumental series 'History of Anthropology' 

entitled Colonial situations: essays on the 

contextualization of ethnographic knowledge' 

(Stocking 1991) in which he emphasises the 

need to anthropologize the growth of western 

imperial power [and indeed we have also just 

touched on Siamese colonialism]. Stocking also 

advocates a methodology to explore the plurality 

of colonial situations and locales, the interaction 

of different individuals and groups within them, 

and the ways these conditioned ethnographic 

knowledge and subsequent anthropology, and 

forming what Talal Asad in the Afterword to 

this volume calls the 'pre-existing discourses 

and practices met by anthropologists . . . ' , in 

practice a virtually infinite regressions of texts 

and discourses. 17 

I attempt to question assumptions-whether 

those of primary authors or commentators-of 

a single powerful voice and perspective, of onesided 

accounts, and unidirectional and noncontradictory 

developments. In this, I suppose I 

am operating in a kind of post-colonial, and you 

might think revisionist spirit, trying not to 

generalise or make anachronistic assumptions 

about imperial teleology, not to elide different 

colonialisms or different episodes even within 

one colonial sequence; wherever possible 

restoring or attributing agency, relative 

autonomy, to all parties; and trying to establish 

the particularity of a specific pre-imperial 

encounter. In doing so I hope to contribute to 

another look at Anglo-Thai and Thai-Farang 

relations in the early modem era; and the 

development of a significantly shared discourse 

about the Tai world, which was to have an 

effective influence for a century or more. 

Appendix 

Excerpts from the journals of Richardson 

and McLeod 

The following are examples of relatively short 

journal entries made while on the march. 

Spelling and all other details have been retained . 

26th January [1837] (Thursday), Ka-tchaung 

Lan, 3• 35' N.W., 12 miles.-Waited till nine 

o'clock at the last village to give the man another 

chance of crossing his elephant, when we started, 

finding it could not be accomplished; the first of 

the coolies came up at 12.35, but the elephants, 

owing to the sharp pointed rocks on the road, 

which distressed their feet, and the necessity of 

cutting a way for the howdahs through the 

branches and creepers for the first mile and a 

half, did not come in till 5.15. We met on the 

march to-day an old man and his family, taken 

at Mobie, being driven to the ferry for sale; their 

captor, an old Karean thooghee of about 50 years 

of age, was riding behind them, spear in hand. I 

asked if thoughts of his own children did not 

make him feel some compassion for these poor 

people; he coolly answered "Khan" (fortune), 


21

Andrew Turton 

and pushed on his prisoners. (Richardson 1869: 

108) 

4th February. [1837] From the Nam Takau 

to Ban Me Phit. Direction, N. Estimated 

Distance, 14 miles. Time, 4h. 22m. 

The route to-day may be said to have been 

along the valley of the Me Uu, but the ground 

being too low and swampy to be traversed at 

present, we kept along the bases of some low 

hills to the eastward, though occasionally obliged 

to cross the low muddy plains. The road, 

however, was generally good, and shaded by 

fine trees, teak and saul. 

We passed through the large village ofTeng 

Dam, containing about 70 houses entirely 

inhabited by Lawas, and in every respect like 

the village mentioned yesterday; around it there 

are fields, and numbers of heads of cattle grazing. 

We continued to pass through a country similar 

to the first part of the march, and arrive at the 

village of N6nquan, a scattered place, and said 

to contain about 50 houses, situated on a large 

plain, with the ruins of an old fort near it. 

The valley here increases in breadth to about 

eight miles, with high hills surrounding it. A pass 

is seen through them in the direction we take. 

To the village of M6ng M6n, containing 

about 15 houses, we passed over an extensive 

plain, so much cut up by elephants and cattle 

that our progress over it was necessarily slow; 

and to the village of Me Phit, which contains 

about 25 houses, we passed entirely over fields 

skirted by the Me Lau to the westward. For the 

convenience of water, we left the high road, 

passed through the village, and crossed over to 

the left bank of the Me Uu, where we halted. 

Near the village of Teng Dam quantities of 

the plant called by the Burmese Born rna thaing, 

or wild sage, from which they obtain camphor, 

was growing in the old clearings, but I cannot 

ascertain whether the Lawas make any use of it. 

Here arose some difficulty about elephants 

and provisions. They wished me to halt a day; 

we had come slowly enough, and I would not 

agree to it. 

This village, as well as N6nquan, is 

inhabited by people belonging to Zimme, 

Labong, and Lagong, all eager to be in advance 

to participate in the profits arising from 

hunting elephants, the sale of the flesh of wild 

animals (with which the woods abound), and 

the clandestine trade with Kiang Tung, with 

which place there is constant communication. 

(McLeod 1869: 46) 

Notes 

1 The Captain of the Diana was Frederick Marry at, 

soon to be a patron of the Oriental Translation 

Committee of the Royal Asiatic Society (London) 

and better known to English people of my generation, 

brought up to celebrate Empire Day, for his numerous 

adventure stories for young people with an imperial 

flavour. 

2 Notwithstanding a certain cautiousness of 

etiquette displayed by the Siamese ambassadors, who, 

it is reported, brought their own food and cooks to 

the dinner party. 

3 The event which preceded McLeod's eventual 

appointment is highlighted on the opening page of 

Anderson's English intercourse with Siam in the 

seventeenth century (Anderson 1890) which is a 

particularly imperialistic and jingoistic late nineteenth 

century account: ' The national aspiration of 1687 

was gratified in 1824 as Mergui, on being summoned 

on 6th October, to surrender unconditionally, fell in 

an hour's time before the gallant assault of the British 

troops, supported by the guns of the cruisers of the 

Honourable East India Company.' 

4 There was even a story in the village of an 

argument about whether to cut branches off the sacred 

Bo tree outside the temple to facilitate the passage of 

the elephants of a rachathut (ambassador or royal 

emissary)-though this may have been a later oneand 

how this led to a curse being placed on the 

headman by the powerful senior monk, to which the 

subsequent death of the headman was attributed. The 

village is referred to by McLeod as N6nquan. See 

Appendix. 

5 I think of the embassy or mission as a single 

discursive entity, extending from the inception of the 

mission in London, Calcutta, or Moulmein, to postmission 

commentaries and publication. The whole 

time spent in Tai territory is like a single ceremony, 

containing within it other highly focused rituals of 

royal audience. 

6 Some of the rhetorical figures appear to me to 

characterise the British writing about Tai societies of 

this time in a way that certain other figures characterise 

other accounts of other places at other times, for 

example exaggerated themes of human sacrifice, cruel 

22 

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts I & 2


punishments, cannibalism, extreme forms of sexual 

practice and so on. Such themes are not entirely 

absent from late twentieth century eurocentric 

attitudes and reports on the East Asian region. There 

is some interesting recent secondary literature on 

suchlike in India and Indonesia (including Crawfurd's 

writing on the latter), but no reference from this to 

the Tai world, until my recent article. This is to some 

extent explainable in terms of the relative lateness of 

European 'interest' in this region and the mainly 

'non-colonial' form this took. 

7 Apart from the fact that no other Europeans are 

mentioned, when their watches stop-an occurrence 

mentioned more than once-there is no-one else who 

has a watch apparently. While the non-European 

members of the caravans might have carried a watch 

or clock (though most probably did not in this period), 

it is hard to imagine a European officer at this time 

without one. 

8 Readings inform me that a well disciplined army 

unit might march 30 miles per day (48 km) over a 

week or so. This was achieved by King Harald's 

houscarls (elite bodyguard) marching south to meet 

the Norman invaders in England in 1066. The armies 

of Alexander the Great apparently could cover 30 km 

(18 miles) in a day. 

9 Please see Turton (1997) which outlines this 

project in greater detail. I have inevitably been obliged 

to refer to and quote from this publication at several 

points in the present article. 

10 As Georges Condominas (1965) puts it in the 

title of his superb autobiographical Vietnamese 

ethnography L 'exotique est quotidien. 

11 Of course even these apparently unproblematic 

descriptive parts of the accounts need to be subjected 

in turn to critical scrutiny for presuppositions, 

assumptions, prejudice, and so on. 

12 I invite the reader to attempt to translate this back 

into a vernacular Kham Muang of today. I have 

certainly heard myself statements of the following 

kind (with apologies for any inaccuracies and variation 

in northern pronunciation! acan hyyi, nyaang [Karen] 

nia bo mii sin bo mii tham, bo mii wat mii wa, bo huu 

buun bo huu baap, thoeng bo huu phasaa sasana 

anyang sak nyang hia thoe'. 

13 Some of the things that Farang found unacceptable 

in Bangkok-such as the phrarachathan hai bia liang 

['the royal gift of subsistence allowance'], for what 

some called dismissively 'bazaar expenses' and 

inadequate at that-were identical to Chinese practice. 

As were other customs, such as providing tea, sugar, 

and fresh fruit-and for the Americans even milkwhich 

were appreciated. 

14 Perhaps this is the earliest hiep siang in the north! 

This is the old Kham Muang word for gramophone 

or record player, literally 'sound box'. 

15 I am tempted to recall that Macartney took five 

German musicians with him on his first mission to 

Beijing in 1793, as part of a nearly 100 strong mission. 

16 Perhaps it was so pheun muang, a still popular 

form of folk opera in northern Thailand. Thai music 

has many admixtures from other places, and the 

envoys duly heard the music of various exile groups. 

Among these the Lao music heard at Bangkok, 

especially the khaen [bamboo 'reed organ', sometimes 

said to have inspired the European mouth organ] 

seems to have been the favourite. Western music 

naturally became a part of this hybrid musical milieu, 

and by 1840 Mozart could be heard on a mechanical 

player at royal audiences in Bangkok, just as the Thai 

ambassadors heard Mozart played live at Windsor 

Castle a few years later. 

17 Historians have been somewhat too ready to 

obscure by generalising, for example concluding 

that Crawfurd was 'hostile' and 'intolerant' etc. 

towards 'the Thai'. This is not entirely inaccurate, 

and seems to correspond with Thai perceptions. But 

another reading, patient to judge the overall success 

or achievement of the mission as a whole-or at 

least in a more comprehensive perspective-would 

take greater note of the sometimes subtle and 

perceptive distinctions made by Crawfurd and others 

in his team (e.g. Finlayson, 1826) between the King 

and his ministers, between various ministers, 

between Siamese and Chinese, Mon etc., between 

nobles and ordinary people, between monks and 

others and so on. 

References 

Anderson, J. 1890. English intercourse with Siam in 

the seventeenth-century. London: Kegan Paul, 

Trench, Trtibner. 

Asad, Tala! 1991. Afterword: from the history of 

colonial anthropology to the anthropology of 

western hegemony. In George W. Stocking, Jr. 

(ed.) Colonial situations: essays on the 

contextualization of ethnographic knowledge 

(History of Anthropology 7), Madison: University 

of Wisconsin Press. 

Boon, J. A. 1982. Other tribes, other scribes: symbolic 

anthropology in the comparative study of cultures, 


23

Andrew Turton 

histories, religions, and texts. Cambridge: 

Cambridge University Press. 

Boon, J. A. 1991. Affinities and extremes: crisscrossing 

the bittersweet ethnology of East Indies 

history, Hindu-Balinese culture, and Indo 

European allure. Chicago: University of Chicago 

Press. 

Bowring, Sir John. 1857 The kingdom and people of 

Siam, with a narrative of the mission to that 

country in 1855. London: John W. Parker and 

Son, 2 vols. 

Brailey, N. J. 1968. The origins of the Siamese 

forward movement in Western Laos, 1855-1892. 

PhD dissertation, University of London. 

Burney, H. 1910-1914. The Burney Papers. Bangkok: 

Vajiraiiana National Library, 5 vols. 

Choisy, Abbe de. 1993. Journal of a voyage to Siam 

1685-1686. [Journal du voyage de Siam.] 

Translated and introduced Michael Smithies. 

Bangkok: White Lotus. 

Condominas, G. 1965. L'exotique est quotidien: Sar 

Luk, Viet-nam central. Paris: Pion. 

Cranmer-Byng, J. L. (ed.) 1963.An embassy to China: 

being the journal kept by Lord Macartney during 

his embassy to the Emperor Ch'ien Lung, 1793- 

94. London: Longmans, Green and Co. 

Crawfurd, J. 1915. The Crawfurd Papers: a collection 

of official records relating to the mission of Dr 

John Crawfurd sent to Siam by the Government 

of India in the year 1821. Bangkok: Vajiraiiana 

National Library. [reprinted 1971 London: Gregg 

International.] 

Crawfurd, J. 1967. [1828] Journal of an embassy to 

the courts of Siam and Cochin China. Kuala 

Lumpur: Oxford University Press. (Oxford in 

Asia Historical Reprints.) [First published 1828 

London: H. Colburn.] 

Edwardes, M. 1972. Ralph Fitch: Elizabethan in the 

Indies. London: Faber and Faber. 

Finlayson, G. 1826. The mission to Siam, and Hue 

the capital ofCochin China in the years 1821-2, 

with a memoir of the author by Sir Thomas 

Stamford Raffles FRS. London: John Murray. 

Hall, D. G. E. 1928. Early English intercourse with 

Burma. London: Longmans. 

Hevia, J. L. 1995. Cherishing men from afar: Qing 

guest ritual and the Macartney embassy of 1793. 

Durham, North Carolina, and London: Duke 

University Press. 

Hutchinson, E. W. 1940. Adventurers in Siam in the 

seventeenth century. London: Royal Asiatic 

Society (RAS Prize Publication 18). 

Langham-Carter, R.R. 1966. David Lester [sic] 

Richardson--diplomat and explorer. Journal of 

the Burma Research Society, 49 (2): 207-18. 

McLeod, W.C. 1869. Captain McLeod's Journal. In 

East India (McLeod and Richardson's Journeys). 

Copy of papers relating to the route of Captain 

W.C. McLeod from Moulmein to the frontiers of 

China, and to the route of Dr Richardson on his 

fourth mission to the Shan Provinces of Burmah, 

or Extracts from the same. In India Papers 1864- 

1871. London, India Office, Political Dept., 13- 

104 (see also ibid. map and introductory matter 

1-13). 

Marshall, P. J. and Williams, G. 1982. The great map 

of mankind: British perceptions of the world in 

the Age of Enlightenment. London: J.M. Dent. 

Pieris, P. E. 1903. An account of King Kirti Sri's 

embassy to Siam in 1672 saka (1750 A.D.). 

Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Ro7alAsiatic 

Society 18 (54): 17-47. 

Pires, Tome. 1944. The Suma Oriental ofTome Pires: 

an account of the East from the Red Sea to Japan, 

written in Malacca and India in 1512-1515. 

Translated and edited by Armando Cortesiio. 

London: Hakluyt Society. (Works issued by the 

Hakluyt Society, Second Series 90.) 

Reid, A. 1993. Southeast Asia in the Age of 

Commerce, 1450-1680. vol. 2, Expansion and 

crisis. New Haven: Yale University Press. 

Richardson, D. 1836. An account of some of the 

Petty States lying to the north of the Tenasserim 

Provinces, drawn up from the Journals and 

Reports of D. Richardson Esq., Surgeon to the 

Commissioner of the Tenasserim Provinces, 

compiled by E. A. Blundell, Commissioner. 

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 5 (58) 

October 1836: 601-25; (5Q) November 1836, 

688-96; (59) 696-707. 

Richardson, D. 1837. The History of Labong 

[Lamphun] from the Native Records consulted by 

Dr. D. Richardson, forming an Appendix to his 

journals published in the preceding volume. Journal 

of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 6 (61): 55-7. 

Richardson, D. 1839-40. Journal of a Mission from 

the Supreme Government oflndia to the Court of 

Siam. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 8 

(96) December 1839: 1016-36; 9 (97), 1-3; 9 

(99), 219-50. 

Richardson, D. (trs.) 1847. The dhamathat or the 

laws of Menoo. Mou1mein. 

24 



Richardson, D. 1869. Dr. Richardson's Journal of a 

Fourth Mission to the Interior of the New 

Settlements in the Tenasserim Provinces, Being to 

the Chief of the Red Karens, to the Tso-Boa of 

Monay, and thence to Ava. In East India (McLeod 

and Richardson's Journeys). Copy of papers 

relating to the route of Captain W. C. McLeod from 

Moulmein to the frontiers of China, and to the 

route of Dr Richardson on his fourth mission to 

the Shan Provinces of Burmah, or Extracts from 

the same. In India Papers 1864-1871. London, 

India Office, Political Dept., 104-147 (see also 

ibid map and introductory matter l-13). 

Ryley, J. H. 1899. Ralph Fitch: England's pioneer to 

India and Burma. London: Unwin. 

Smith, S. S. 1788. An essay on the causes of the 

variety of complexion and figure in the human 

species. Edinburgh. 

Staunton, George. L. 1797. An authentic account of 

an embassy from the King of Great Britain to the 

Emperor of China. 3 vols. London: G. Nichol. 

Thailand 1936. Thut farang samai rathanakosin. 

(Prachum pongsawadan 62.) [Foreign embassies 

in the Bangkok period.] Bangkok. 

Theerawat Bhumichitr 1993. Phra Chomklao, Roi de 

Siam: etude de /'emergence de l'anglophilie et 

de lafrancophobie au Siam du XIX.e siecle. Berne: 

Peter Lang. 

Turton, A. 1997. Ethnography of embassy: 

anthropological readings of records of diplomatic 

encounters between Britain and Tai states in the 

early nineteenth century. South East Asia 

Research, 5 (2): 175-205. 

Van Wuysthoff, G. 1987. Le Journal de voyage de 

Gerrit Van Wuysthoff et de ses assistants au 

Laos, 1641-1642. Presente et traduit par Jean 

Claude Lejosne. [Second revised edition.] 

Metz: Centre de documentation et 

d'information sur le Laos. 

Vella, W. F. 1957. Siam under Ramalll, 1824-1851. 

Locust Valley, N. Y.: J. J. Augustin for the 

Association of Asian Studies. (Monographs of 

the Association for Asian Studies, 4). 

KEYWORDS-TAl, THAILAND, SIAM, 

GREAT BRITAIN, DIPLOMACY, 19TH 

CENTURY, ETHNOGRAPHY, BRITISH 

BURMA, TENASSERIM 


25

THE ORIGIN OF THE SEK: 

IMPLICATIONS FOR TAl AND VIETNAMESE IDSTORY 1 

James R. Chamberlain• 

Abstract 

Given the distribution of Sek and other Northern Tai type languages south of 

the Red River Delta, the hypothesis that Tai speakers originally occupied a 

north to south continuum which included the delta seems irrefutable. The 

homeland of Proto-Vietic lies far south of the Hdng plain in the interior 

regions of what is now Nghe An, Viet Nam, and Borikhamxay and 

Khammouane Provinces in Laos. Historical evidence supports the linguistic 

geography. In the year 535 AD two provinces, Ly (Tri) and Minh, were 

named in the obscure valley of the Ngan Sau, a southern tributary of the Song 

Ca, no doubt related to Chinese economic interest in gold. (Both the Sek and 

the Mene are associated with gold.) A southern extension of the same valley, 

along the upper portions ofthe Song Giang, is home to a Vietic group known 

as Sach, the Vietic pronunciation of Sek. As would be anticipated, historical 

events that culminated in the replacement of Tai speakers in the Delta with a 

Sinicized Vietic people were of a distinct south-to-north character. 

Dedication 

In a 1958 communication to the Journal 

Asiatique, having pointed out that the Sek spoken 

in Khammouane Province was not related to the 

Sach of Cadiere and not related closely to Lao, 

but rather resembled the Tai languages spoken 

in Guangxi and Guangdong such as Man-Cao 

Lan, Ts'un Lao, Nung-an, or Dioi, Andre 

Haudricourt remarked: 

The Sek are experts in irrigated agriculture; they 

could not have come from China across the 

mountains since there are no traces elsewhere in 

Laos; rather they are found near the ancient 

Cham frontier of the Chinese empire before the 

independence of Vietnam. One might ask 

whether it is a question of an old Chinese 

deportation to the frontiers of people from 

Guangdong carried out more than a millennium 

ago; and it would be worthwhile to see if in the 

annals the historians have spoken of them. 

Unfortunately, since this issue was raised 

40 years ago, no one has attempted a response. 

No doubt this is due to the mixing of disciplines 

necessary to approach the relevant information. 

I would therefore like to dedicate this paper to 

the memory and departed spirit of Andre-G. 

Haudricourt, a great multidisciplinarian, whom 

it was my honor to have known. 

Introduction 

First noted by Haudricourt in the 1950s, the 

importance ofSek 2 to comparative and historical 

Tai studies became known to the Tai studies 

community primarily through the efforts of 

Professor William J. Gedney in a series of papers 

and publications dating from 1965 through 1982, 

culminating in the publication of his extensive 

glossary and texts, a large volume of989 pages 

edited by Thomas Hudak in 1993. This 

impressive volume is the result of intensive field 

studies carried out by Gedney in the northeastern 

Thai province ofNakhon Phanom, a location to 

which many Sek speakers had been transported 

• P.O. Box 439, Vientinane, Lao PDR 

email: jimchamberlain@ hotrnail.com 


27


by the Thai military approximately between the 

years of 1828 and 1860. A few of the texts 

incorporated into the volume, and Gedney's 

notes taken from older Sek speakers in Ban 

Atsamat, refer to original locations of Sek 

villages, but without much geographical 

precision since these are oral traditions, not based 

upon direct experience. Because the Sek 

language is particularly archaic in its preservation 

of consonant clusters, and since the languages 

most closely related to Sek are spoken primarily 

in Southern China, the origins of the Sek people 

are of great historical interest to the mainland of 

Southeast Asia, to the protohistory of the Tais, 

and to the ethnohistory of Vietnam. Therefore, 

in this paper I would like pursue further the 

issue of the origins of the Sek. 

The Sek language has been described 

variously as belonging to the Northern Branch of 

Tai or to an earlier (pre-Proto Tai) broader 

grouping. The latter was the view of Gedney, 

one to which I subscribe and have illustrated in a 

dendrogram (Figure 1) first prepared in 1991(b). 

Also in 199l{c), I proposed that the Mene 

language ofNghe An Province in Vietnam, now 

also spoken in Borikhamxay Province in Laos, 

contains a substratum of Sek-like features, 

evidenced in vocabulary and in the tone system, 

which leads us to conclude that there was a 

Northern Tai (or closely related) group of 

languages located to the south of the Red River 

(HBng) delta which must have originally formed 

a continuum from Guangxi to Thanh Hoa. 

In support of the continuum theory, 

additional evidence has surfaced in the form of 

the etymology of Tai ethnonyms and from Old 

Chinese historical sources to bring us to a point 

where the interpretation of other more northerly, 

TAI-KADAI 

KADAI 

KAM-TAI 

Be-tai 

Tai Sek Be Kam~ui Lakkia Hlai Ge-Chi Yang- 

(Li) 

Biao 

Northern 

I 

Central Southwestern 

Figure 1 The main branchings of the Tai-Kadai ethnolinguistic family3 


The origin of the Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history 

.... ~·' .. 

~ ........ 

~ 

.. 

. , 

~,..,,.,. 

.... ... .... -... .. 

·~-- .. 

-- 

... ..., ... ,... ····-.. 

.. ) 

t • 

... 

~--1 

' ~ 

1~-r·-- 

.... -:, 

1.., 

........ -'l: ... l '\,. ....... 

....., 

• 

ng 

bang 

, .. \ ....,,..... 

·-· 

- .... lit .. 

Xi eng 

Khwang 

Houa 

Phanh 

Map 1 Annam in the Seventeenth Century 


29


~1 

B Song Lot> ~ 

B Nokong 

B Thopoibo 

0 

B Noton 

O B He 

0 

10 20 30 

40 

30 

Journal of the s· zam Society, Vol. 86 ' Part s 1 & 2


V 

ETNAM 

NAKAI NAM THEUN 

CONSERVATION 

AREA 

so 

Map 2 Locations of Sek Villages 

in Nakai and Kbamkeut 



in particular Chu, Chinese history is possible, at 

least from an ethnolinguistic perspective. 

Hopefully this will provide an ethno-historical 

frame into which additional data may be placed 

as it becomes available. 

Current locations of Sek and the Sach 

The Sek 

The locations of the Sek in Thailand have been 

amply recorded by Gedney and others so that it 

is not necessary to repeat that information here. 

In Laos, however, despite the efforts of Morev 

(1988), the most important and oldest locations 

have not been identified until recently in 

Chamberlain's ( 1996 and 1997) technical reports 

for development projects that have not been 

widely publicized. 

Furthermore, it is now clear that there are 

two distinct dialects of Sek, one in the district 

of Khamkeut in Borikhamxay Province, and 

one in the Province ofKhammouane. The dialect 

of Khamkeut emanates from the village of Na 

Kadok in the Subdistrict ofNam Veo who trace 

their origins to the village of Phu Quan (/fuu 

kwang/) located on a small western tributary of 

the Ngan Sau in the Dac Tho administrative 

unit ofHa Tinh, Nghe An Province in Vietnam 

Gust to the south ofVinh). According to villagers 

in Na Kadok, several families of Sek speakers 

still reside at this location. Speakers of this 

dialect are also found in Lak Xao Subdistrict, 

the villages of Ban Som Sanouk, Ban Nam 

Phao, and Ban Houay Toun; and in 

Khammouane 4 Subdistrict, Ban Na Tham Kwang 

(or Ban Nam Hoy) [see Map 2]. 

The second Sek dialect, the one which is 

found in Thailand, comes originally from Nakai 

District in Khammouane Province, and is still 

spoken in four villages there: Ban Toeng (/ 

trn"IJ 1 I in Gedney Text V), the subdistrict seat 

on the Nam Noy; Ban Na Meo; Ban Na Moey 

(/sin 4 naa 4 m....-ry"/ in Text IV), and Ban Beuk (/ 

bwk4 naa 4 trr3 / in Text IV5). The last three are 

all located on the Nam Pheo, a tributary of the 

Nam Noy. 6 During the time of the Siamese 

occupation, most of the Sek went to hide in 

Ban K wat Cheo, between Ban Yang and Ban 

Lorn across the border in Vietnam. 7 The ones 

who didn't were taken to Nakhon Phanom. The 

villagers at Na Meo say they have been living 

in their present location for 286 years. [see 

Map2] 

The Brou at Koune (the last village on the 

Nam Pheo and the closest one to Vietnam) relate 

that names of former villages there were Ban 

Kiin and Ban Tong Haak and that the original 

inhabitants were Sek. (interview with Xieng 

Souan, age 63, at Ban Koune, 15 Feb. 1996). 

The Sek village of /thruu 3 / mentioned in 

Gedney Text V in a doublet with /trn"I]/, is no 

doubt the place name known as Ban ThO, just 

across the border, next to the confluence of the 

Houay ThO and the Nam Amang. The adjacent 

mountain to the south is called 'Phu Kun Tho' 

on some maps (probably /phuu khuun thoo/ 

'Mountain+ source+ ThO'). There is so far no 

positive identification of a city called /s:XJI] 4 / as 

mentioned in Text IV. The Brou center known 

as Meuang Bam(= /baan tab:>/= Ban Amang) 

is possibly located at the junction of the Nam 

Amang and the Houay Taco. 

In Gnommarath District, the villages of Pha 

Thoung and Phon Khene are Sek, said to have 

migrated originally from Ban Toeng. 

Other Sek villages, such as those mentioned 

by Morev (1988), are found in Thakhek and 

Hinboun Districts. Many of these appear to be 

composed of Sek who after having been taken 

to Thailand, escaped back to Laos. 

The Sek ofNa Kadok live adjacent to Phou 

Thay, Tai Theng and Tai Moey villages to the 

north, and to two small villages of Makang 

(Vietic) to the south and west. They are active 

gold miners. 

The Sek of Ban Toeng 8 live near to villages 

ofBrou (Katuic), the Kri (Vietic) and the Ph6ng 

(Vietic), while the Nam Pheo villages are 

bounded to the east by the aforementioned Ban 

Koune (Brou), and to the west by the Ph6ng. 

In both cases, culturally, the Sek are wetrice 

agriculturists who have established elaborate 

irrigation systems and terraced paddies. 

Evidence of these paddies may also be seen at 

the village ofNa Vang in Nakai District. Located 

on the Nam Mone, this village was originally 

established by the Sek from Na Kadok when 

they were hiding from the Thai soldiers. After 

the soldiers departed, the Sek returned to their 

original village and were replaced in Na Vang 

by more recent Brou settlers who have 

maintained the terraces. 

32 



Ethnic-Specific Vocationality 

The Sek and the Mene are famous in their 

respective areas for their associations with gold. 

The Sek at Na Kadok have extensive gold mines 

along the stream bed of the Nam Houay, and 

have been engaged in this occupation for as 

long as they can remember. Likewise, the Sek 

in Nakai, although not now currently involved 

with gold mining, have identified areas where 

they believe gold is located, and talk about the 

subject with great enthusiasm. 

The Slich 

As the pronunciation of the ethnonym /thre:e:k 6 

DLll is rendered in Thai as Saek or in Lao as 

Sek, the Vietnamese pronunciation is transcribed 

as 'Sach.' The term in Vietnam, however, is 

applied to a group ofVietic speakers who inhabit 

the area of Vietnam that is immediately adjacent 

to the Tai Sek speaking area of Nakai in Laos. 

This cannot be accidental. 

The Sach are considered by many 

Vietnamese scholars to belong to the Cheut 

(Chili) branch ofViet-Muong. Others, however, 

consider that the so-called Cheut dialects, 

including Sach, belong to the Southeastern 

branch of Vietic (Diffloth p.c. cited in 

Chamberlain 1997) [see Figure 2]. Unlike the 

other members of this branch, the Sach are 

primarily lowland paddy rice cultivators. 

The name Sach in Vietnamese has been 

translated as 'division administrative equivalente 

au village' which according to N go, f). T. ( 1977) 

was a name 'recorded from the 15th c. in 

historical documents.' Cadiere (1905:349) 

translates Sach as 'liste, registre, role d'impot,' 

perhaps indicating villages newly registered, or 

subject to tribute. The latter would seem 

reasonable given the apparent Chinese interest 

in the area since early times. 

According to Cadiere (1905) the Sach are 

mainly located on the upper Song Giang (Ngu6n 

Nay), at the southern end of the Ngan Sau valley 

and the beginning of the Song Giang valley in 

the upper Nan and adjacent Son (Tr6c) valleys, 

near the sources of each watershed. But Cuisinier 

(1948:44) reports at least five families living on 

the outskirts of the Ngu6n village of Bai Dinh, 

along Route 15 (the extension of Route 12 in 

Laos) and claims that they have been replaced 

extensively by Ngu6n settlers in Quang Binh. 

Cadiere makes essentially the same claim, and 

adds that the Ngu6n seem to have originated 

further north in the Ha Tinh area. Cuisinier also 

notes a May village just 2.5 km south of Bai 

Dinh called Ca ay. (Bai Dinh is in fact only 

about 20 km from the current Sek settlements 

on the Nam Pheo ). Thus it is reasonable to 

assume that the name, at least, whether Sach or 

Sek, was common to a specific area. Culturally, 

the Sach are considered as more sedentary than 

the other 'Cheut' groups, followed by the May. 

The others remain nomadic, at least in spirit, 

since many of them were 'sedentized' in 1954 

at Cu Nhai, only a half day's walk from Gia 6c 

Sach (Nguy6n P.P. 1988:9). At the present time, 

according to Nguyen V.M. (1996:142), there 

are 1,426 Sach speakers spread out among 7 

communes in Minh Hoa District of Quang Binh 

Province. 

These locations are close to the old Sek 

settlements on the Nam Pheo and the Nam Noy. 

The Nam Noy was in fact part of an old trail 

linking Laos and Vietnam called the Quy Hc;tp 

road. And since the Sek say they came from 

Vietnam originally, it must have been from this 

area. Whether they entered Laos first via the 

Quy Hqp road or via the Nam Pheo is 

problematical. Both appear to have been wellestablished 

routes. 

Mene and related languages 

The Mene language is found spoken in many 

villages in Khamkeut District9 of Borikhamxay 

Province, and in several other villages in the 

District ofVieng Thong. 

The Mene in Laos all relate that they came 

originally from the area denoted by the doublet 

Xieng Mene-Xieng My, in Vietnam, which, due 

to the diligence of Dr. Frank Proschan of Indiana 

University (p.c.) who visited the area in 1993, 

we now know to be the old names for towns 

which appear on maps of Ngh~ An Province as 

Xietng Lip and Ba@n Pott respectively. The 

former is located at the confluence of the Nam 

Lip and the Nam Chou (Houay Cha Ha), near 

where the Cha Ha and the Nam Ngoen (Ngan) 

converge to form the Nam Souang (Houay 

Nguy~n), while the latter is located further east 

on the Nam Ngan. 10 From this geographical 

location the proximity of the Mene to Quy ... 


33


Chiiu becomes apparent and is noteworthy 

because Finot's sample (1917) of the Quy ... 

Chiiu alphabet is a Mene type language, marked 

by such lexical items as /k:YYt DL2JI 1 'to hurt; 

be ill.' Furthermore, the users of this same 

alphabet in Thanh Hoa are called 'Yo' by 

Robequain (1929) and Robert (1941). The 

characters are archaic, and of unknown origin, 12 

and written with brushes from top to bottom, 

right to left, like Chinese. Thus Mene and Yo 

represent a population of Tai speakers with a 

substratum of Northern Branch features, who at 

some point in their history were subjected to 

heavy Chinese influence. 

It must also be remembered that the 

ethnonyms associated with the Northern Branch 

of Tai in Guangxi and Guizhou, and which are 

ultimately related to ethnonyms in Chinese 

histories of the area, are also found in this area 

south of the HBng plain, in what is now Thanh 

Hoa, Nghe An, Borikhamxay, Khammouane, 

Nakhon Phanom, and Sakon Nakhon. Indeed 

'Viet' falls into this category as well as may be 

seen in the table below: 

In the first two cases the names apply to 

ostensibly southwestern ethnolinguistic 

groups that emanate from Thanh Hoa and 

Nghe An. Indeed, Yo/Nyo is used by two 

linguistically different subgroups groups in 

Sakon Nakhon and Nakhon Phanom. Yooy, 

spoken in Sakon Nakhon in Thailand and in 

Gnommarath in Khammouane, is known only 

as an ethnonym in Thanh Hoa applied to a 

group formerly inhabiting this province 

(Robequain 1929). 

Like the Sek, the Mene are associated with 

gold and the gold of Xieng Lip was famous. 

Luppe (1934) writes: 

Quelques centigrammes a chaque battee, de 

temps a autre, Ia chance d'une pepite (on en a vu 

atteignant 4 a 5 grammes, mais combien rares'). 

II y a deux sortes d'or: Kham Ke (ou vieux) de 

couleur rougeatre et le Kham One ( ou jeune) de 

couleur claire. Le premier vaut 4 a 5 piastres le 

Bac (4 grammes) et le second 3 piastres. La 

production locale annuelle n'atteint certe pas un 

kilo. Ce precieux metal est repute et des 

comen;:ants vienne de tres loin (Luang-Prabang) 

pour en acheter. II est conserve dans les tubes 

pris dans l'extremite d'une plume de paon et 

bouches a Ia eire vierge. (71-2) 

(After consideration, Luppe decided that 

exploitation was not commercially viable, at 

least by the French colonialists of that era.) 

The homeland ofProto-Vieticl5 

Given this ethnolinguistic distribution, the fact 

that Tai speakers originally occupied a north to 

south continuum which included the delta seems 

undeniable. So we should be able to at least 

offer a hypothesis for the homeland of the 

Vietnamese prior to their arrival in the delta. 

Therefore, in this section it is necessary to digress 

temporarily into the realm of Vietic. 

Vietic 

'Vietic' is the name given by La Vaughn H. 

Hayes ( 1982, 1992) to that branch of 

Austroasiatic which includes Vietnamese, 

Meuang, and many languages spoken in Ha 

Tinh and Quang Binh (in Vietnam), and 

Borikhamxay and Khammouane in Laos. All of 

the non-Vietnamese languages of this branch 

have been referred to collectively by such authors 

as Maspero (1912) and Cuisinier (1948) as 

'Mttdng' (Meuang), an old Tai word meaning 

'city' or 'settlement.' Cuisinier points out, 

however, that this term is used for these peoples 

primarily in Hoa Binh and Thanh Hoa, whereas 

China Vietnam Laoffhai M.C. Character 

I, Yi Yay, Dioi, Dudi Yooy *ngji!},c ? 

Ou, Ngo, Ngeou Au Nyo, Yo *nguoA K. 1284 

Yue, Yueh Vi~ *ji"'iit(


in Nghe An 'Mttdng' refers to Tai speakers,.and 

the term Nha Lang is used for the Vietic peoples. 

South ofNghe An, in Ha Tinh and Quang Binh, 

Ngu6n is used to designate the main group to 

which the other smaller groups are considered 

related. Since the groups referred to as Nha Lang 

and Ngu6n are less well known, the branch has 

for some years been known as 'Viet-Meuang'. 

Although linguistic analysis sufficient to 

provide a definitive classification is lacking, 

some lexical comparison is possible based on 

available information. Some of this is set forth 

in Chamberlain ( 1997) but caution is advised in 

that the primary data is essentially 

ethnozoo1ogical in nature, which may or may 

not be reliable as a lexical domain for 

classificatory purposes. 

The lexical evidence generally supports 

Diffloth's subgrouping (p.c.). This evidence, 

however, would suggest that the Kri-Ph6ng 

subgroup of Southwest Vietic be considered a 

separate sub-branch since many of the forms 

here differ radically from the other subgroups. 

Thus the following configuration (Figure 2) 

might be considered. 

The status ofThemarou is still problematical, 

and in many cases seems to fall midway between 

Atel and Kri. And frequently, Mlengbrou shows 

forms completely at variance with the rest of 

Kri-Ph6ng and Vietic. Additional information 

on such groups as 'Arem', Mali eng, and Kata 

would, of course, be helpful as well. 

Vietic groups in Laos 

In Laos, Vietic ethnic diversity is especially 

manifest in and around the Nakai-Nam Theun 

Conservation Area and proposed extensions 

in Borikhamxay and Khammouane. Within 

the limited radius of Khamkeut, Nakai and 

the northern tip of Boualapha, 17 languages 

have been identified. Their considerable 

linguistic variety indicates a time depth for 

this branch of Vietic of at least 2000-2500 

years. Until recently most of these groups 

lived in small bands as foraging nomads whose 

cultural traits became more specialized, their 

relationships with each other and their 

relationships with the forest transforming and 

diversifying to fill the eco-cultural niches 

postulated in Table 2 below. 

The groups classed as Culture Type I, the 

true forest people, represent a cultural type that 

is practically extinct in Southeast Asia, and that 

is found nowhere else on the planet. 

Beginning in 1976, the forest peoples were 

rounded up and brought out of their spiritual 

territories in the forest to live in villages, a way 

oflife to which they were not capable of adjusting 

with the tragic result that the majority of them 

perished from the physical and psychological 

trauma of being relocated. The few remaining 

survivors live in three principle areas, the Ate/ 

at Tha Meuang on the Nam Sot; the Themarou 

at Yang Chang on the Nam Theun and Ban Soek 

near the Nam Noy; and the Mlengbrou near the 

Nam One (but now living on the Gnommarath 

side of the Ak mountain). Other Vietic groups, 

located in the Noy and Sot river systems, have 

fared somewhat better as a result of their closer 

contacts with sedentary livelihoods, although 

they still face many difficulties resulting from 

the abrupt transition that was brought upon them. 

VIE TIC 

I 

I I I I I I 

NORTH NORTHWEST SOUTHEAST WEST SOUTHWEST SOUTH 

I I I I 

Vietnamese Town Cheut Ahoe Atel Themarou Kri 

Mu


No. Eco-spacial Type Vietic Group 

I small group foraging nomads Atel, Themarou, Mlengbrou, 

(Cheut?) 

II originally collectors and traders who Arao, Maleng, Malang, Makang, 

have become emergent swidden seden- To'e, Ahoe, Ph6ng 

m 

tists 

swidden cultivators who move every 2-3 Kri 

years between pre-existin_g villue sites 

IV combined swidden and paddy sedentists Ahao, Ahlao, Liha, Phong 

(Cham), Toum 

Table 2 Cultural Typology ofVietic Groups in Laos 

An identical policy was implemented in 

Vietnam beginning in 1954 where according to 

Vo (1987) [cited inPhong 1988] the Vietic forest 

peoples were resettled at Cu Nhai, apparently 

one of the relocation centers, either in the west 

of Quang Binh or southwest of the prefecture of 

Hudng K.he in Ha Tinh (it is not clear which). 

Arem, Rvc, Malieng, and May were placed in 

these new sites. Regarding the Rvc, at least, he 

reports that at least one third of them returned to 

the forest after suffering from malaria, liver and 

gastro-intestinal problems, and were reported 

living in caves. 

Many of the Ahoe who inhabited the territory 

between what is now Na Tane Sub-district of 

Nakai and the village of Ban Na Va (now in 

Khamkeut District), were taken as refugees to 

Hinboun District during the war, and were later 

resettled in Nakai Tay and in Sop Hia on the 

Nakai plateau. The main population consists of 

39 households in Nakai Tay and 20 households 

in SopHia. 

Several groups of 'Cheut' in Boualapha 

were resettled in village situations. Those in 

Ban Na Phao have been there for 

approximately 10 years, and those in Tha 

Xang for only two or three years. Other 

'Cheut' people are said to be in Pha Song, 

Vang Nyao, and Takaa. An unidentified group 

of' Salang' live at Ban Xe N eua further south, 

also in Boualapha District. 

To the north, the Thaveung (consisting of 

two subgroups, Ahao and Ahlao) are now 

located in several villages near Lak Xao, 

although they appear to have originated in the 

vicinity of Na Heuang. The Liha and the 

Phong (Cham) and the Toum seem to have 

come originally from the northern Nghe An- 

Khamkeut border area, but have lived in 

Khamkeut for some time. 

The proposed relationships of these groups 

within the larger frame of the Vietic branch of 

Mon-Khmer have been provided in Figure 2. 

Only the 'Arem', Rvc, Malieng, May (Cudi), 

and the more sedentary Sach, groups are not 

known to occur in Laos. 16 According to 

information kindly provided by the Lao Front 

for National Construction in Thakhek, at least 

one Nguiin village is known to exist in Laos, 

Ban Pak Phanang in Boualapha District of 

Khammouane. 

Within the Vietic group, considerable 

cultural differentiation has emerged and the 

groups have tentatively been classified into 

categories with ethnic consociations dependent 

upon (1) history, ethnolinguistic variation; and 

patterns of interethnic contacts; (2) modes of 

environmental utilization and arrogation and 

modes of production; (3) epistemological and 

ontological premises manifest in cultural 

traditions. 17 

This division into cultural types should not 

be construed as evolutionary in nature. Indeed, 

to the extent that we have been able to observe 

the Vietic peoples, their modes of existence 

represent something more akin to an ecological 

niching which is manifest in conscious 

preferences. Thus Atel people who have been 

residing in the village of Tha Meuang for over 

20 years have still not adopted the village way 

of life, even though they are perfectly capable, 

intellectually and technically, of practicing 

agriculture. A return to their previous way of 

life is still their preference. As noted above, 

similar views are held by Vietic peoples who 

were relocated in Vietnam. 

36 



The Vietic homeland 

Based upon degree of diversity, linguistic 

evidence therefore places the homeland ofProto 

Vietic in the interior regions of what is now 

Borikhamxay and Khammouane Provinces, with 

some overflow to the opposite side of the Sai 

Phou Louang (Annamite) chain, to the north in 

Nghe An and to the east in Quang Binh, that is, 

far south of the H6ng plain. Slightly further to 

the southeast, the greatest diversity ofVietnamese 

dialects occurs in central Vietnam, presumably 

the area that gave birth to the Vietnamese 

language. Some of the history that led to the 

peopling of the Red River Delta with Vietic 

speakers is treated in the following section. 

The diversity of subsistence type is 

interesting as well, since in Vietic, which we 

estimate has approximately the same time depth 

as Tai, the entire range of livelihoods is found: 

hunting and gathering, swiddening, and irrigated 

paddy cultivation. For Tai, however, all groups 

are lowland wet rice farmers. In fact it seems 

fair to conclude that Vietic paddy cultivation is 

a comparatively recent development, and that 

the Tai term Meuang being applied to a branch 

of Vietic can only indicate a sedentized group 

in the eyes of the Tai. Thus we may reconstruct 

that while the Proto-Vietics were huntergatherers, 

the Proto-Tais were sedentary wet 

rice agriculturists. 

Chinese historical records ofNam-Viet 

With the preceding Tai and Vietic overviews in 

mind, it remains now to examine the historical 

record for evidence that supports the 

ethnolinguistic picture. Of particular interest are 

those events which take place in or lead to the 

territory south of the Delta. 

The geographical terminology applied to the 

territory of what came to be known as the nationstate 

ofVietnam is varied and complex, changing 

frequently throughout history according to the 

policies of one dynastic tradition or another. To 

simplify this situation somewhat, the usage of 

Edward Schafer ( 1967) has been adopted, 

supplemented by relevant detailed information 

from Taylor (1983). 

Schafer (5ff) writes that the oldest Chinese 

records divide the territory south of the Yangtze 

River into two provinces: Chiang-Nan (MC 

Kaung-nam), including the modem provinces 

ofKiangsi, Zhejiang Fujian and Hunan (we will 

see that this is an over simplification); and Nam 

Viet (MC Nam-Ywat), roughly Guizhou, 

Guangxi, and the northern portions ofVietnam. 18 

Nam-Viet was further divided into Lingnan (MC 

Lyeng-nam) 'south of the mountain passes,' 

Guizhou and Guangxi, and, Annam 'the secured 

south,' modem Tongking and adjacent southern 

areas along the coast. However, in ancient times, 

Lingnan was frequently used as a synonym for 

Nam-Viet. 

I have proposed elsewhere ( 1991) that the 

ethnonym 'Lao' is the oldest surviving term for 

'Tai-Kadai.' It is used throughout Chinese 

history to refer to Tai-Kadai speaking peoples, 

a conclusion inferred from the fact that the term 

survives variously (but only) in the modem 

names for languages spoken in the three main 

sub-families ofTai-Kadai: Kadai, Kam-Sui, and 

Tai. Eberhard (1968) in his pioneering work on 

southern Chinese folklore, classifies Lao (Liao) 

as the oldest of the chains of cultural motifs, 

predating his Thai, Pa, and Y ao cultures. He 

even goes so far as to propose the original 

location of the Lao culture at Chang-an, the 

center of the Zhou Kingdom (453). 

What follows below in this section is a brief 

synopsis of some aspects of the early history of 

Vietnam and Southern China which serve to 

demonstrate especially south to north movement 

and other information that supports the general 

ethnolinguistic situation. It is not a coherent 

narrative of events or a complete picture of 

what is known of the history of this area. 

The earliest evidence 

I have discussed these points elsewhere 

(1991a,b), so I will summarize here the main 

aspects, especially as they relate to the 

classification of Kam-Sui-Tai languages. 

1. The Kingdom of Chu appears between 

twelfth and eleventh centuries BC in 

the two Hu, but especially Hunan in 

the Tong-Ting Lake region of the 

Middle Y angzi. This I suggest was a 

Proto-Tai-Kam-Sui Kingdom. 19 

2. One king of Chu breaks away to 

Zhejiang in the ninth century BC and 

founds the independent kingdom of the 

Yue (not chronicled until the fourth 


37


century BC). This is the first split 

between Kam-Sui and Be-Tai. 

3. In 333 BC Chou attacks Yue stimulating 

the exodus of ruling classes (Lo) to the 

south. 

4. The 'Hundred Yue' emerge as 

independent principalities throughout 

the region which we know today as 

Guizhou, Guangxi, Guangdong, and 

Tongking. 

5. Eastern Ou inS. Zhejiang and in Fujian 

(Min Yue), which were absorbed by 

the Chinese at the end of the second 

century BC. 

6. Nan-Yue is established at Northern 

Guangxi and Guangdong. 

7. Western Ou (or Lo-Yue) from Southern 

Guangxi and Tongking to the Col des 

Nuages (Aurousseau 1923: 260). 

8. Chu was destroyed by Qin in 223 BC. 

Sources of ancient Vietnamese history 

Virtually all historical records relating to 

Vietnam, from the earliest period to the tenth 

century (the fall of Tang) and beyond were 

written in Chinese by Chinese historians. The 

earliest extant writing by Vietnamese historians 

does not appear until the 14th century and even 

this history is written in Chinese demotic script. 

Furthermore, it is clear from the ethnolinguistic 

evidence summarized above that the modem 

Vietnamese were recent arrivals in the Delta, 

and that the movement ofViet-Meuang peoples 

generally has been from south to north, not the 

reverse as most histories would have us believe. 

This historical bias has its origins, no doubt, in 

the Chinese historiographic point of view, which 

was indeed one of movements from north to 

south, the direction of the expanding empire. 

At this point in time, I regard the work of 

Keith Taylor, especially his The Birth of 

Vietnam ( 1983) to be the most valuable resource 

for early Vietnamese history. The book's main 

weakness lies in its romantic nationalist endeavor 

to present Vietnamese history as a long struggle 

by Vietnamese indigenes against Chinese 

oppression culminating in the kingdom of D~i 

C6 Vi~t, or national independence, at the end of 

Tang. Unfortunately, this viewpoint is only 

maintained at the expense of ethnic identity, the 

true indigenous view having been sacrificed to 

the historian's preoccupation with the nationstate. 

However, once this species of political 

correctness within the discipline is understood, 

the virtue of the work as a compendium of 

meticulous historical research drawn from 

primary Chinese sources, as well as a critical 

subsumation ofthe previous French scholarship 

ofMaspero, Aurousseau, Madrolle, Gaspardone, 

et. al., is unequaled. 

Taylor divides the early history of Vietnam, 

from the very beginnings to the establishment 

of national independence into six phases, a very 

useful periodization which is adhered to in the 

brief synopsis below. It must be remembered, 

however, that Taylor's analysis is long and 

prolix, and I have attempted to extract only that 

information which has bearing on the topic of 

this paper. 

Lo-Yue [From early times to 206 Bq20 

Traditional Vietnamese early history, much of 

it based upon the fifteenth century Linh-nam 

chich qwii, describes the territory of the Red 

River Delta as being governed by Hung Kings 

and L~c Lords. The Hung Kings are said to 

have ruled the Kingdom of Van-lang in the 

region known as Me-linh (Mi Ling) situated on 

the northwest comer of the H6ng plain at the 

confluence of the Red the Clear and the Black 

rivers (Taylor 1983: 3). Vietnamese authors of 

the Vi~t sti Ju(/c identify the earliest Hung King 

as a contemporary of King Chuang ofChu (692- 

682 BC), the first of a line of eighteen 

generations, also claimed for the Hilng line. 

Thus Vietnamese history mimics the Chinese 

on this point. However archeologically, the area 

of Me-linh, has been shown to be the locus of 

the late Bronze Age culture ofDong-Sdn which 

began in the seventh century BC (Taylor: 4). 

But given the lateness of the Vietnamese sources 

many questions remain on the issue of the Hung 

Kings (also cfTaylor: 306ft). 

The earliest historical mention of Van-Lang 

is in Tang (618-907 AD), while the earliest 

mention ofHilng as a line of kings is said to be 

from the Tsin (265-317 AD) but even this is no 

longer extant and is taken from a fifth century 

source (Gaspardone 1955 cited in Taylor). Thus 

Hung, as a line of kings in the Chinese sources 

is also problematical, but Jao Tsung-i's (1969) 

[cited in Taylor: 306] association of the written 

38 



Chinese character with hsiung, the clan names 

of kings in the ancient kingdom of Chu, would 

seem reasonable. 

The first mention ofL~c Lords is by Chinese 

sources in the Han dynasty, a description that 

focuses on them between the periods of 111 BC 

(the year Chinese suzerainty was imposed) and 

42--43 BC (when the L~c Lords were defeated). 

The Hung kings were said to have been 

defeated by King An Dudng (Ngan-yang), 

mentioned for the first time in the Kuang chou 

chi text of the Chin (Tsin) dynasty (Aurousseau: 

212). There he is described as the 'son of the 

king of Shu'. These texts describe only the defeat 

of the L~c chiefs and do not mention the Hung 

kings. Here also, in these Tsin dynasty texts, the 

first mention of Giao-ch'i and Ctru-chan is made 

in the Chiao chou wai yu chi, a Tsin recension 

of a first century Han work. According to 

Aurousseau (p. 21 0) the dates of their founding 

as Chinese commanderies would have been 

sometime between 207 and 111 BC. 

In the legend it is said that King An Dudng 

founded the kingdom of Au-L~c after invading 

Van-lang with an army of thirty thousand at the 

end of the third century BC, presumably 

following the invasion of Western Ou (Au) by 

the Qin, which forced the rulers of that kingdom 

to flee south. He constructed the citadel of C6- 

loa in Tay-vu, an object of much myth, rich in 

emblems of power such as the golden turtle and 

the white chicken. 

At the same time, to the east, a Qin 

commissioner named Chao To with greater 

sympathies for the south, proclaimed himself 

King ofNan-Yue (Canton), in opposition to the 

empire. Shortly after relations with Han were 

restored in 179 BC, Chao To attacked and 

conquered Au L~c. Han regained control of 

Nan Yue in 111 BC, but in Giao-ch'i, the L~c 

ruling class remained in power until their defeat 

by Ma Yuan in 43 AD. Following this, history 

is silent as to the fate of the L~c. 21 

It is of some interest to note that a number 

of the L~c ruling families at this time fled 

south into Cl:tu-cban. This population was 

important enough that at the end of the year 

43 AD Ma Yuan took his two thousand ships 

into Cl:tu-cban, to the Ma basin and south 

into what is now Nghe An. Here it is written 

in the Shui ching chu that from three to five 

thousand were captured and beheaded 

(Taylor:41 ). 

Han-Yue [206 BC-220 AD] 

During the Han, Nam Yue was divided into 

seven prefectures. In addition to Giao-ch'F 2 and 

Ctru-chan, a third province called Nh~t-nam was 

added beginning south of the Hoanh Sdn 

massive, that is south ofCtru-chan (Taylor: 30). 

Han settlements began to emerge. Evidence of 

Han-style tombs have been discovered in Giaoch'i, 

Ctru-chan, and northern NMt-nam along 

the Giang River, but nowhere else in Vietnam 

(Taylor: 54). 

The second century was beset by no less 

that five major rebellions against Han authority 

in Nh~t-nam and in Ctru-chan. This locus of 

discontent in the south continued into the tenth 

century, and marks two significant aspects of 

Vietnamese arrival in the Delta: south to north 

movement and a composition of Sinicized 

Vietics. More and more frequently throughout 

this period, attacks against Giao-ch'i were led 

by disenchanted Chinese expatriates with strong 

indigenous followings. 

Giao-Yue [AD 220-589] 

The Cham state of Lin-i was established in AD 

192 by means of a rebellion in Tudng-lam by 

Ou Lien. Lin-i invaded Nh~t-nam in 248 which 

it annexed up to the Ctru-chan border (Taylor: 

89). This inspired the people of Ctru-chan and 

even Giao-ch'i to rebel as well (p. 90). Thus the 

pattern of unrest emanating from the south 

continued in this period. 

During the early Chin, Giao Province added 

several new prefectures, among them Ctru-duc 

which was formed of the southern portion of 

Ctru-chan, in the plain of the Song Ca. This is 

likewise part of a pattern of increased specificity 

in administration of the south by the Chinese. 

In AD 34 7 under the command of the usurper 

Wen (said to have been ethnic Chinese and a 

former slave), the army of Lin-i marched north 

through Nh~t-nam to Hoanh Sdn, and then on 

to Ctru-duc and Cttu-chan (Taylor: 1 07). These 

hostilities continued until the 370s (p. 109). 

With the demise of Tsin, the £>6 family rose to 

power in Giao, beginning with £>6 Vi~n who 

had served as prefect in Nh~t-nam and Ctru-duc 

before being assigned to Giao-ch'i (p. 11 0). This 


39


pattern of official assignment was repeated often, 

another example of south to north influence in 

Vietnam. 

Around 424 Lin-i reinitiated its aggression, 

seizing Nh~t-nam and raiding Ciru-dttc, the king 

established the fortress ofKhu-tUc at the mouth 

of the Giang. From this position he was able to 

raid Ciru-dttc (Taylor: 115-6). The aggression 

of Lin-i was finally ended by a decisive Sung 

military campaign that began in 446 and 

devastated Lin-i. However, Nh~t-nam soon fell 

under Lin-i authority once again by virtue of its 

geographical location. Following the defeat, 

however, the capital was moved from the its old 

location near modem Hu€ further south to Tnlkieu, 

near modem Da-ning (Taylor: 118). 

In summing up this period Taylor writes: 

It was at this time [the fifth century] that Giao's 

northern border was adjusted to the modern 

border between China and Vietnam in 

recognition of the natural frontier dividing the 

indigenous Vietnamese political system from 

imperial administration. The Vietnamese were 

no longer a part of an amorphous frontier 

jurisdiction as they had been under Han and 

Wu, a jurisdiction based on concepts of empire 

rather than on the indigenous culture. By 

detaching Ho-p'u and establishing Ytieh 

Province late in the fifth century, the Chinese 

realized that the Vietnamese lands were too far 

away and too un-Chinese to rule in the usual 

way. Thereafter, the Vietnamese were recognized 

administratively in a province of their own (p. 

131). 

Taylor goes on to note the fixing of the 

southern border at Hoanh Sdn, and the imperial 

policy of not 'tampering with the cultural 

frontier.' Thus the 'Vietnamese,' who at this 

point in time in Giao-clii we must still regard as 

ethnically Tai, are described as belonging to the 

northern empire while descending from a 

southern culture, a characterization that is indeed 

well-suited to both the Tais in the north ofNam 

Viet as well as to the ethnic Vietnamese in the 

south. 

In the year 535, Dttc Province was formed 

around the mouth of the Song Ca, out of what 

had been Ciru-chan Prefecture (or southern Ciruchan 

as it had been known since the time of 

Chao To in the third century BC), and two 

additional provinces, Ly and Minh were named 

in the obscure valley of the Ngan Sau, a southern 

tributary of the Song Ca skirting the lush 

rainforests of the Annamite Chain. It is likely 

that the sudden appearance of these two hitherto 

unmentioned provinces in the hinterlands is 

related to Chinese economic interest in gold, 

and perhaps secondarily, rhinoceros horn and 

kingfisher feathers, products that were plentiful 

in the area until recently. Although the records 

are not precise, I will speculate that Ly was in 

the valley of the Ngan Sau, while Minh was in 

the adjacent upper valley of the Song Giang 

where a major town by that name is located. 

The successful rebellion of Ly Bi in 541 

likewise began in the south in Dttc, and, again 

following the pattern of the disenchanted 

Chinese commander turned rebel, attacked north 

through Chu-dien and Ai (Taylor: 135ft). Like 

the others, who came before and after, the culture 

and system of government they espoused was 

still that of imperial China. Interestingly, in the 

struggle that followed between Liang and Ly 

Bi, the followers of the latter are described in 

the sources as 'Lao Chieftains'. When Ly Bi 

was finally defeated, his elder brotherLy Thien 

Bao raised yet another army in Dttc to attack 

the Liang forces to the north. He was defeated 

in Ai but escaped into the mountains with the 

'Lao' (p. 143). This was in 547. Finally, 

according to later Vietnamese sources, a relative 

of Ly Thien Bao named Ly Ph~t Tit gained 

possession of western Giao in 557, ostensibly 

supported by the Lao of Ai, while Tri~u Quang 

Phvc retained the east. In 569/571 Ly Ph~t Tit 

defeated Quang Phvc and took control entirely 

(p. 153ft). The historians of Sui maintained that 

Ly Ph~t Tit was an ethnic Li. 

Sixth Century [Sui: AD 589-618] 

In the Sui Dynasty, in the year 598, Ling-hu 

Hsi, military commander of Kuei and Giao, 

renamed several important areas. Tan-xudng 

(and points west) became Phong, Dttc became 

Hoan, and Hoang (on the northern coast) became 

Lvc (Lu). Then, in 604, Sui reorganized the 

administration once again, dividing all of 

Vietnam into three prefectures (as opposed to 

provinces): Giao-clii included the entire H6ng 

plain, Ai was converted back to Ciru-chan, and 

40 


) 


Roan (formerly Due) became Nh~t-nam. (Taylor 

158ft) 

Tang-Yue [AD 618-907] 

Tang began by reorganizing Vietnam yet again, 

this time into a number of small provinces under 

two 'central authorities' [see Map !-locations 

adapted from Taylor: 169]. The first 

administration included all of the provinces in 

the plains of the H6ng and the Ma, with Ai as 

the most important province in the basin of the 

Ma. The second administration was at Roan in 

the plain of the Song Ca. 

The reorganization was fixed in 679 with 

the formal establishment of the 'Protectorate of 

Annam' (Annam = 'the pacified south'). In 

addition to the main provinces, 'halter provinces' 

were established in order to pacify the many 

ethnarchs in the hinterlands. Kinh and Lam (Lin), 

at the southern border near Hoanh-sdn were 

named in 628 and 635 respectively. 

Later, in 669, the southern border was more 

formally acknowledged with the setting up of 

PhUc-lqc also in the vicinity of the Hoanh-sdn 

massif. It is described as having been 

'appropriated by migrating "uncivilized Lao" 

in the sixth century. The details of this are more 

crucial because at some point in Vietnamese 

history, between the Tang Chinese sources and 

the later 14th century Sino-Vietnamese works, 

PhUc-lqc (Fu-lu) was relocated from the south 

to the north, to the northwest comer of the 

H6ng plain, a fate likewise shared by An-vien 

(An-yiian) and Dudng-lam (T'ang-lin). (Taylor: 

172,327ft) 

This topic was important enough that Taylor 

{p. 327ft) devotes an entire appendix to its 

explication. He relates that according Chinese 

sources 23 An-vien was originally a district first 

noted in the Sui dynasty in Nh~t-nam Prefecture 

(formerly Cuu-duc). In 622 An-vien was a 

district in Due Province which became Roan in 

627. Between 639 and 669 this district was 

joined with Dudng-liim to become Dudng-lam 

Province. Finally, in 669 a district of PhUc-lqc 

was appended to Dudng-lam resulting in PhUclqc 

Province. It location appears to have been 

approximately at the Hoanh Sdn massif on the 

border with Champa. Because they were 

changed so frequently, it is Taylor's opinion 

that in many Tang sources the terms Dudnglam 

and Phuc-lqc were for the most part 

synonymous. But in the ninth century Phuc-lqc 

disappears entirely and is replaced by Dudnglam. 

Now these same three topnyms, in 

Vietnamese sources referring to the period 

following the fall of Tang in the tenth century, 

are relocated. And this is of vital interest to us 

here, because: (1) it represents a very specific 

movement from a location very near to the Vietic 

homeland in the south to the Delta of the H6ng 

River in the north; (2) Because the two most 

important Vietnamese independence leaders, 

Ph1lng Hung (8th c.) and Ngo Quy~n (lOth c.) 

are said to have been born in Dudng-lam and 

PhUc-lqc respectively. Although perplexing on 

the surface, from a historical linguistic point of 

view the answer is obvious: Ph1lng Hung and 

Ngo Quy~n were born in the south and led the 

Vietnamese rebellions to their conclusions in 

the north. 24 

Returning to Tang reorganization, it is 

likewise of interest here that the inland provinces 

of Ly and Minh, instated during the Liang 

dynasty, were retained (only Ly had been 

renamed Tri in 598). According to Taylor's 

map (p. 170), Tri lay north of Minh. As 

mentioned above, I would like to suggest that in 

fact Tri (Ly) encompassed the valley of the 

Ngan Sau, while Minh was located in the upper 

valley of the Giang where the toponym may 

still be found at Minh Hoa (or Quang Minh ?). 

Little is recorded from this area except for an 

uprising by 'refractory Lao tribesmen' in the 

province of Minh. And 'Lao' in this case could 

be none other than the Sek who must have been 

established there prior to the fifth or sixth 

centuries when Lyand Minh were created. Given 

the Sek ethnic-specific association with gold, 

and assuming there would have been little reason 

for the Chinese to proclaim these two inland 

provinces without economic motivation, I 

believe this hypothesis to be reasonably accurate. 

Also, as mentioned above, Lao and Li were 

consistently applied as ethnonyms for Tai-Kadai 

speakers. 25 

Another small inland province in the area of 

the upper Ca was established in 635 under the 

name of Sdn. Located near Xieng Khwang 

Province in Laos, this is approximately the 


41


location of the Mene gold mining area discussed 

above. 

Di~n province was originally located just to 

the north of Hoan. It was incorporated into 

Hian about 650, but was reinstated as a province 

again in 764. Sdn was then made a part of 

Di~n. 

Ai and seven other provinces were 

established in the basin of the Ma. Taylor regards 

this territory as a backwater in the center of the 

protectorate that was least affected by Chinese 

rule, and therefore 'emerged in the tenth century 

as the original and most persistent center of the 

politics of independence' (p. 173). In 

ethnolinguistic terms, I would rephrase this to 

say that Ai, especially the hinterlands, was a 

vacuum filled eventually by Muimg speakers, 

the language closest to Vietnamese, whose 

language and culture exhibit Tai influence as 

opposed to Chinese. The adjacent province of 

Tntdng separated Giao from Ai on the coast. 

On the northern coast of Giao, Lvc (Lu) 

province (formerly Hoang) served both as a 

highway and a buffer in Giao relations with 

Kuangtung. Taylor (p. 175) notes that in this 

role as interface between protectorate and 

empire, it was more often under the control of 

powers to the north. 

Finally, Phong (Feng) was strategically 

located at the junction of the Red, the Black, 

and the Clear. It held control over 28 'halter 

provinces' to the west and northwest to Yunnan, 

and provided protection for Giao from attacks 

initiated by the peoples living in these areas. 

Vietnamese movements north 

Taylor (p. 191ft) reports that following a period 

of relative security until 705-6, Tang authority 

in Hoan weakened. In 722 a man named Mai 

Thuc Loan from a salt-producing village on the 

Hoan coast southeast ofHa Tinh (southern Nghe 

An) brought together people from thirty-two 

provinces, including Lin-i, Chen-la, and a 

hitherto unknown kingdom called Chin-lin 

('gold neighbor'), altogether totaling four 

hundred thousand, and styling himself'the Black 

Emperor' he marched northward and 'seized all 

of Annam.' His success was short-lived and he 

was immediately attacked and killed by imperial 

forces from Kuang. While Taylor is perplexed 

by the nature of this event, why so many foreign 

elements should unite to mount such an attack, 

the answer seems obvious, that the core of this 

movement were not aliens, they were the true 

ancestors of the modem Vietnamese, Sinicized 

Vietic coastal frontiersmen, in large numbers, 

moving north. The Chinese army sent to put 

down the Black Emperor is said to have 

numbered one hundred thousand. Taylor (p. 216) 

speculates that many of these soldiers remained, 

and that many were surely sent to Hoan where 

the rebellion began. 

Vietnamese traditions have not highlighted 

this event, although Taylor notes (p. 191) that 

the tombs ofhis parents and the citadel he erected 

are to be found near the Black Emperor's 

birthplace, and a temple inscription in this area 

reads: 

The Tang Empire waxed and waned; 

The mountains and rivers of Hoan and Dien 

stand firm through the ages. 

Given the Chinese historiographic 

underpinnings ofVietnamese history generally, 

the Black Emperor's lack of prominence is not 

surprising. We have already noted the previous 

pattern of south to north rebellions led by 

dissatisfied Chinese expatriate officials. 

Following a brief mention of an uprising by 

a military commander of Dien, the next major 

local hero to appear in Taylor's treatment is 

PhUng Hung. Since I have dealt in detail 

elsewhere (Chamberlain: 1991) with the close 

similarities between this story and that of the 

Lao epic of Thao Hung Thao Cheuang I will not 

repeat this here. But Taylor's interpretation of 

some of the names bears further scrutiny. After 

the death of Hung, it is written in the Vietnamese 

sources 26 that B6 Pha L~c fought against Hung's 

brother Hai chasing him into the mountains 

foreverP The Vietnamese word for 'father' 

which Taylor cites in his subsequent discussion 

of the posthumous title accorded to Hung is Bo: 

a conspicuous borrowing from Tai, not 

indigenous to Vietnamese as assumed by Taylor. 

It also needs to be reiterated at this point that 

the birthplace ofPhimg Hung was f>udng-lam, 

an old southern toponym moved north to Phong 

in the later Vietnamese histories, no doubt a 

factor of its being moved along with the ethnic 

Vietnamese rebels during the Tang. 

42 



Taylor (p. 215) writes: 'All of the major 

rebel figures of the ninth century came from 

Hoan, Ai or Phong'. In 802 the Chams (Huanwang), 

with collusion ofHoan and Ai, annexed 

these provinces for seven years until in 809 

they were retaken by the Tang protector general 

of Giao named Chou. Chou captured the son of 

the Cham king along with the rebel governors 

ofHoan and Ai, and rebuilt the citadels there as 

a demonstration of the authority ofTang (Taylor: 

226). 

Dudng Thanh was the first major rebel leader 

of the early ninth century. He was apparently 

from a Chinese family who served as governors 

ofHoan since the early eighth century following 

the defeat of the Black Emperor and Dudng 

Thanh's family may have been members of that 

force. All of the major ingredients are found 

here: Vietic territory, Sinicizing influences, and 

south to north movement (Taylor: 227ft). 

Also in ninth century, B6 T6n Thanh and 

his son B6 Thii Tn1ng were anti-Tang Chinese 

immigrants from Ai. B6 T6n Thanh was the 

governor and military commander of Ai who 

was killed by the protector general Li Cho for 

siding with Lao leaders. The B6 family dated 

from the Ch'i and Liang dynasties (479-556) 

(Taylor: 240). 

As another indication of unrest in the south, 

in 835 Protector General T'ien Tsao sent a 

general named Tang Ch'eng-ho pacify Hoan, 

and in the following year yet another military 

governor was sent there to assist him (Taylor: 

235-6). 

At the end of 862, Nan-chao which had 

been threatening Annam for some time, invaded 

with a force of fifty thousand men and Giao fell 

at the beginning of 863. Records state that one 

hundred and fifty thousand Tang soldiers were 

killed or captured by Nan-chao and an unknown 

number fled to the north. Probably the highest 

portion were local recruits and it may be assumed 

that the victory of Nan-chao led to a severe 

reduction in population in the Delta. Nan-chao 

was driven out by Kao P'ien in 866 (Taylor: 

239ft). 

Of interest, in the wake of the Nan-chao war 

and the weakened condition ofGiao, are Taylor's 

remarks (p. 248) to the effect that the existence 

of 'two cultural currents' became clear: ( 1) the 

Tang-Viet Buddhist culture of Giao, militarily 

dependent upon Tang, and (2) the anti-Tang 

elements, many of whom had sided with Nanchao 

and fled into the mountains with the attack 

ofKao P'ien. 28 

Tenth Century: establishment of the Vietnamese 

State in AD 965 

A number of southern leaders lead the way to 

complete independence for Vietnam in the tenth 

century, including the following: 

Dltdng f)inh Ngh~. A general from Ai who 

rebelled and ruled in Giao from 931, and was 

killed in 937. (Taylor: 265) 

Ng6 Quy&l. From Budng-lam (one of the 

southern toponyms relocated north discussed 

above), the son-in-law of Budng f)inh Ngh~ 

who was given a military command in Ai. He 

took control of Giao after the assassination of 

his father-in-law, defeated the Chinese from 

Canton in 938, and died in 944. His court is 

described as very traditionally Chinese (Taylor: 

267ft). 

f)inh B(} Linh. Succeeded his father who 

served as governor of Hoan under Budng Binh 

Ngh~ and Ngo Quy~n, and, following the death 

of the king in 963, established the independent 

kingdom off)ai Co Vi~t in 965. To accomplish 

this he relied primarily on support from his own 

army from Ai and an army of thirty thousand 

from Hoan led by his son. In good Chinese 

tradition he took the title of Emperor in 966 

(Taylor: 275ft). 

Conclusions 

1. Sek is a small language with farreaching 

implications. In the field of 

comparative and historical Tai it is the 

key to the reconstruction of Proto-Tail 

Be-Tai initial consonants. For Tai and 

Vietnamese history, accounting for the 

location of Sek provokes a complete 

rethinking of the basic premises upon 

which that history has stood for many 

hundreds of years. The re-working of 

this history will entail the 

reinterpretation of Chinese historical 

records in the light of linguistic 

evidence from both Tai-Kadai and 

Austroasiatic. 


43


2. Many questions remain unanswered. The 

precise dates when the ethnic Vie1namese 

actually replaced the Tai in the Delta are 

uncertain, but this must have occurred 

sometime between the seventh and the 

ninth centuries. 29 From an ethnolinguistic 

perspective the Vietics were originally 

non-sedentary inhabitants of the interior 

(as evidenced by their lack of an ludicbased 

writing system), one branch of 

which became heavily Sinicized (the 

Vietnamese) and another of which 

became heavily Tai infulenced (the 

Mudng---cf. Condominas 1980). 

Was Northern Tai split into two 

branches Ou and Yi, both of which 

were represented in the continuum south 

of the Delta? If so, as the evidence 

suggests, then to which group did Sek 

belong? And this leads to another 

interesting possibility that results from 

our suspicion that Sek is not the original 

ethnonym. That is, the example of Sek 

also gives us an example of entry from 

Vietnam into Laos that may also apply 

to Yooy, who are found only on the 

Nakai plateau and in adjacent areas of 

Gnommarath District along the foot of 

the lower Ak escarpment. 

Geographically they are the next-door 

neighbors of Sek. And the closest and 

oldest mention of this ethnonym appears 

in Robequain's monograph (1929) on 

Thanh Hoa (formerly Ciru-chiin and 

later Ai) where the 'Yoi' are described 

as the oldest, but now extinct, 

population. Thus one hypothesis might 

be that the Y ooy in Gnommarath are 

the Sek who became Southwestemized, 

whereas the Sek proper, were in fact 

the Y oi who remained on the east of 

the Cordillera, not arriving in Laos until 

approximately 300 years ago. To some 

extent this parallels the relationship of 

Mene and Nyo, the Nyo likewise having 

become Southwestemized, probably 

through contact with Phou Thay 

beginning in Nghe An. 

Note also that 'Mudng,' a Tai 

word applied to the non-Sinicized 

relatives of Vietnamese in Thanh Hoa 

Notes 

and Hoa Binh, is used as an ethnonym 

for Tai speakers in Nghe An, indicating 

that the Vietic Mudng must have 

dispersed northward from this area, after 

adopting a sedentary livelihood under 

Thay Muc1ng influence. What was the 

nature of this influence and what are 

the linguistic and cultural traces? 

Finally, what is the ethnolinguistic 

history ofPhong? Situated between the 

Da and the HcSng (known as the Te and 

the Tao to Tai speakers), it is also on 

the northern edge of Mudng-speaking 

territory. Phong was usually a willing 

participant of uprisings originating in 

Roan and Ai. It is furthermore the 

ethnonym of several old Khmuic groups 

now located in Houa Phanh; an 

ethnonym for Vietic groups in Nghe 

An and Khamkeut; an administrative 

term in Black Tai and Lao; the personal 

name of important historical figures in 

Nghe An, Xieng Khwang, Louang 

Prabang, and Sip Song Chu Tai; and it 

appears in the province names ofPhong 

ThO and Phongsaly. The true origins of 

this word so far remain a mystery. 

3. To return to Haudricourt's original 

question, linguistic, historical, and 

cultural evidence indicates that Sek is 

the southernmost extension of what was 

at one time a continuum of Northern 

Branch Tai or Be-Sek speaking peoples 

extending from the Sino-Vietnamese 

frontier through the HcSng delta to the 

modem provinces of Thanh Hoa, Nhge 

An, Quimg Binh, and eventually to their 

present locations in Laos, in Khamkeut 

District (adjacent to the·Ngan Siiu valley 

in the former Chinese Province of Ly 

or Tri) and in Nakai District (adjacent 

to the upper Giang valley, the former 

Chinese Province of Minh). That is to 

say, it did not result from the abrupt 

displacement of an original population 

from Guangdong. 

1 A version of this paper was presented as a keynote 

address at the International Conference on Tai Studies 

44 



held by Mahidol University, July 29-31, 1998. 

2 I have retained the original spelling of Sek, ( 1) 

because it is consistant with the romanization used in 

Laos, and (2) because phonetically the vowel is really 

lei rather than I rei which is true for the Lao language 

as well. 

3 This scheme is somewhat outdated on the Kadai 

side where data has been sparse. Jerold Edmondson 

(p.c.) now believes that Laha, Buyang, Ain and Qabiao 

are closer to Kam-Tai, while Hlai, Gelao, Cunhua 

and Lachi are independent groups descending directly 

from the parent language. 

4 Originally, the modern province ofBorikhamxay 

was part of a larger Khammouane Province, the name 

of which was taken from the town of Khammouane. 

This same Khammouane town, formerly a provincial 

capital, is now a subdistrict in Khamkeuth District in 

Borikhamxay Province. 

5 lnaa ml 'southern paddy' was actually a separate 

village, now abandoned, about 2 km from Ban Beuk. 

6 Note that all of these villages are located in Laos, 

not in Vietnam as implied in the Gedney materials. 

7 From unpublished fieldnotes of Khammanh 

Siphanxay, Institute of Cultural Research, Lao PDR. 

8 Ban Toeng is actually composed of two villages, 

the larger Ban Toeng which is located on the Nam 

Noy, and a smaller village called Ban Soek further 

away from the Nam Noy which contains a mixture of 

Sek and Brou households. Recently several families 

ofThemarou have been resettled here as well. 

9 From Cham subdistrict in the northern portion of 

the district bodering the Vietnamese province ofNghe 

An, including the subdistricts of Lak Xao (Ban Phon 

Hong, Ban Houay Keo ); Khamkeut (Ban Phon Sa-at, 

Ban Phon Meuang Noy); Na Heuang (Lak 10, Lak 

12, Na Khi); Nam Sak (Ban Phon Ngam, Ban Sop 

Khi); Sop Chat (Ban Sop Chat, Ban Sop Mong, Ban 

Phon Keo, Ban Sene Sy, Ban Tham Bing, Ban Phiang 

Pone); Ka'ane (Ban Thene Kwang, Ban Pha Poun, 

Ban Phiang Pho, Ban Sane, Ban Kok Feuang); Phon 

Thoen (Keng Kwang, Ban Kato', Ban Kane Nha, 

Ban Keng Bit, Ban Sop Gnouang, Ban Yang Xao, 

Ban Tha Bak, Ban Kapap); Sop Pone (Ban Sot, Ban 

Tha Sala, Ban Boung Kham); and Tha Veng (Ban 

Phon Xay, Ban Kong Phat, Ban Xam Toey, Ban Na 

Khwan, Ban Phou Viang). 

10 The difficulties oflocating toponyms in Vietnam 

is complicated by the fact that so many places have 

more than one name as in the case of Xieng Mene 

and Xieng My mentioned here. For example, the 

Song Ca River is also known variously as Nam Lam, 

Nam Pao, or Nam Noen depending on the portion of 

the river, the country, or the ethnicity of the people 

who use the name. 

11 This lexeme, incidentally, appears to have a 

cognate in Kam-Sui, as well as a contact form in 

Cham (Austronesian). 

12 A recent article by Houmphanh Rattanavong 

( 1996) suggests that the Quy Chiiu script is descended 

directly from an Indic Pallava source transported to 

northern Vietnam in the first century AD. Since this 

and the following century was the beginning of a 

period which saw the introduction of considerable 

Buddhist influence from India into Giao-clii this 

hypothesis is plausible although the details have yet 

to be explicated. The presence of a large population 

of Indians and Central Asians in Giao-clii was wellrecorded 

by Chinese historians, and was especially 

notable during the governorship of Shih Hsieh in the 

latter part of the 2nd century AD, where the rise of 

Buddhism flourished in the waning years of the Han 

(cf. Taylor 80ft). The ethnic identity of the main 

population of Giao-clii, however, was most probably 

Tai or Be-Tai, rather than 'Vietnamese' in the modern 

sense of the term (Chamberlain 1992). 

13 MC = Middle Chinese. This is the Chinese 

reconstructed by Karlgren (1923) and called by him 

Ancient Chinese spoken in the 6th c. AD as distinct 

from his Archaic Chinese. The character references 

are to the 1923 work. Unfortunately Karlgren's 

reconstruction of Archaic Chinese published in 1957 

under the title Grammatica Serica Recensa at 

Goteborg, is not available to me at the time of this 

writing. I will leave it to those more knowlegeable in 

the field of Chinese linguistics to offer more definitive 

reconstructions. But for the time being, these may 

serve as illustrative. 

14 Jerold Edmondson (p.c.) pointed out to me the 3- 

way distinction in the romanized syllable Yi, between 

Yi (Tibeto-Burrnan); Yi (Kadai); and Yi (Tai). Tai 

languages invariably show the C tone for this word. 

15 Phong et. al. ( 1988), however, claim that the 

languages in Ha Tinh and Quang Binh are collectively 

known as Chr.it, a word they say means 'mountain' in 

the Rife language of the area, that is, 'mountain people,' 

referring to their preferred habitat in higher altitudes 

near river sources. This appellation, they imply, 

includes Arem, Rpc, Malieng, May (Czrdi), and perhaps 

the more sedentary Sach, but presumably excludes the 

sedentary Ngu6n. Therefore, Chlrt, Nguo'n, and Nha 

Lang, although they are more general terms, are not 

widely recognized. Muimg on the other hand, aside 


45


from its being a term for a specific group of dialects 

quite distant from the Vietic speakers to the south, is 

too easily confused with the Tai ethnonym in Nghe 

An. As we have seen, even the term V i?t is a Chinese 

word, but in lieu of any better proposals at the present, 

'Vietic' will be used here to refer to this branch, as has 

been the common practice in recent years in most 

academic literature published in English. 

16 These cultures are of a similar type to those 

found in Laos as described by Phong et. al. (1988), 

focusing on the Rgc. He writes: 

. . . les Rvc vivent dans Ia fon!lt profonde, 

cherchant refuge dans les cavernes ou sous des 

abris de fortune faits de branchages. Refusant le 

contact avec les etrangers, difficilement 

abordables, ils menent une veritable existence de 

nomades chasseurs-cuilleurs dans Ia Cordillere 

annamitique. Comme vetements, ces hommes 

portent des pagnes en ecorce d'arbre sechee. Ils 

vivent trois mois par an de cultures sur bn1lis 

pratiquees pendant Ia saison seche, de janvier a 

avril. 

This is the only mention of cave-dwelling, although 

other Vietnamese sorces may address this subject. 

No mention was made of this practice during our 

fieldwork in Laos. 

17 This system is based upon a modification of sets 

of phenomena suggested by Benjamin (!985) as 

applicable to the differentiation of Semang, Senoi, 

and Malay groups in peninsular Malasia. 

18 I will use Yue to indicate the ethnonym used in 

the historical records, and Viet or Vietnamese to 

refer to the modern ethnic group and national 

language. It is indicative of the identity crisis faced 

by the Vietnamese that the two terms used to describe 

the main languages of the country, Vi~t and Mu


Canton appear the Tan, whose ancient speech is quite 

unknown.' 

26 The extant Chinese sources are not detailed. 

Taylor notes (p. 331ft) that the hero's name in the 

Chinese sources is Dfi Anh Han, the last syllable of 

which fits with one of Cheuang's names, Cheuang 

Han. The Vietnamese Vi~t fJi~n u linh tQ.p, a 

fourteenth century text, cites a non-extant Chinese 

work, Chiao chou chi, by the protector general Chao 

Ch' ang (AD 791 ). Taylor also notes that the toponyms 

and titles used in the account are peculiar to 

Vietnamese historiography of the post independence 

period, not to Chinese history, so much may have 

been added or changed for political purposes. 

27 This is perhaps in Tai /phoo 84 faac 4 boAIB 4 ' 

'father+sky+Lo' or Khun Lo, who descended from 

heaven to defeat Cheuang in the epic, although 'father' 

has the wrong tone. 

28 Taylor relates these two groups to Vietnamese 

and Mudng based on an article by NguySn Linh and 

Hoang Xuan Chinh-f>dt nude va con nguc1i thc1i 

Hl:mg Vudng, in Hi'mg Vudng dl/llg nucic, edited by 

Uy ban khoa hQC xa hQi 3:91-112. Hanoi, 1973. 

Hayes (1992) however, having carried out a detailed 

glottochronological analysis, dates the separation of 

Vietnamese and Mudng at 1255 ± 165 years, that is 

the twelth century at the earliest. 

29 The majority of Chinese loanwords in Vietnamese 

are of Tang (MC) origin (Vudng 1975). 

References 

[For references to specific editions of primary 

sources in Chinese and Vietnamese see 

Aurousseau: 1923; Gaspardone: 1955; Schafer 

1967; and Taylor 1983 below.] 

Aurousseau, Leonard. 1923. Le premiere conquete 

chinoise des pays annamites. Bulletin de I' Ecole 

:fran9aise d' Extreme-Orient XXIII. 137-264. 

Benjamin, Geoffrey. 1985. In the long term: three 

themes in Malayan Cultural Ecology. in Cultural 

Values and Human Ecology in Southeast Asia. 

eds. K. Hutterer, T. Rambo, and G. Lovelace. 

Michigan Papers on South and Southeast Asian 

Studies. The University of Michigan. Number 27. 

Cadiere, M.L. 1905. Les Haute Vallees du Song 

Gianh. Bulletin de I' Ecole fran9aise d' Extreme 

OrientV: 349-367. 

Chamberlain, James R. 1991a. The efficacy of the P/ 

PH distinction in Tai languages. in The Ram 

Khamhaeng Controversy: Collected Papers. ed. 

J.R.Chamberlain, The Siam Society. 

1991 b. Tai-Kadai Considerations in Southern Chinese 

and Southeast Asian Prehistory. The High Bronze 

Age of Southeast Asia and South China. Hua 

Hin, January 14-19, 1991. 

1991c. Mene: A Tai dialect originally spoken in Nghe 

An (Nghe Tinh), Vietnam-Preliminary linguistic 

observations and historical implications. Journal 

ofthe Siam Society79: 103-123. 

1992. The Black Tai Chronicle of Muang Mouay, 

Part I: Mythology. Journal of Mon-Khmer 

Studies. XXI.I9-55. 

1997. Nature and Culture in the Nakai-Nam Theun 

Conservation Area. (forthcoming) 

Chamberlain, James R., Charles Alton, Latsamay 

Silavong, and Bounleung Philavong. 1996. Socioeconomic 

and Cultural Survey: Nam Theun 2 

Hydroelectric Project Area. (2 vols) CARE 

International/Laos. 

Chamberlain, James R., Charles Alton, Latsamay 

Silavong, Panh Phamsombath, Khammanh 

Siphanxay. 1997. Social Action Plan: Cultural 

Diversity and Socio-economic Development in 

the Context of Conservation. (Vol II of the 

Environmental and Social Action Plan for Nakai 

Nam Theun Catchment and Corridor Areas). 

IUCN, Vientiane. 

Condominas, Georges. 1980. L 'Espace Sociale: A 

Propos de l'Asie du Sud-Est. Flammarion, Paris. 

Cuisinier, Jeanne. 1948. Les Mu 'o 'ng: geographique 

humaine et sociologie. Paris, Institute 

d'Ethnologie. 

Eberhard, W. 1968. The Local Cultures of South and 

East China. Leiden: E. J. Brill. 

Finot, Louis. 1917. Recherches sur Ia Litterature 

Laotienne. Bulletin de I' Ecole fran9aise d' 

Extreme-Orient 17.5. 

Gaspardone, Emile. 1955. Champs Lo et Champs 

Hiong. Journal Asiatique 243: 461-77. 

Gedney, William J. 1993. The Saek Language: 

Glossary, Texts, and Translations. ed. Thomas J. 

Hudak. Michigan Papers on South and Southeast 

Asia No. 41, Center for South and Southeast 

Asian Studies, The University of Michigan, Ann 

Arbor. 

Haudricourt, Andre-G. 1958. Les Sek de Ia province 

du Cammon (Laos), migration thai ou deportation 

chinoise? Journal Asiatique 246:107-08. 

Hayes, La Vaughn H. 1982. The mutation of R in 

pre-Thavung. Mon-Khmer Studies 12: 91-122. 


47


__ . 1992. Vietic and Viet-Muong: a new 

subgrouping. Mon-Khmer Studies 21: 211-28. 

Houmphanh Rattanavong. 1996. Quy Chau's Script. 

Lanxang Heritage Journal! (2): 1-40. 

Jao Tsung-1. 1969. Wu Yueh wen-hua. BIHP 

Academica Sinica 41 (4): 609-36. 

Karlgren, Bernhard. 1923. Analytic Dictionary of 

Chinese and Sino-Japanese. Reprinted 1974. 

Dover, New York. 

Luppe, Albert. 1934. Muongs de Cua-Rao: Etude 

Monographique. Imp. d'Extreme-Orient, Hanoi. 

Macey, Paul. 1907. Etude ethnographique et 

linguistique sue les K'Katiam-Pong-Houk, dits: 

Thai Pong (Province du Cammon-Laos). Revue 

Indochinoise 5: 1411-24. 

Maspero, Henri. 1912. Etude sur Ia phonetique 

historique de Ia langue annamite: les initiates. 

Bulletin de 1' Ecole fran9aise d' Extreme-Orient 

12 (1): 1-127. 

Morev, L. N. 1988. The Sek Language. Moscow: 

Nauka. 

Ngo E>uc Thjnh. 1977. (Sur Ia repartition et 

!'appellation administative des villages a Quang 

Binh avant Ia revolution d'Aout.) La campagne 

vietnamienne a tra.vers l'histoire. Hanoi: Nha x.b. 

Khoa hQC xa hOi, pp 40 1-416. 

NguyBn Linh and Hoang Xuan Chinh. 1973. E>~t 

nude va con nguCii thCii Himg Vuong. in Hrmg 

Vltdng dl/llg nucic, edited by Uy ban khoa hQc 

xa h9i 3:91-112. Hanoi. 

NguyBn PhU-Phong, Trfut Tri-Doi, and M. Ferlus. ** 

(no date) Lexique Vietnamien-Rqc-Francais. 

Universite de Paris VIII, Sudestasie. 

Placzek, James A. 1998. Southeast Asia as the cradle 

of Asian culture-and the place of Tai within it. 

First International Conference on Tai Studies, 

Bangkok, July 29-31. Mahidol University. 

Robequain, Charles. 1929. Le Thanh Hoa. Ecole 

fran9aise d' Extreme-Orient, Paris et Bruxelles. 

Robert, R. 1941. Notes sur les Tay Deng de Lang 

Chlinh (Thanh Hoa-Annam). Institute 

Indochinois pour I' Etude de l'Homme, Memoire 

No.1. Imp. d'Extreme-Orient, Hanoi. 

Schafer, Edward H. 1967. The Vermillion Bird. 

University of California Press, Berkely. 

Taylor, Keith W. 1983. The Birth of Vietnam. 

University of California Press, Berkeley. 

Vo Xuan Trang. 1987. Situation preoccupante des 

Rue de Binh Tri Thien. Song Huong 28, Hue. 

Vuong, LQc. 1975. Glimpses of the evolution of the 

Vietnamese language. Linguistic Essays 

(Vietnamese Studies 40). 

KEYWORDS-HISTORICAL LINGUIS 

TICS, SOUTHEAST ASIA, LAOS, VIET 

NAM, SEK, SACH, TAl 

48 


LUE ETHNICITY IN NATIONAL CONTEXT: 

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF TAl LUE COMMUNITIES 

IN THAILAND AND LAOS 

Paul T. Cohen* 

Abstract 

The Lue are a Tai-speaking people whose home land is the Sip Song Panna 

region of Yunnan, China. There are also large Lue populations in Thailand 

and Laos. This paper compares Lue communities in northern Laos (Muang 

Sing) and northern Thailand (Nan}, focusing on the relation between Lue 

ethnic identification and territorial cults. I seek to explain the transformation 

of Lue ethnic identity in terms of the way the Lue relate to the nation-state 

and, in particular, to discourses of national culture and development. 

Michael Moerman, in his paper 'Ethnic Identity 

in a Complex Society: Who are the Lue?' (1965), 

noted that for the Lue villagers of Ban Ping of 

Chiang Rai province in northern Thailand, 

identification as Lue did not preclude them from 

identifying as Thai in some contexts. The point 

is reiterated in a more recent publication: 'But 

the Thai-Lue of Ban Ping have always been 

both Thai and Lue' (Moerman and Miller 1989: 

317). This might be so but in the early 1960s 

identification as Thai was obviously very weak. 

Then, Ban Ping was physically isolated by poor 

roads. Contact with the Thai state was largely 

limited to the payment of taxes for which the 

Lue felt they received little or nothing in return, 

and central Thai officials were feared and 

distrusted. In response, the Lue of Ban Ping 

often spoke nostalgically of the 'Old Country' 

in Sip Song Panna in southern China in 

recounting legends of their migration in the mid 

nineteenth century from Muang Phong in that 

region (1967: 406; 1968: 13). Moerman 

concluded that at the time 'ethnic identification 

as a minority people can sometimes impede 

national identification' (1967:406). Returning 

to Ban Ping in the mid 1980s Moerman and 

Miller found the village much more diverse 

occupationally; villagers had extensive contacts 

with the outside world; the government was 

perceived as a benign source of assistance (e.g., 

for education, employment, health services, 

agricultural information, and development 

funds). Consequently, 'villagers now more often 

feel themselves to be citizens of a nation rather 

than members of a disadvantaged minority 

group'. However, they add: 'Their distinctiveness 

is now being lost into the stream of 

national culture' (Moerman and Miller 1989: 

317). 

In this paper, following Moerman and 

Miller's precedent, I examine Lue ethnic 

identification in national context, though I extend 

my analysis beyond Thailand to compare Tai 

Lue communities in Nan in northern Thailand 

with those in Muang Sing in northern Laos. In 

this comparative study I also focus on the relation 

between Lue ethnicity and territorial cults of 

guardian spirits that link the Lue to their 

ancestors. 

In Nan it cannot be said that Lue identity 

has been swamped by national culture. On the 

contrary, there has been a Lue cultural revival 

of a kind in some Lue villages in Nan; but it is a 

• Senior Lecturer in Anthropology, School of 

Behavioural Sciences, Macquarie University, Sydney, 

NSW 2109, Australia: e-mail: 


49

Paul T. Cohen 

revival linked closely with national culture, the 

manner in which national culture constructs Lue 

identity, and state intervention in rural 

development. In Muang Sing, by contrast, Lue 

ethnic consciousness is an example of what 

Charles Keyes (1993: 44) has termed 'localized 

ethnic identity', that is, a local identity that is 

unself-consciously 'rooted in tradition' and 'not 

challenged by those who seek to impose a 

national hegemony on peoples with different 

cultural heritages' (ibid.: 46). 

The political origin of Lue ethnicity 

George Condominas (1990:37-38) claims that 

the first phase in the evolution of Tai political 

systems was one in which loose 'confederations' 

of Tai principalities (muang) were formed as 

the Tai 'war chiefs' pushed westward from what 

is now northern Vietnam and north-eastern Laos. 

The second phase was a consequence of one 

chief imposing his authority on a group of 

muang, thereby creating a larger, more 

centralized state, for example, Lan Na centred 

on Chiang Mai, Lan Sang on Luang Prabang 

and Siam on Ayutthaya. These new, more 

centralized states comprised a 'kingdom of 

kingdoms' (Lehman 1984: 243). The Lue 

kingdom of Sip Song Panna represents another 

example of the general Tai pattern of political 

organization, with the Lue king (Chao Phaen 

Din: "Lord of the Land') ruling over a number 

of principalities and their princes (Chao Muang: 

'Lords of the Principality') 1 • 

According to Moerman (1965: 1223), Tai 

'tribal' names (Lue, Khoen, Khon Muang, Lao, 

etc), are political in origin. This view gains 

support from the fact that the names of states 

(muang) and of ethnic entities 'exhibit parallel 

variation'. Thus, those who identify themselves 

as Lue can claim origin from the state of Sip 

Song Panna (earlier known as Muang Lue). But 

in other contexts these Lue may also identify as 

Y ong, Lue Muang Phong, Lue Muang La, Lue 

Muang Sing, etc. that is, Lue who originate 

from smaller muang of the kingdom of Sip Song 

Panna or at least within its political orbit. The 

relative autonomy and localized identity of these 

smaller muang were arguably reinforced by the 

limited political sway of the king (largely 

restricted to the capital, Chiang Rung and 

adjacent muang) and by the political instability 

caused by frequent civil wars in the nineteenth 

century (Tanabe 1988: 5). 

We can trace the political origin of Muang 

Sing to the founding of Chiang Khaeng in the 

fourteenth century by Chao Fa Dek Noi, a Lue 

prince from Sip Song Panna 2 • Chiang Khaeng 

was located on the east bank of the Mekong 

River, near the confluence of the Luai and 

Mekong rivers. In c. 1858 the capital was 

transferred to the village of Ban Yu on the 

western side of the Mekong (Grabowsky and 

Kaspar-Sickermannn: 8). In 1885 the ruler, Chao 

Fa Silinor, again relocated the capital to the 

valley of the Sing River, some 60 kilometres 

southeast. Chao Fa Silinor brought about a 

thousand of his subjects with him but most new 

settlers came from the nearby principalities of 

southern Sip Song Panna: Muang La, Muang 

Phong, Muang Yuan, Muang Hun and Muang 

Mang. The documents of that period refer to the 

new capital alternatively as 'Muang Sing' and 

'Chiang Khaeng' (ibid.: 10). Neither Chiang 

Khaeng nor Muang Sing was ever incorporated 

into the kingdom of Sip Song Panna. Rather 

they remained small, semi-autonomous Lue 

states that were variously peripheral sub-vassals 

to China, Burma and Siam via the intermediary 

states of Sip Song Panna, Chiang Tung, Chiang 

Mai, and Nan. In the late nineteenth century 

Muang Sing was called 'a principality under 

three overlords' (muang samfaifa), those being 

Chiang Mai and Nan (tributaries of Siam) and 

Chiang Tung (tributary of Burma). As a result 

of border negotiations between Britain and 

France, Muang Sing became an autonomous 

polity under French protection in 1896. It only 

came under direct French rule in 1916 following 

a rebellion led by Chao Ong Kham (son and 

successor of Chao Fa Silinor). Nevertheless 

Muang Sing, under French colonial rule and 

subsequent royalist and communist governments 

of independent Laos, has preserved a strong 

sense of local autonomy and identity as 'the 

secret capital of the Lue in Laos' (ibid.: 16). 

The cult of the guardian spirits and localized 

ethnic identity in Muang Sing 

Keyes briefly visited Muang Sing in 1991 and 

came to the conclusion that here Lue ethnic 

50 


Lue ethnicity in national context 

consciousness exemplifies what he calls 

'localized ethnic identity' (1993: 44). He writes: 

'Local identities are perpetuated by stories, 

myths, and legends about forbears; in the case 

of the Lue, such stories link them with premodem 

principalities known as the muang of 

the Lue. There is little reason for such people to 

reflect on what Lue means because there are 

few occasions when people find themselves 

having to be self-conscious about who they are'. 

He adds: 'I suspect that many of the villagers in 

Chiang Kham district in northern Thailand with 

whom Moerman worked in the late 1950s and 

early 1960s also called themselves Lue for 

similar reasons' (ibid.:46). 

My own research in Muang Sing reveals 

that the 'stories, myths and legends about 

forbears', which have shaped localized ethnic 

identity and remain unchallenged by national 

discourses, are closely connected with the cult 

of the muang guardian spirits (phi muang). 

The present guardian spirit cult of Muang 

Sing was initiated by Chao Fa Silinor. The 

annual ritual was held on the 13th day of the 3rd 

Lue month (January) in a forested area near the 

village of Chiang Mun less than a kilometre 

northwest of the walled town of Muang Sing. It 

comprised the sacrifice of a black buffalo to the 

32 guardian spirits (phi muang) ofMuang Sing. 

The two main ritual officiants were the mor 

daeng (literally 'red doctor', referring to the red 

headdress) and mor luang ('great doctor'). The 

mor daeng was responsible for the spearing of 

the buffalo and the mor luang for the cutting up 

of the buffalo and presentation of offerings at a 

nearby shrine to the 32 guardian spirits. Other 

ritual officiants included a specialist who 

invoked the spirits (mor khap ), a flautist (mor 

pao pi) and a female medium (thi nang). 

Further details of the ritual need not concern 

us here. What is important is to emphasize is 

the collective nature of the ritual. First, all the 

villagers of Muang Sing shared the cost of the 

sacrificial buffalo, with contributions collected 

by the sub-district (taseng) headmen. Second, 

after offerings were presented to the 32 guardian 

spirits and several guest spirits the remaining 

meat was divided between the assembled 

representatives of all the taseng and villages, to 

be eaten together at the ritual site. It was thus at 

once a rite of communion with the guardian 

spirits and a rite of commensality between all 

the villages of Muang Sing. 

The traditional rulers (Chao Fa Silinor and 

Chao Ong Kham) and subsequently the French 

and Lao civil authorities used to sponsor the 

annual cult ritual. However, the left-wing Pathet 

Lao withdrew this patronage in 1973. About ten 

years ago the district officer (chao muang) 

prohibited buffalo sacrifice, claiming that it was 

wasteful. Yet the cult has survived, relatively 

unchanged, despite disassociation from political 

authority and lack of official support. The 

ceremony I witnessed in 1997 was attended by 

several hundred devotees, many bringing with 

them gifts of candles to represent fellow 

villagers. 

The 32 guardian spirits of Muang Sing 

comprise quite recent historical figures such as 

Chao Fa Silinor and one of his wives, Nang 

Pinkaeo Lortfa, remote legendary figures such 

as Panya Tanhai 3 or spirits of mythical beings 

linked to the natural landscape, such as the 

mermaid (ngeuak) Nang Phomkhiao. In the 

words of one of the cult officiants, all 32 spirits 

'are ancestors whose spirits have shown 

beneficence towards the Tai Lue ofMuang Sing' 

(banphaburut thi mi bunkhun tor Tai Lue Muang 

Sing). This beneficence is expressed in a several 

ways: the building or renovation of Buddhist 

temples and monuments, the exercise of 'power 

and influence' (idthiphon) and expertise in 

magical spells (wetmon katha). 

The identification of the guardian spirits as 

'ancestors' (banphaburut) raises the issue of 

the role of ancestors and ancestor worship among 

the Lue. According to one authoritative source: 

'There is no evidence of an ancestor cult at any 

level of Lue society; the Lue (except for the 

sinicized nobility) place little emphasis on 

remembering their ancestors, and pay little 

attention to kinship ties beyond those of the 

immediate family' (LeBar et al. 1960: 209). 

This certainly does not apply to Muang Sing 

where great store is placed on ancestors in both 

Buddhist and non-Buddhist ceremonies. For 

example, a key ritual in what is widely 

considered the most important village-based 

Buddhist festival-Bun Than Tham-consists 

of the transference of merit (bun) to ancestors. 

These include recently deceased kin and more 

distant kin going back many generations (both 


51

Paul T. Cohen 

are categories of consanguines to whom kinship 

is traced bilaterally). In the case of the phi muang 

cult, ancestry is not based on consanguinity but 

on the identification of the collectivity of 

(ancestral) spirits with the territory of Muang 

Sing. The fact that these ancestors are not 

dynastic ancestors, as in some Tai guardian spirit 

cults, no doubt makes the severance of the cult 

from political authority easier and allows the 

ancestors to be identified purely with locality. 

Furthermore, each of the 32 guardian spirits 

is identified with a particular feature of the 

natural landscape within the Muang Sing valley: 

Doi Heua, a hill at the northern end of the 

valley; an area called Pak Bong at the southeastern 

extremity of the valley (near the main 

route leading to the Mekhong River via Muang 

Long and Chiang Kok); a lowland forested area 

called Pa Dong Mao, near the southern most 

Lue village of Yang Piang; and Doi Chiangteum 

to the south-east, site of the sacred Muang Sing 

reliquary (That Chiangteum) and overlooking 

the Nam Sing River and main route to Luang 

Nam Tha. Two spirits have their abodes at the 

western and eastern flanks of the valley near the 

Lue villages of Tapao and Silimun respectively. 

Several spirits are identified with locations near 

waterways within the valley. 

According to Gehan Wijeyewardene (1993: 

163), a Tai muang is a 'river valley bounded by 

mountains . . . an ecological, agricultural unit in 

which the watershed and catchment provided 

the irrigation for wet-rice agriculture, and the 

mountain passes articulated relations with the 

outside world'. At the time of Chao Fa Silinor 

the centre of Muang Sing comprised a fortified 

town (wiang) surrounded by a moat and earthen 

walls with gateways facing the four cardinal 

directions. In the centre of the walled town was 

Silinor's palace (hor Chao Fa). The town was 

divided into four administrative sections: Chiang 

In, Chiang Cai, Chiang Yeun and Chiang Lae 

(where Lue officials related to the ruler resided) 

and was surrounded by another four 

administrative areas called Muang Nam, Luang 

Wiang, Luang Nam Kaeo, and Yang Piang. 

This is what Nguyen Duy Thieu (1993) refers 

to as the 'middle area' which was 'intercalated 

between the centre and the outermost area'. 

Topographically the middle area 'remained in 

the limits of the valley bottom' and was inhabited 

by Tai commoners (mostly Lue and some Tai 

Neua). The outermost area comprised the 

surrounding mountains and was inhabited by 

Akha and Yao highlanders who practised 

swidden agriculture and who were collectively 

called Kha (literally, 'slaves'). These were 

divided into administrative units called buak, 

each controlled by a Lue official (with the title 

of Chao Buak) who exacted tribute and corvee 

labour". 

It can be argued that the collectivity of 

guardian spirits and their abodes (enumerated 

in invocation and in sacred texts) provides a 

kind of spiritual map or sacral topography , 

which has the cadastral function of setting the 

physical limits to the Lue-inhabited political 

core of the muang. It also serves to mark the 

boundaries of Lue as an ethnic group both 

different from and superior to neighbouring 

highlanders. A French report on Muang Sing of 

early this century comments on the 'proclivity 

of the Lue to surrender themselves to pomp and 

pageantry as long as it gave them the "illusion 

of being a great people" or at least being at the 

top of an ethnic hierarchy which placed the 

montagnards at the bottom' (Gunn 1989: 62). 

The villages of the Muang Sing valley have 

their own local cults centred on 'pillars of the 

village' (lak ban or cai ban) and village guardian 

spirits (phi ban). The timing of the annual 

propitiation of these local spirits varies from 

village to village and is not integrated with the 

annual ritual of the cult of muang guardian 

spirits5• Furthermore, at the time of the 

propitiation of the village spirits the village is 

ritually sealed off from the outside world for 

periods of up to three days. It seems to me that a 

principal function of the phi muang cult is to 

create, through its collective rituals, a sense of 

local loyalty that transcends village autonomy 

and particularism. 

The Lue diaspora 

The Lue population of Sip Song Panna has been 

estimated as almost a quarter of a million 

(225,488) (Hsieh 1989: 62). Estimates for the 

total Lue population of Laos vary from about 

100,000 to 125,000 6 • Moerman gives a figure of 

50,000 Lue for Thailand (1968: 4) but this 

obviously does not include the Lue-Y ong 

52 



population of Lamphun Province which 

probably numbers between 240,000-320,000 7 • 

There is also a sizeable Lue population in Burma 

to the west of the Mekong (e.g. in Muang Yong 

and Chiang Tung), though I have been unable 

to discover any figures for this region. While 

estimates for the Lue population outside the 

homeland of Sip Song Panna are rather imprecise 

it is reasonable to conclude that there are many 

more Lue outside Sip Song Panna than inside. 

Some of this is due simply to the redrawing of 

borders in the nineteenth century (e.g. loss of 

Muang U and Muang U Tai to French colonial 

Laos) but the Lue diaspora can be largely 

attributed to migration. The reasons for this 

exodus are many and varied. In Laos migration 

reached as far south as Luang Prabang with the 

establishment of the Lue village of Ban Phanom. 

Here the original settlers accompanied wives 

offered as tribute (tawaai) by Sip Song Panna 

princes to the Lao king Fa Ngum in the 

fourteenth century 8 • However, most Lue 

migration from Sip Song Panna into L~os has 

occurred during the last two centuries, some to 

escape marauding Haw armies, some enticed 

by the prospect of unoccupied fertile land, and 

others to escape the turmoil of civil wars. 

Lue migration into northern Thailand began 

on a large scale in the early nineteenth century 

as a result of military and forced resettlement 

campaigns carried out by Prince Kawila. Two 

centuries of Burmese rule had left the Chiang 

Mai valley devastated and virtually depopulated. 

Kawila, backed by his suzerain, the Siamese 

king (Rama 1), initiated a policy known as 

'putting vegetables into baskets, putting people 

into towns' (kep phak sai sa kep khon sai muang) 

in order to rebuild Chiang Mai and re-establish 

it as the political and cultural centre of Lan Na. 

To achieve this he launched numerous military 

raids to the west and north against Red Karen, 

Shan, Khoen, and Lue villages and towns to 

resettle war captives in Chiang Mai, Lamphun, 

and Lampang. According to Volker Grabowsky 

(1999: 21, 22), the largest influx of manpower 

to Lan Na was a result of the conquest of the 

small Lue kingdom of Muang Yong, which 

surrendered in 1805, and 10,000 people from 

here were resettled in Lamphun. In 1807/8 

further attacks were made against various muang 

in Sip Song Panna and many Lue families from 

here were resettled in Lampang9 and Chiang 

Mai. 

Nan similarly suffered under the yoke of 

Burmese domination and towards the end of the 

eighteenth century it was devastated and 

depopulated. The repopulation of Nan appears 

to have begun in the early 1790s. In 1790, 585 

families from Muang Yong avoided deportation 

to Burma by fleeing to Nan (ibid.: 24). In 1812, 

6,000 war captives from Muang La, Muang 

Phong (in Sip Song Panna) and from Luang 

Phu Kha (northern Laos) were resettled in Nan 

(ibid.: 25) 10 • However, Grabowsky suggests that 

Nan's resettlement policy was based less on 

military force and more on voluntary 

resettlement and notes that after the late 1830s 

numerous Lue fled anarchy and civil war in Sip 

Song Panna and sought refuge in Nan. 

Such voluntary migration accounts for the 

Lue settlement of the Thawangpha b~in in Nan. 

For example, in 1836 or 1837 a civil war 

developed between two aristocratic factions over 

precious elephants from Laos. One group from 

Muang La (in southern Sip Song Panna) fled 

the turmoil, sought sanctuary in Nan and 

established three villages in the Thawangpha 

basin (Nong Bua, Ton Hang and Don Mun) 

(ibid.: 26; see also Pachoen 1984: 9-12). As a 

result of these migrations there are now some 

50 Lue villages in Nan province (Ratanaporn 

1996: 6). 

Whether or not Lue migration has been 

forced or voluntary, historical 'memories' of 

migration are for many Lue in diaspora an 

important component of localized ethnic 

consciousness 11 • These 'memories' also 

comprise recollections of the locality from which 

the Lue migrated and of the guardian spirits of 

that locality. Furthermore, these memories are 

preserved through various forms of representation: 

naming the new settlement after 

the original, resettlement in an area that is 

geographically and ecologically similar to the 

homeland, and recreation of the local guardian 

spirits 12 • 

The transformation of the cult of guardian 

spirits and Lue ethnicity in Nan 

Diasporic representation is less complete in the 

case of the three Lue villages of the Thawangpha 


53

Paul T. Cohen 

basin in Nan. Thus the village ofNong Bua was 

named after a local swamp, not the village of 

origin in Muang La. However, the cult of the 32 

guardian spirits of Muang La has been 

represented, albeit with modifications. In Muang 

La the annual ritual of 'sealing off the muang' 

(pithi kam muang) and of worshipping the 32 

guardian spirits of Muang La used to take place 

over a period of 96 days, that is, three days for 

each of the spirits whose shrines were situated 

in different locations. Later, all the guardian 

spirits came to be worshipped collectively 

(though each with its own shrine) in the same 

place under a large banyan tree just outside the 

city gate. The three main officiants at this ritual 

were the Mor Muang (literally, 'doctor of the 

kingdom'), Chao Muang (ruler) and thi nang 

thewada (female medium) and the major 

offerings comprised a black pig, a white buffalo 

and a black buffalo (Thai-Yunnan Newsletter 

1988: 2-3). Today a similar ritual (also called 

pithi kam muang) is performed in Nong Bua 

village, though only every three years. For three 

days the village is ritually sealed off. In the past 

only Lue people were permitted to attend and 

no one was allowed to enter or leave the village 

(Ratanapom 1996: 14). Nowadays, outsiders, 

including tourists, may attend with the payment 

of a fine. In Nong Bua the same types of ritual 

officiants known by the same names (mor 

muang, Chao Muang, thi nang) participate; the 

Chao Muang is said to be a direct descendant of 

the Muang La ruler and has always lived in Don 

Mun village. As in Muang La there are 32 

guardian spirits. The Lue of Thawangpha 

worship these guardian spirits as 'ancestor 

spirits' (Baba 1996: 31). The pre-eminent spirit, 

Chao Luang Muang La, is at once the guardian 

spirit of Nong Bua village and of the three Lue 

villages as a whole. The shrines of the other 31 

spirits are spread out over the three villages and 

5 are located in non-Lue villages. Only 21 of 

the 32 spirits are included in the kam muang 

ritual (Baba 1993: 10-11). 

One major recent innovation was the 

building, in 1984, of a statue of Chao Luang 

Muang La near his spirit shrine at Nong Bua. It 

is said that the statue is a replica of a drawing 

made by a famous monk (Ajan Montri) from 

Phrae, based on a vision he had of Chao Luang 

Muang La 13 • The statue was built as a memorial 

(anusawari) to Chao Luang Muang La, 

considered 'a fearless fighter of great skill' and 

an ancestor (banphaburut) of the Lue of Nong 

Bua, Ton Hang and Don Mun (Pachoen 1984: 

37). According to Yuji Baba, the statue also 

'commemorates their migration from Muang 

La in Sipsong Panna' (1993: 3). 

The leader of the Lue migrants from Sip 

Song Panna was a descendant of the ruler of 

Muang La and was called Chao Luang Anuphap. 

He resided in Don Mun village and a line of 

male descendants who have continued to live in 

this village inherited his title of 'Chao Muang'. 

In the nineteenth century it appears Chao Luang 

Anuphap was responsible for looking after 

nearby royal land and granaries of the Nan ruler 

(Baba 1996: 29) and presumably also were his 

early successors. It seems, at his time, the role 

of the Lue Chao Muang was one of real political 

power, possibly as a vassal Chao Muang to the 

Nan ruler (Chao Fa). Although Nong Bua 

villagers claim their village to be the oldest in 

the area, it is more likely that Don Mun was 

settled first and that Chao Luang Anuphap was 

the first to reclaim land through the construction 

of a dam and an irrigation canal (Baba 1993: 7). 

During the centralization of the Siamese state 

under King Chulalongkom at the beginning of 

this century, and ensuing changes in provincial 

administration, the three Lue villages were 

incorporated into a single sub-district (tambon) 

with Don Mun as the centre. But later Ton 

Hang became the centre of a separate subdistrict, 

which also included Nong Bua. As a 

result, the political power of Don Mun and that 

of the Chao Muang there waned and thereafter 

the Chao Muang came to play only a ritual role 

(1996: 29). 

Nong Bua villagers reclaimed a swamp near 

their village, by flood control and draining, 

probably early this century. Local tradition has 

it that an evil spirit, who often seized girls from 

the village, once inhabited this swamp. The chief 

local guardian spirit, Chao Luang Muang La, 

was invited to subdue the spirit and then lotus 

was planted in the swamp (an event which gave 

the village its name of Lotus Swamp [Nong 

Bua]) (Baba 1993: 6; 1996: 33). 

Nong Bua has prospered since the expulsion 

of the evil spirit and the reclamation of the 

swamp. This prosperity was matched by 

54 



changing political fortunes when, in 1979, the 

village headman became the sub-district 

headman. In this position he carried out road 

and bridge development and promoted Lue 

culture, as represented by the old and beautiful 

Lue-style Buddhist temple and local Lue 

weaving (Pachoen 1984: 41-4), attracting a large 

number of tourists to the village. Later the King 

of Thailand awarded the headman the prize of 

the best village headman in the country (Baba 

1993: 7). Also crucial to the promotion of Lue 

culture in Nong Bua by this headman has been 

the annual three-day ritual of Chao Luang 

Muang La, elaborated by the building of the 

statue to Chao Luang Muang La in 1984. The 

statue has thus become more than a memorial to 

an ancestor and to Lue migration for all three 

Lue villages; it has also been appropriated as a 

symbol of the successful 'development' ofNong 

Bua village (Baba 1996: 35). 

Nong Bua has also appropriated history by 

presenting its own version, which places Nong 

Bua at centre stage of local history. This is 

exemplified in the publication commemorating 

the building of the Chao Luang Muang La statue. 

The third chapter provides a translation in Thai 

of a document in Lue script and held in Nong 

Bua. The publication asserts that Nong Bua was 

the first village settled after the migration from 

Muang La (Pachoen 1984: 11). But, according 

to Baba, the original document makes no such 

claim (1996: 36). It is noteworthy, too, that 

throughout the 54-page volume there is only 

occasional mention of the other two Lue villages 

of Don Mun and Ton Hang. Baba aptly observes 

that the commemorative publication 'appears to 

be an attempt to rewrite local history with Nong 

Bua as its focal point' (1996: 36). 

By contrast with Nong Bua, Don Mun village 

has suffered political and economic misfortunethe 

loss of political power of the Chao Muang 

and relative poverty compared to Nong Bua. 

This has been accompanied by rivalry between 

the two villages, especially since Nong Bua's 

push towards 'development' after 1979. 

Don Mun villagers have not accepted their 

plight as ineluctable destiny but have sought 

redress through ritual action and assertion of 

Lue cultural identity. An astrologer told a young 

man from Don Mun village, who was working 

in Bangkok, that the wandering soul of Chao 

Luang Anuphap needed a place to live and this 

was the cause of the economic failure of the 

village. Consequently in May 1991 a spirit shrine 

was built for Chao Luang Anuphap in the centre 

of the village. According to Baba, the shrine 

was built not only as a ritual means to alleviate 

poverty but also as 'a concrete symbol of their 

own historical memories' (of migration) and 

thus as a claim for 'cultural independence' from 

Nong Bua village (ibid.: 36). 

In 1993 a ritual was held for Chao Luang 

Anuphap during the three-day ritual for Chao 

Luang Muang La in Nong Bua. Nevertheless, 

the Chao Muang from Don Mun and fellow 

villagers continued their customary participation 

in the Nong Bua ritual. However, in December 

1996 Don Mun withdrew altogether from the 

triennial ritual of Chao Luang Muang La at 

Nong Bua and held a separate three-day festival 

at Don Mun. On the morning of the second day 

of the festival, at the edge of the village, animals 

(including a buffalo) were sacrificed to Chao 

Luang Muang La and to twelve of the lesser 

guardian spirits located in Don Mun. In the late 

morning offerings were presented at the shrine 

of Chao Luang Anuphap. Later, back at the 

ceremonial site at the edge of the village, a 

troupe of local village girls, adorned 

immaculately in Lue-style dress and woven 

shoulder sashes, performed 'Lue' dances in front 

of a large village audience, though the dances 

were not recognizably Lue at alP 4 • Immediately 

following the dancing performance the attention 

of the audience was drawn to the large shrine of 

Chao Luang Muang La, indicated clearly in 

large letters in Thai script above the shrine 

entrance. Inside was seated a female medium 

(thi nang) and a mor muang clothed in red. The 

medium was soon possessed by the spirit of 

Chao Luang Muang La who, it was explained to 

me, had by-passed Nong Bua village! Here was 

a ritual performance aimed at appropriating the 

beneficent power of Chao Luang Muang La in 

an effort to tum the scales of fortune for the 

village15• It was also arguably an appropriation 

(or re-appropriation) of Chao Luang Muang La 

as a guardian spirit, since, as the villagers of 

Don Mun claim, until about a hundred years 

ago, the ritual of Chao Luang Muang La was 

held at Don Mun. The spirit possession seance 

was followed by Lue songs (khap Lue) sung by 


55

Paul T. Cohen 

several elderly women and by a soul-calling (su 

khwan) ceremony. 

Lue identity in the context of Thai national 

culture and development 

King Chulalongkorn initiated the process of 

administrative centralization in response to the 

threat of annexation of peripheral regions of the 

Siamese kingdom by colonial powers. Another 

component of national integration was the 

emergence of a policy that considered as 'Thai' 

anyone who spoke a Tai language. By the 1930s 

the government was energetically engaged in 

the promotion and codification of national 

culture, culminating in 1939 in the change of 

the name of the country from Siam to Thailand. 

Significantly, the promotion of national culture 

and economic nationalism became intertwined, 

with some of the Cultural Mandates issued in 

the period 1939-1940 designed 'to encourage 

the prosperity and well-being of Thai as against 

Chinese or ethnic minorities' (Reynolds 1991: 

5-6). 'Development' thus became a subdiscourse 

within the broader, encompassing 

discourse of national culture. 

However, it was not until about the mid 

1960s that development at the rural level was 

actively promoted with the setting up of villagelevel 

farmers groups, credit associations, 

community development groups, housewives 

and women's groups, etc. The process of state 

intervention in rural development was 

accelerated after the student uprising of 1973 

which pressured the state to pay more attention 

to rural poverty and other rural problems. 

Accompanying these state-controlled rural 

development programs has been a development 

discourse that emphasizes 'development' and 

'progress' and 'participation' (within groups and 

projects initiated and controlled by the state). 

State-led rural development programs are 

markedly oriented towards the village as an 

administrative unit, with requisite local leaders 

in official roles. Competitions between villages 

(kan prakuat muban) are encouraged (e.g. 

competitions to select most progressive 

headman, housewife pageants, etc.) and, 

according to Philip Hirsch (1993: 332), these 

can be seen as 'disciplinary mechanisms in 

support of the official discourse of village'. 

Underpinning this discourse is the assumption 

of access to state resources and improved rural 

welfare. The end result of this process of state 

intervention is a radical shift from a situation in 

which 'village and state are geographically and 

institutionally separate' to one in which the state 

has become 'part of the village' (Hirsch 1989: 

35, 54). 

Consistent with my point above concerning 

the integrity of economic development and 

national culture, Hirsch also notes (1990: 13) 

that development discourse in Thailand is not 

just about achieving economic prosperity but 

also about cultural development. Cultural 

development encompasses moral and spiritual 

development with the idealization of civic virtues 

such as diligence, punctuality, tidiness and 

honesty. It is noteworthy that the Lue of northern 

Thailand are especially renowned for their 

diligence (khayan) and textile weaving serves 

to enhance this reputation. Textiles are also 

strongly considered a culturally appropriate form 

of development for women and for this reason 

have been promoted by the royal family 

(especially by Queen Sirikit) as well as by 

government departments (e.g. Community 

Development). Textile production enables 

women to combine income earning with other 

domestic activities. 

In Nong Bua the weaving of Lue textiles 

had lapsed for a long time but was revived by a 

local woman in 1977. Notably the subsequent 

development of a viable local weaving industry 

in the village owed much to assistance and 

promotion by the District Officer, the Governor 

of Nan, The Siam Society and, from late 1979 

to early 1980, the Department for the Promotion 

of Weaving sent instructors to Nong Bua to 

train local women. Later, two women's groups 

(klum satri), comprising almost a hundred 

households, were set up to undertake weaving 

on a cooperative basis (Pachoen 1984: 43). Now, 

a cooperative store in Nong Bua displays a large 

variety of Lue weaving for direct sale to tourists 

or wholesale to buyers supplying the tourist 

market elsewhere. 

However, Lue textiles are more than 

commodities for sale; they are an important part 

of contemporary Lue ceremonial and symbolic 

life. For example, at the 1996 rituals for Chao 

Luang Muang at Nong Bua and Don Mun, 

56 



described above, ornate and colourful Lue 

textiles featured prominently in the attire of the 

young female dancers and other local women 

present. Also, at Nong Bua, Lue textiles 

ostentatiously bedecked the many stands 

surrounding the ceremonial site in the village 

square. 

The revival of Lue textiles in these Lue 

villages in Nan highlights the issue of the 

contemporary construction of Lue ethnicity in 

relation to the Thai nation and national culture 

in Thailand. I would argue that contemporary 

Lue ethnic identification in Thailand is, in part, 

a reflection of the way national culture constructs 

Lue identity. According to Keyes, from the 

viewpoint of the contemporary Thai elites who 

promote national culture, 'the Lue are of interest 

primarily as representatives of one variant of 

northern Thai culture'. This perspective is 

pronounced in the case of Lue textiles,which 

Keyes considers 'a consequence of appropriation 

of non-Siamese Tai traditions' as part of the 

heritage of the Thai' (n.d.: 16, 17). The revival 

of Lue-style weaving in the villages of Nong 

Bua and Don Mun, with the assistance of a host 

of government institutions, is a reflection of 

this process of appropriation, of elite Thai 

perceptions of where the Lue fit in national 

culture and what elements can be profiled and 

commoditized, and of the Lue response to these 

perceptions. 

The intrusion of national culture into the 

local Lue world is also well illustrated in the 

case of the cult of the guardian spirits. The 

triennial cult ritual and the statue of Chao Luang 

Muang La serve to legitimize Nong Bua village 

as 'winner of the competition for rural 

development' (Baba 1993: 9). The re-invented, 

life-like nature of the statue-quite at variance 

with traditional representation of Lue guardian 

spirits-makes it an acceptable icon of national 

culture and development, as it is consistent with 

modern Thai trend of building statues of national 

heroes (e.g. modernizing kings such as 

Chulalongkorn). At the same time, the statue is 

symbolic of the beneficent supernatural power 

of Chao Luang Muang La that can be tapped in 

a quite magical way by the local communityl 6 • 

This polysemous symbolism allows local Lue 

identity to be meaningful within a national 

context. 

Furthermore, as Thawangpha Lue villages 

have become increasingly part of the Thai state 

and the state part of the village, the supra-village 

cult of Chao Luang Muang La has eventually 

collapsed and has fragmented into separate 

village cults under the pressure of administrative 

changes and state development programs that 

encourage inter-village competition. However, 

the competition between Nong Bua and Don 

Mun villages has not been waged purely on 

economic grounds. Ever since the spirit of Chao 

Luang Muang La expelled the evil swamp spirit, 

allowing Nong Bua to reclaim the swamp and 

prosper, economic competition has also been 

expressed in ritual action (statue, shrines, 

separate cults, spirit possession, etc.). Again 

there has been increasing rivalry between the 

two villages to become the paragons of Lue 

culture, in a sense to out-Lue each other. In this 

intensified competition it is apparent that 

economic and ritual action and the promotion 

of local Lue culture have coalesced and together 

have been subsumed by the hegemonic 

ideologies of national culture and development. 

Lue ethnic identity in Muang Sing and Nan: 

a comparison 

In both Muang Sing and Nan localized ethnic 

identity has a political origin centred on small 

principalities (muang) and their guardian spirit 

cults. In the case of the diasporic Lue of 

Thawangpha district in Nan, historical memories 

of migration linked them with their homeland 

and its guardian spirits who are also considered 

to be ancestors. 

Memories of migration are not a feature of 

local identity in Muang Sing. The early Lue 

settlers of Muang Sing in the nineteenth century 

originated from many Lue muang in Burma and 

southern Sip Song Panna. However, Muang Sing 

is the fons et origo of localized ethnic identity. 

This identity has its roots in the relative 

autonomy of Muang Sing as a political entity, 

in the power and prestige of the founding ruler 

of the principality, Chao Fa Silinor, and in the 

cult of guardian spirits he initiated. These 

guardian spirits were also considered ancestors 

of the local Lue and were closely identified 

with the natural landscape of Muang Sing. I 

suggest that Lue ethnic identity served to 


57

Paul T. Cohen 

reinforce claims of political autonomy (in 

relation to neighbouring kingdoms) and establish 

superiority and control over neighbouring hill 

people. In Nan I suspect that a sense of 

superiority and separateness as Lue may have 

been initially in the nineteenth century directed 

at other Tai lowland settlers and as a means of 

justifying a special relationship and privileges 

with the ruler (Chao Fa) of Nan. 

In Muang Sing localized ethnic identity has 

persisted relatively unchanged. One reason for 

this is that Muang Sing, since inception, has 

been able to maintain its political integrity. At 

the present time it forms a separate district 

(also called muang), in the modem socialist 

state of Lao PDR, which approximates to 

Muang Sing at the beginning of this century. 

The present district of Muang Sing still has 

significant political and economic autonomy. 

It is administered largely by local Lue 

officials-a consequence, in part, of the fact 

that Laos is legally a multi-ethnic state that 

proclaims the equality of all ethnic groups in 

the country. Furthermore, poor communications 

and an under-resourced state mean that there is 

minimal 'development' and state intervention 

in the district. The cult of the muang guardian 

spirits has survived too, albeit in a modified 

form that has disconnected it from political 

authority but not from locality. Thus it continues 

to be an expression of the unity and autonomy 

of Muang Sing (in relation to the state and 

tribal neighbours) and of local Lue identity 

unselfconsciously rooted in tradition. The Lue 

of Muang Sing do have a national identity as 

Lao-many Lue fought in the national struggle 

on the side of the Pathet Lao and many also 

identify with certain national festivals such as 

that for the the New Year )-but national culture 

does not encroach significantly on their local 

identity. 

By contrast, the Lue villages ofThawangpha 

District in Nan no longer comprise a single 

political or administrative entity. Also, an 

intrusive Thai state has reduced much of the 

economic autonomy of the Lue, forcing them to 

quite consciously re-invent their local identity 

within the wider hegemonic discourses of 

national culture and development. As such, over 

the past twenty years or so, 'localized ethnic 

identity' has been transformed into a more 

contrived ethnic variant of an over-arching Thai 

national culture. 

State intervention in rural areas in Thailand 

in the name of development has tended to foster 

inter-village competition and, in relation to the 

Lue villages of Nong Bua and Don Mun, this 

has been exacerbated by local historical 

contingencies. As a consequence, Lue local 

identity has been turned inwards through intense 

rivalry between Lue villages, a rivalry that is 

expressed in the coalescence of economic, ritual 

and cultural action. 

Acknowledgements 

I would like to thank Yuji Baba, Volker 

Grabowsky, Chris Lyttleton and the JSS 

reviewer for their helpful comments on a draft 

of this paper. I would also like to acknowledge 

the financial support of the Australian Research 

Council which made field research possible. 

Between late 1995 and early 1998 I made five 

fields trips to Muang Sing ranging from a few 

days to six weeks. In Lao PDR the research on 

which this paper is based was supported by the 

Institute of Research on Culture and Society 

(Ministry of Information and Culture) and, in 

particular, I thank the Director, Houmphanh 

Rattanavong, as well as Khamphaeng 

Thipmountaly, who assisted me in the field, for 

their valuable assistance. Research in Nan 

Province, northern Thailand, was based on two 

brief visits, of two days each, in December 1995 

and December 1996. 

Notes 

1 The chao muang' s village or town tends to be the 

political capital of his muang, and duplicates on a 

smaller scale the court and its bureaucracy as found 

in Chiengrung (LeBar et al. 1960: 211). 

The number of muang varied over time; in 1780 

there were some 20 muang, in 1950 more than 30 

(Chiang cited in LeBar et al.1960: 211). Peculiar to 

Lue political organisation was the system of 12 panna 

(literally 'twelve thousand rice fields'). Hsieh (1989: 

106) notes: 'Although the panna was a larger 

organization than the meeng (muang) . . . there was 

no formal government for each panna. Some Chao 

meeng were called Chao panna. However •. they were 

like coordinators whose responsibility was to collect 

58 



tribute within particular panna and submit them to 

the king. In general, a Chao panna did not have the 

authority to command princes of other meeng'. 

Sip Song Panna was established as a state at the 

end of the twelth century AD. It became formally a 

vassal state of China in the late fourteenth century. 

From the sixteenth century to the nineteenth century 

Sip Song Panna also paid tribute to kings of Burma. 

This type of dual tributary relationship enabled Sip 

Song Panna to maintain a high degree of autonomy 

with minimal interference from her suzerain powers. 

It was only permanently incorporated into the Chinese 

state in the late nineteenth century as a consequence 

of boundary treaties between China, Britain and 

France. Sip Song Panna (Xishuangbanna) is presently 

an Autonomous Prefecture of Yunnan Province, PRC. 

2 The historical legend of Chao Fa Dek Noi is well 

known in Muang Sing and was recounted to me a 

number of times by Lue elders there. The story is 

also recounted in Saengthong Photibupha's recent 

Pawatsat Muang Siang Khaeng (1998). The Lue king 

of Chiang Rung, Sawaennifa, had a son, Chao Inpan 

(later called Chao Fa Dek Noi). As a boy Chao Inpan 

was inquisitive and intelligent. He was also gregarious 

and liked to play with other children (dek noi). This 

group of children, under Chao Inpan's leadership, 

stole an ox and a buffalo in the rice fields. The people 

saw this as an inauspicious portent for the country 

and they petitioned the king to intervene. As 

punishment the king exiled his son and sent him on a 

large raft down the Mekong with five pairs of servants 

and seven pairs of slaves. As they drifted down the 

Mekong Chao Inpan ordered his followers to found 

settlements along the way. Eventually the prince had 

a dream that he should establish his own settlement 

near a large rock in the river with the shape of a white 

tiger chasing a golden deer. As there were few of his 

followers left by this stage of the journey they would 

have to summon up courage (khaengcai). Hence the 

new settlement was named Muang Chiang Khaeng. 

3 Panya Tanhai is also the paramount guardian 

spirit of the Chiangteum reliquary at Muang Sing. 

The annual reliquary festival (Bun That) attracts large 

numbers of Lue devotees from Muang Sing, northern 

Laos and Sip Song Panna. In the mythical history of 

the reliquary, recounted in the chronicle Tham 

Tamnan That Luang Chiangteum Muang Sing, Panya 

Tanhai is honoured as a devout Buddhist ruler 

responsible for the initial construction of the reliquary. 

4 Today the conscription of Akha labour has been 

replaced by the extensive use by Lue of Akha wage 

labour for wet-rice cultivation. 

5 For an analysis of similar village territorial cults 

in Sip Song Panna see Tanabe (1988). 

6 Keyes (1993: 37) gives a figure of 103,000 based 

on the 1985 Institute of Ethnology estimate. Chazee 

(1995: 48) gives an estimate of 125,000. 

7 Pers.comm. Volker Grabowsky. 

8 According to the headman of Ban Phanom 

(Kaentha Phaisomat) whom I interviewed in 

November 1995. He claimed that these settlers and 

their descendants specialized in the production of 

handicrafts and the performance of Lue dances for 

the royal court at Luang Prabang only a few kilometres 

away. 

9 For details of Lue settlement in Lampang, see 

Prachan Rakphong (1987: 9-11). 

10 Ratanaporn ( 1996: 5) also mentions refugees from 

Chiang Khaeng. 

11 See Tanabe (1984: 101) on forced resettlement 

of Tai Khoen from Chiang Tung as a basis of ethnic 

consciousness and 'historical memory of ethnic 

oppression' in resettled Khoen communities near 

Chiang Mai and as a basis of later rebellion (1889). 

Tanabe notes: 'Among the the Khoen peasants at 

least, old songs and verses recollecting life in the 

original villages in the Chiang Tung area and the 

sufferings of the Khoen people down to the present 

were chanted at village assemblies before the 

uprising'. 

12 An apt example of such multi-faceted representation 

is that of the Lue migrants from Muang 

Y ong noted above. Oral tradition has it that the ruler 

of Muang Yong was promised fertile land near Chiang 

Mai but this had already been settled by other war 

captives. So he was asked to clear wasteland around 

Lamphun. The ruler was delighted because the 

geographical and ecological environment was similar 

to that of Muang Y ong and he decided to settle there. 

'He named his chief village 'Waing Yong', whereas 

smaller settlements nearby were named after former 

satellite muang of Y ong. The villages of Yu and Luai 

were built on opposite sides of the Kuang River, 

corresponding exactly to the original locations of 

Muang Yu and Muang Luai. Furthermore, the four 

guardian spirits ofMuang Yong (each represented by 

a stone-cut white elephant) were also 'resettled' along 

with the population and located at the main monastery 

of Wiang Yong (Grabowsky 1999: 33, 45). 

13 Pers. comm. Yuji Baba. 

14 The dances bore little resemblance to Lue dances 

I have seen in Sip Song Panna and Muang Sing. My 


59

Paul T. Cohen 

wife, who is Thai and who was also in the audience 

at Don Mun, claims the dances were standard northern 

and central Thai. 

15 Yuji Baba, in a personal communication, informs 

me that he heard another version of this story, namely 

that the medium at Don Mun was possessed by the 

sister of Chao Luang Muang La, Chiang Lan, and 

that it was she who by-passed Nong Bua village, 

even though most of her devotees live in Nong Bua. 

Clearly both versions confirm that Don Mun villagers 

were engaged in competitive ritual action to attract 

the supernatural support of ancestral spirits. 

16 Tambiah highlights this ambiguity in his use of 

the concept 'indexical symbol' in his study of Buddha 

images and amulets in Thailand. Indexical symbols 

are 'symbols that are associated with the represented 

object by a conventional semantic rule, and they are 

simultaneously also indexes in existential, pragmatic 

relation to the objects they represent' (1984: 4). Grant 

Evans (n.d.: 14) also uses this concept as a means of 

comprehending recent 'statue mania' in Thailand in 

which public statues of national heroes have become 

the focus of popular religious cults. For example, the 

equestrian statue of King Chulalongkorn in Bangkok 

reflects a nationalist project and stands for modernity, 

progress, and prosperity. At the same time, every 

Tuesday crowds gather at the statue 'because many 

people believe that it can work miracles for problems 

of everyday life and especially for business matters'. 

References 

Baba, Yuji. 1993. The Ritual of the Guardian Spirit 

of the Tai-Lue and its Social Background: A 

Case Study of Nan Province in Northern Thailand. 

Paper presented at 5th International Conference 

on Thai Studies, S.O.A.S., London. 

Baba, Yuji 1996. Migration and Spirit Cult: The 

Case Study on Tai-Lue Villages in Nan Province, 

Northern Thailand. Paper presented at 6th 

International Conference on Thai Studies, Chiang 

Mai, 14-17 October. 

Chazee, L. 1995. Atlas des Ethnies et Sous-Ethnies 

du Laos. Bangkok: privately published. 

Condominas, G. 1990. From Lawa to Mon, from 

Saa' to Thai. Historical and Anthropological 

Aspects of Southeast Asian Social Spaces. 

Canberra: Research School of Pacific Studies, 

ANU. 

Evans, G. n.d.Immobile Memories: Statues in 

Thailand and Laos. Forthcoming in Cultural 

Crisis and Social Memory: The Politics of the 

Past in the Thai World, (eds) Charles F. Keyes 

and Shigeharu Tanabe. 

Grabowsky, V. 1999. Forced Resettlement Campaigns 

in Northern Thailand During the Early Bangkok 

Period (forthcoming). 

Grabowsky, V. and Kaspar-Sickermann n.d. On the 

History of Muang Sing (manuscript) 

Gunn, G. C. 1989. Rebellion in Northern Laos: The 

Revolts of the Lu and the Chinese Republicans 

(1914-1916), Journal of the Siam Society, 77(1): 

61-65. 

Hirsch, P. 1989. The State in the Village: Interpreting 

Rural Development in Thailand, Development 

and Change 20: 35-56. 

Hirsch, P. 1990. Development Dilemmas in Rural 

Thailand. Singapore: Oxford University Press. 

Hirsch, P. 1993. What is the Thai Village?. In National 

Identity and its Defenders: Thailand, 1939-1989. 

(ed.) C.J. Reynolds, Chiang Mai: Silkworm 

Books. Southeast Asia, No.25, pp.323-340. 

Hsieh, Shih-Chung 1989. Ethnic-Political Adaptation 

and Ethnic Change of the Sipsong Panna Dai: An 

Ethnohistorical Analysis. PhD dissertation. 

University of Washington. 

Keyes, C. F. 1993. Who are the Lue? Revisited Ethnic 

Identity in Lao, Thailand, and China. Paper 

presented at Seminar on State of Knowledge of 

Thai Culture, Bangkok, 10-13 September. 

LeBar, F. M., G. C. Hickey, J. K.Musgrave. 1960. 

Ethnic Groups of Mainland Southeast Asia .. New 

Haven: Human Relations Area Files Press. 

Lehman, F. 1984. Freedom from Bondage in 

Traditional Burma and Thailand, Journal of 

Southeast Asian Studies, 14(2): 233-44. 

Moerman, M. 1965. Ethnic Identification in a 

Complex Civilization: Who are the Lue?, 

American Anthropologist, 67:1215-30. 

Moerman, M. 1967. A Minority and its Government: 

The Thai-Lue of Northern Thailand. In Southeast 

Asian Tribes, Minorities, and Nations. (ed.) Peter 

Kunstadter, Princeton New Jersey: Princeton 


Moerman, M. 1968. Agricultural Change and Peasant 

Choice in a Thai Village. Berkeley & Los 

Angeles: University of California Press. 

Moerman, M. and P. L. Miller. 1989. Changes in a 

Village's Relations with its Environment. In 

Culture and Environment in Thailand: A 

Symposium of the Siam Society. Bangkok: The 

Siam Society. 

60 



Nguyen Duy Thieu 1993. Relationships between the 

Tai-Lua and Other Minorities in the Socio 

Political Systems ofMuang Xinh (Northern Laos). 

Paper presented at 5th International Conference 

on Thai Studies, S.O.A.S., London. 

Pachoen Cinsit 1984. Anusorn Thai Lue: Thiraleuk 

Ngan Chalong Anusawari Chao Luang Muang 

La (Thai Lue Memories: Commemorative 

Volume for the Chao Luang Muang La Monument 

Festival). Nan: Daen Thai. 

Prachan Rakphong 1987. Kanseuksa Muban Thai 

Lue nai Cangwat Lampang (A Study of Tai-Lue 

Villages in Lampang Province). Social Science 

Society of Thailand. 

Reynolds, C. 1991. Introduction: National Identity 

and its Defenders. In National Identity and its 

Defenders: Thailand, I939-I989. (ed.) C.J. 

Reynolds, pp. 1-34. 

Ratanaporn Sethakul 1996. From Sipsong Panna to 

Lan Na: the Lu in Nan Province. Paper presented 

at the 14th Conference of the International 

Association of Historians of Asia, Chulalongkorn 

University, Bangkok, 20-24 May. 

Saengthong Photibupha 1998. Pawatsat Muang Siang 

Khaeng (The History ofMuang Chiang Khaeng). 

Vientiane: Preservation of Lao Manuscripts 

Programme. 

Tambiah, S. J. 1984. The Buddhist Saints of the Forest 

and the Cult of Amulets. Cambridge: Cambridge 


Tanabe, Shigeharu 1984. Ideological Practice in 

Peasant Rebellions: Siam at the Turn of the the 

Twentieth Century. In History and Peasant 

Consciousness in South East Asia. (ed.) Andrew 

Turton and Shigeharu Tanabe. Senri Ethnological 

Studies No.l3, Osaka, National Museum of 

Ethnology. 

Tanabe, Shigeharu 1988.Spirits and Ideological 

Discourse: the Tai Lue Guardian Cults in Yunnan, 

Sojourn, 3(1):1-25. 

Thai-Yunnan Project Newsletter!, June 1988. The 

Muang Spirits of Muang La (excerpt from 

Boonchuai Srisawad's Thai Sipsongpanna, Vol. 

1, translated by Cholthira Satyawadhna). 

Wijeyewardene, G. 1993. The Frontiers of Thailand. 

In National Identity and its Defenders: Thailand, 

1939-1989. (ed.) C. J. Reynolds, pp.157-90. 

KEYWORDS-LUE, TAl, THAILAND, 

LAOS, ETHNICITY, SPIRIT CULTS, 

NATIONAL CULTURE, DEVELOPMENT. 


61

COUDEE MAGIQUE, EAU LUSTRALE ET BATON 

ENCHANTE: RITES ET CROYANCES DANS 

LA CONSTRUCTION DE L'HABITAT TRADITIONNEL DES 

JAWI (PATANI, THAILANDE DU SUD) 

Pierre Le Roux• 

Resume 

Dans Ia region de Patani, les habitants, musulmans d'origine malaise, 

construisaient naguere de magnifiques maisons de bois sur pilotis, de differents 

styles et que I' on trouve encore en nombre, selon des mesures augurales, des 

rites propitiatoires et une orientation appropries, dans le strict respect de 

croyances populaires. Cet appareil rituel est reproduit et pro Ionge dans I 'habitat 

modeme de beton, acier et verre'. 

En 1785, le souverain siamois Rama 1 er conquit 

le su1tanat malais de PatanF au terme d'une 

campagne victorieuse contre p1usieurs Etats, en 

particulier le royaume mon de Ligor (actuelle 

province thai'landaise de N akhon Sri 

Thammarat). Patani fut annexe par le royaume 

bouddhique siamois mais, devenu vassal, 

conserva dans les faits une independance presque 

totale. C' est a compter de Ia signature du Traite 

Anglo-Siamois de 1909, que Patani, royaume 

musulman, fut considere, au moins par le Siam 

et les pays voisins sinon par les habitants du 

sultanat, comme faisant partie du Siam 

bouddhiste qui allait devenir bientot le 'Pays 

des Tha!s' ou Thai1ande (Kokbua Suwannathat 

Pian 1988) (Figure 1). D'un point de vue 

politique cette annexion a ete l'une des causes 

principales d'une guerilla larvee pendant des 

annees et jusqu' a Ia fin de Ia decennie 1980 

(Bruneau 1987, Forbes 1989, Nantawan 

Haernindra 1976, Surin Pitsuwan 1985). De 

1'origine culturellement malaise de Patani, il 

subsiste encore bien des traces .. 

Parmi ces rappels culturellement signifiants 

de I' anteriorite du sultanat sur I' autorite 

siamoise, il faut noter I' existence de kayu atah 

ning 3 'ce bois-au-dessus'' espar a fonction 

symbolique glisse dans Ia charpente des maisons, 

ou encore Ia canonnade festive des 'canons' de 

bambou charges au carbure de calcium, bede 

kaba ', pour Ia commemoration annuelle des 

ceh~bres canons geants du sultanat, emportes 

par les Siamois apres le sac de Ia ville, au XVIII• 

siecle, et deposes a Bangkok devant I' ancien 

ministere de Ia Guerre (LeRoux 1998a etc). 

Cet attachement a leur histoire, les habitants 

de Patani I' expriment egalement via des 

elements heterogenes et syncretiques issus de Ia 

fusion des deux cultures: malaise musulmane et 

animiste, tres influencee par l'hindouisme, et 

siamoise bouddhique egalement melee de 

paganisme dans sa version populaire et rurale, 

ainsi que le montre le mythe fondateur jawi de 

I' elephant blanc aux defenses noires4. 

De Ia somme de ces elements emerge 

l'ethnonyme de cette population, a majorite 

rurale, dont les individus se reconnaissent a Ia 

fois comme des Jawi 5 c'est-a-dire des Malais 

d' origine, et non des Malaysiens, et comme des 

Thai"landais ou 'ressortissants de Tha!lande', et 

non pas des Siamois. Ce demier terme equivaut 

en effet localement, dans toutes Ies categories 

' Ethnologue, docteur de l'EHESS, membre de 

l'IRSEA, CNRS-Universite de Provence (Marseille, 

France). 


63


0 100 200 

300 

Kilometres 

LAOS 

THAILANDE ·)·, _... ."-. 

(Siam) _)· ) f./ 

., I ·-·,.1 -~ 

,.J", / . ., /'-.--..{ 

\.. ...... L '-../ ~ 

....., ' 

/ 

~ . 

.......·-·'""'· 

) / '\.._.. ...... 

"'"'""''~u ... .) 

KAMPUCHEA 

(Cambodge) 

Golfe de Thailande 

Alre de grande ~onc:entration des 

habitants d'orlglne malaise (}awl) 

m 

Alre de moindre concentration des 

habitants d'origine malaise (autres 

Malais de Thanande) 

(Malaisie) 

Figure 1 Carte de situation de Ia region habitee par les Jawi. Provinces thai1andaises de Pattani, Yala et 

Narathiwat, equivalent a peu pres au territoire de I' ancien sultanat de Patani. 


Coudee magique, eau lustrale er baron enchante 

Figure 2 Les cinq elements du bonheur d' un Jaw i : Ia mai son, Ia tourterelle, le kriss, Ia bague d'agate, et 

l' epouse. District de Sai Buri, province de Pattani, 1991 (c li che P. LeRoux). 

de population, a bouddhiste (de confession 

bouddhique). 

Les Jawi constituent une entite culturelle 

originale, differenciable de celle des Malais 

habitant Ia Malaisie, longtemps, et jusqu' a tres 

recemment, demeuree par Ia force des chases et 

des aleas de l'histoire un conservatoire culture! 

du Monde malais peninsulaire (LeRoux 1997a 

& b; LeRoux & Azip Samuyama 1997). Depuis 

le debut des annees 90 surtout, ils paraissent en 

voie d' assimilation a Ia societe thallandaise, 

consequence parmi d'autres d'une forte 

croissance economique regionale. 

La maison ideale ou l'ideal social ? 

Le Jawi, en tant qu'individu, nage dans un 

univers sympathique. La vie quotidienne est 

impregnee de magie et, dans cette societe oLI 

nature et surnature sont indissociables, l' individu 

vit en permanence a Ia fois protege et menace 

par les entites spirituelles issues de divers 

pantheons (indien, musulman, bouddhique, 

siamois, mon, animiste). Cette relation complexe 

entre nature martelle et surnature immortelle 

est laissee a I' appreciation et a Ia competence 

mediatrice d'experts eclaires, les bohmo, 

(guerisseurs) qui sont aussi, en tant que medecins 

des esprits, les maltres des rites (LeRoux 1997a, 

Wilkinson 1932). Ce sont eux que les villageois 

consultent, non seulement de fa~on curative 

lorsqu'une personne est malade, mais encore 

preventivement, afin d'eviter la confrontation 

directe et imprevue, done dangereuse, avec le 

divin, d' oLI qu'il provienne, en se le conciliant. 

Dans cette societe rurale les rites sont essentiels, 

ou plutot le respect des rites, a toutes les etapes 

de la vie, tant lors d, un emmenagement qu' a 

plus forte raison Iars d'une construction neuve. 

Dans leur definition ideale du bonheur, les 

Jawi enoncent une liste de cinq elements 

indispensables : une maison Q'umoh) , une 

tourterelle Geopelia striataL. (burong ttite), un 

kriss (kereh), une bague d' agate (chic/u!ng aki'), 

et une epouse (ttino ). La maison, au sens large, 

est ainsi pensee par les Jawi comme un element 

majeur de Ia stabi li te et du bonheur social et 

c'est pourquoi !'ensemble des rites de 

construction est loin d'etre mineur ou 

anecdoctique (Figure 2). Ces ingredients sont, 

bien slir, idealises: une jeune femme 'a Ia 

demarche gracieuse de I' elephant' 6 , un kriss 

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts l & 2 

65


invincible, une tourterelle don~e au chant 

magique d'une valeur d'un million de baths 7 

une agate qui offre 1 'invulnerabilite, une 

propriete (maison et terrain) splendide et 

exempte de fan tomes qui sont iss us de 1' arne de 

personnes disparues de mort violente et pour 

lesquelles les rites funeraires n'ont pas ete-ou 

pas pu etre-rendus convenablement. Pour pallier 

ce dernier probleme, les Jawi procedent a leurs 

constructions selon des rites propitiatoires envers 

les genies, qui s' averent en outre augures 

favorables ou defavorables. 

Semanga' Rumoh: l'essence vitale ou l'ame 

deJa maison 

Pour les Jawi, et pour les Malais en general, les 

humains ne sont pas les seuls etres a posseder 

une essence vitale. Les animaux, certains 

vegetaux et mineraux, ainsi que certaines chases, 

en particulier le bateau et la maison, en 

detiennent aussi. D'ailleurs, pour les Jawi les 

animaux et les arbres sont reputes avoir eu la 

faculte de la parole, aux temps originels. Le 

terme malais qui exprime cette 'essence' vitale, 

semangat, a souvent ete traduit par arne 

(Annandale 1901, 1909; Cuisinier 1951; 

Wilkinson 1906; Winstedt 1916). II serait sans 

doute plus juste de parler de 'force' vitale. Le 

concept jawi de semanga' est difficile a 

apprehender parce qu'il renvoie a plusieurs 

notions mais aussi a plusieurs cultures. Plusieurs 

notions parce qu'il induit ala fois une vie, une 

puissance, un esprit et un etre. Plusieurs cultures 

parce qu'il renvoie aux notions d'ame, de 

spiritualite et d'existence dans les mondes 

indien, musulman, et bouddhique. Sans doute, 

au lieu de traduire semanga' par 'arne', terme 

possedant une forte connotation culturelle dans 

notre langue, ne serait-ce que dans son acception 

religieuse, pourrait-on assez justement lui 

preferer un terme a Ia fois plus confus parce que 

mal defini et plus precis par tout ce qu'il induit 

implicitement : lemana des Austronesiens. Un 

autre terme malayo-polynesien, tapu, a ete 

emprunte avec bonheur et est d'un usage 

pratique, car sans equivalent dans notre culture, 

sous la forme tabou. 

Quoi qu' il en soit, pour le common des Jawi, 

en particulier la majorite paysanne, 1' etre humain 

est seul a posseder trois 'ames' differentes : 

nyawoh (du sanskrit), roh (de l'arabe) et 

semanga' (terme austronesien). Le premier 

terme, nyawoh, correspond au souffle regulateur 

et ordonnateur de la vie qui apparait au terme 

du sixieme mois du stade fretal, et qui, apres la 

disparition du corps, et s' il demeure sur terre en 

tant qu'unite definie, se transforme en fantome. 

L'expression ame' nyawoh 'prendre l'ame' 

signifie litteralement 'tuer'. Le second terme, 

roh, designe le souffle au sens propre qui 

constitue une sorte de 'corps astral' et distingue 

l'homme de l'animal. C'est cette 'arne' qui est 

plus particulierement prise en compte par les 

officiants religieux (les trois 'ames' se 

confondent cependant lors d'un deces: elles 

s'echappent simultanement). Le demier terme, 

semanga', qui recouvre les croyances malaises 

les plus anciennes est le plus difficilement defini 

par les Jawi: l'expression ame' semanga' 

'prendre l'ame' signifie non pas 'tuer' mais 

bien 'charmer, ensorceler, enchanter, envofiter'. 

Pour le common des Jawi, le principe vital 

semanga', et celui d'une maison n'y echappe 

pas, ne doit etre ni effraye ni menace et encore 

moins desequilibre. Pour eviter cela, il faut suivre 

des consignes 'ordinaires' comme l'interdit de 

s' ex primer bruyamment, de fa~on intempestive, 

celui de se deplacer lourdement au sein de la 

maison en faisant vibrer la moindre latte, et il 

faut respecter des consignes 'extraordinaires', 

lors d'evenements exceptionnels comme un 

orage, une naissance, une alliance, un deces, 

etc. Par exemple, pour eviter que la foudre ne 

tombe sur la maison lors des violents orages de 

la mousson du sud-ouest, les Jawi glissent la 

lame d'une arme blanche, celle d'un kriss 

(Figure 3) ou a defaut d'un simple coupe-coupe, 

entre les interstices du plancher, au chambranle 

de la porte principale, afin de detoumer les 

coups et de dissuader l'eclair de violenter le 

batiment. Chez d'autres peoples malais, tels que 

les habitants de Selangor rencontres par William 

Skeat a Ia fin du XIX• siecle, le peril des orages 

etait detoume par les habitants en lan~ant 

quelques poignees de sel (sacrificiel) dans le 

foyer. Les petillements et etincelles resultants 

etaient comme le vaccin des eclairs et du tonnerre 

qu'ils evoquaient. Lors d'une naissance, pour 

eviter notamment que la maison -

Coudee magique, eau lustrale et baton enchante 

Figure 3 Kri ss tajong de Patan i au manche a tete 

de Shi va. Dessin de !'auteur, 1994. 

accouchee, a defaut un de ses parents proches, 

entreti ent un feu allume par sa femme, et surtout, 

il jette sur Je sol dans I' espace ouvert entre les 

pilotis de Ia maison, sous le lieu exact de Ia 

parturition, un plant epineux d'ananas (lana ') 

ou de Pandanus (kkuwe) , afin de faire reculer 

!'esprit malin qui tente de se hasarder Ia ace 

moment 8 En cas de deces les chats, d'ordinaire 

si choyes car portant bonheur a leur maitre, sont 

immediatement chasses de Ia maison a coup de 

pieds ou de baton s' il le faut de fa


du bateau, et laya tant pour la voile que pour la 

fa~ade de la maison. Enfin les Jawi, du littoral 

en tous cas, soot de boos marins et de fameux 

constructeurs navals: on leur doit les bateaux 

kole' a proue et poupes bifides (Figure 4a et b) 

et les pata' kera' a haute etrave (Figure 5a et b, 

Figure 6), tous enlumines de merveilleuses 

arabesques multicolores et de complexes 

sculptures inspirees des recits de leur riche 

litterature orale. Ces bateaux se retrouvent 

aujourd'hui jusque dans la province siamoise 

de Hua Hin au nord et dans l'Etat de Trengganu 

en Malaisie. Mais sans doute et avant tout, a 

propos du principe vital de la maison et du 

bateau, faut-il rappeler que les Malais accordent 

une arne a tousles arbres et d'abord aux grands 

ruts pourvoyeurs de bois d'reuvre, c'est-a-dire 

les dipterocarpacees producteurs de bois d'aigle 

et surtout des concretions resineuses lithiques 

(ou damar) utilisees dans la construction, tant 

navale que terrestre: les bateaux soot faits du 

bois dont on construit les maisons et vice-versa. 

Toutefois, tant 1' arne de la maison, semanga' 

rumoh, que celle du bateau, nommee elle mayo 

perahu, n'apparait que lorsque les demieres 

planches ont ete assemblees et les poteaux-ou 

le mat-dresses. 

Cependant les mesures curatives prises pour 

le bien-etre de la maison et de ses habitants ne 

suffisent pas tant le danger est estime grand par 

les villageois. Tout un ensemble de mesures 

preventives est done pris en amont de la 

construction d'une part, et periodiquement 

ensuite, apres la premiere installation, d'autre 

part. En premier lieu, il faut mentionner 

1' existence de nombreux interdits coutumiers 

(pate) comme chahuter bruyamment sur le seuil 

de la porte, surtout pour une femme enceinte, 

laisser les petits enfants se glisser sous le plancher 

de la maison, omettre de laisser un peu de riz 

dans la bassine a 1' intention de 1' esprit des morts 

durant la nuit du jeudi au vendredi, etc. 

Dans une maison, dans une riziere, et dans 

un bateau en peche, il est egalement interdit de 

nommer certains etres dont le bonze bouddhiste 

(to' cha) et les grands predateurs tels que le 

tigre (rima) et le requin blanc (yu puteh). Pour 

contoumer ces interdits linguistiques, les Jawi 

usent d'un systeme de substitution: ils parlent 

chewe 11 • 

Quand les rites appropries n' ont pas-ou malete 

effectues, ou encore lorsque le choix initial 

du terrain ou de l' orientation a ete malhabile, la 

demeure n' est pas consideree comme habitable. 

Cette croyance, qui peut etre rapportee dans le 

cas de l'Europe a celle de la 'maison hantee', 

n' est pas forcement connue immediatement. 11 

faut parfois attendre des annees, et en tous cas 

Figure 4a et b Plans du bateaujawi kole'. Dessins deGeorges Cortez (architecte DPLG), 1994. 


Coudee magique, eau /u strale et btiton enchante 

,. 

I 

,.. 

I 

Figure Sa et b Plans du bateau pata' kera '. Dessins de Georges Cortez (architecte DPLG), 1994. 

Figure 6 Bateau pata' kera ' ('cui coupe') enlumine par des motifs tires de l'epopee Seramo (Ramayana 

version jawi). L' iime du bateau (perahu) est appelee mayo perahu. PI age de Talo' Kapo', district de Yaring, 

province de Pattani, 1990 (cliche P. LeRoux). 

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts l & 2 69

Pierre Le Raux 

Figure 7 Portage a dos d' hommes d'un element de maison jawi (anciennement un grenier ariz) sur une 

distance de 3 kilometres. District de Sai Buri , province de Pattani, 1992 (c li che P. LeRoux) . 

un evenement, une malad ie, une catastrophe, 

parmi d' autres signes revelateurs, pour que Ia 

maison soit enfin deplacee -a dos d'hommes 

(Figure 7)- ou abandonnee. 

De maison hantee et de roue chat rouan 

Cette croyance en les maisons hantees est loin 

d'etre un archai'sme ou une superstition en voie 

de disparition: les Tha'is, tout autant que les 

Jawi, ruraux ou elites eduquees, accordent tant 

de credit aux 'fant6mes', nommes hatu en jawi 

et phi en thai·, que si un batiment - maison, 

appartement, palais, restaurant, y compris 

chambre d'h6tel- a abrite le drame d' une mort 

violente, son proprietaire s'efforce de conserver 

secrete I' information, au risque de perdre 

definiti vement sa clientele 12 • 

Une maison est hantee, c'est- a-dire 

consideree comme une 'chose morte' (bare m.ati) 

lorsque son ame a fui devant un fant6me. 

Lorsqu'un sort (kena' ) a ete jete sur une 

habitation, celle-ci n'est plus consideree 

habitable. C'est Je cas de !' ancien palais du 

sultan de Sai Buri (ou Telube en jawi, jadis 

nomme Selinong Bayu). Cet ancien sultanat 

malais, vassal de celui de Patani, constitue 

ctesormais un amp/we (district) de !'actuelle 

province thai'landaise de Pattani et sa capitale, 

ville portuaire, est restee le chef-lieu du district 

(Figure 8). 

Apres le depart precipite du dernier sultan 

vers I'Etat de Kelantan dans les annees trente 13 , 

fuyant Ia repression entrepri se contre les 

habitants de Patani par !'ancien premier ministre 

siamois Phibun Songkhram, plut6t xenophobe, 

le palais n'est pas demeure a ]'abandon, bien au 

contraire. II a ete parfaitement entretenu , jusqu' a 

l'annee 1995 -date de Ia tentative de son rachat 

en sous-mai n par le descendant, residant a 

Kelantan, du raja de Sai Buri-, tant l'imposante 

batisse coloniale de belle facture que le jardin 

qui l'entoure. Mais s'il a ete entretenu et s' il a 

change plusieurs fois de mains, Je palais n'a 

pourtantjamais ete habite, a !'exception de deux 

ou trois tentatives, limitees a quelques heures: 

des Ia premiere nuit tombee, les locataires 

temeraires ou ignorants Ia reputation de la 

batisse, s ' enfuyaient, effrayes par les 

manifestations physiques des pretendus 

fant6mes de cette maison. La malediction de ce 

palais, telle qu'expliquee usuellement par les 

70 



Figure 8 Ancien palais du sultan de Selinong Bayu (district de Sai Buri, province de Pattani). Maison 

han tee depuis le depart du raja suite a un sort jete sur son ordre a I ' aide du sang du chat china. 1992 (cliche 

P. Le Raux). 

habitants de Ia region, s'exprime par un grand 

vacarme nocturne : bruits de pas, claquements 

de portes, coups sur les murs, et surtout par une 

attaque en regie de Ia part de mysterieuses guepes 

m a~o nn es (bbuwe) . Ce, durant Ia nuit seulement. 

L'observateur peut constater, sur Ia foi des 

exemples passes, que ces mysterieuses guepes 

paraissen t n ' effectuer que des attaq ues 

'ethniques', ne s'en prenant guere qu'aux 

locataires, Siamois ou Chinois, comme si leur 

seul objectif etait d'empecher Ia violation du 

palais, en quelque sorte reserve aux anciens 

sultans, par des non-malais et non-musulmans. 

C'est ainsi que cet e legant palais, pow-rant 

inhabitable, vaut tres cher et paralt etre devenu, 

de logement utilitaire, meme si prestigieux, un 

simple objet de specul ation, un investissement 

au meme titre gu' une o:uvre d'art et un support 

de Ia memoire sociale en forme de symbole. 

P lu sieurs bohmo reputes m'ont confi e l'ori gine 

de cette malediction notoirement connue de Ia 

population. II s'agirait bien d' un sort jete sur Ia 

maison par un bohmo temoh. (sorcier), sur I' ordre 

du dernier sultan de Selinong Bayu (Te lube ou 

Sai Buri). Un tel sort, scell e par le sang d'un 

animal particulier, le plus puissantjamais evoque 

par les bohmo jawi, consiste a dessiner des 

figures sy mboliques appelees a devenir des 

fantomes, sur les murs interieurs du palais, avec 

le sang du rari ssime et quasi mythigue kuching 

china, chat male et rouan (trois couleurs dans Ia 

robe), fralchement egorge a cet effet 14 

Legencle clu chat china 

Le chat rouan est benefique. Sa valeur tient ace 

que le male est tres rare. De chat a trois coul eurs 

on ne trouve generale mentjamais de male. S i on 

a Ia bonne fortu ne cl'en decouvrir un, il fau t 

l'elever aussit6t. C'est une medecine puissante. 

Son sang est une meclecine. Situ veux de !'argent 

tu prends le sang du chat china et tu vas clans Ia 

maison clu patron. La, tu dessines avec le sang 

des figures sur les murs. Ce sont des fant6mes. 

Tu fais en sorte que les dessins soient taus petits, 

presque in visibles. 

Si tu clessines des serpents apparaissent des 

serpents, si tu clessines des fan tomes apparaissent 

des fant6mes, si tu clessines des e lepha nts 

apparaissent des elephants. A lors le patron ne 


7 1


peut plus vivre dans cette maison. C'est 

impossible. 11 ne peut plus dormir. 11 a beau aller 

querir des bohmo pour retirer le sort, rien a 

faire. n cherche a vendre sa maison et tu 1' achetes 

a bas prix ou bien il te propose beaucoup d'argent 

pour retirer le sort. Dans ce cas, tu viens et tu 

prends du jus de citron que tu presses a la main 

et que tu verses dans une tasse. Tu y ajoutes des 

feuilles de beluru15 puis tu lessives les murs de 

la maison. Tu n'oublies pas les pilotis. Tu 

asperges bien toutes les parties atteintes de 

maniere ace que ce soit beau [exorcise]. Alors 

tu peux dire a l'homme qu'il peut s'en retourner 

dormir. 11 n'y a plus de problemes. 

Conteur: To' bohmo Pa'do Mih Ameng (Pattani, 

1992). 

11 semble qu' en Europe egalement le male 

de ce type particulier de chat soit repute tres 

rare, sinon impossible a trouver, alors qu'une 

femelle au pelage rouan est un fait relativement 

courant. Un tel chat, s'il s'en trouve, n'a pas de 

prix, et sa possession est censee rendre chanceux 

I' improbable beneficiaire. A defaut de chat 

china, engendrant un sort repute invincible, les 

bohmo peuvent egalement utiliser le rarissimemais 

trouvable-chat male langi ite, possedant, 

comme l'indique son nom, Ia particularite d'un 

palais entierement de couleur noire. L' ideal 

serait evidemment pour eux de disposer d'un 

chat china langi ite. 11 faut ajouter, peut-etre 

pour expliquer Ia puissance du sort dont les 

Jawi creditent le sang du chat rouan et Ia 

reputation de sorcellerie pretee a cet animal, 

que les Malais en general pensent que le chat 

est possede-ou facilement possede-par Hibleh 

(le diable), et est pour cette raison repute badi, 

c'est-a-dire malforme, marque, plus exactement 

maudit, et susceptible de porter ou de 

transmettre Ia malediction. D' a pres les 

croyances locales, Ia seule fa~on de se 

debarrasser de ce type presque invincible de 

fant6me est le lessivage magique des parois 

contaminees par badigeonnage avec une 

solution a base de jus de citron et d'une 

decoction de feuilles d'ananas et de feuilles de 

beluru. Burkhill (1935: 926) indique: 

It is but a step in thought from the removal of 

lice to the removal of evil influences. 'Take it 

and the juice of a lime and rumput lidah rimau16 

and wash the body to drive out evil spirits', is a 

prescription from upper Perak; but the talisman 

of th(f prescription is really in the grass, as the 

other two substances are commonly used 

together in washing. 

Gimlette (in Journ. Roy. As. Soc. Straits Branch 

82, 1920: 118) mentions its use in washing to 

keep 'alive', i.e. active, a charm. The employment 

of root or leaves in a wash for removing Tertian 

fever (Med. Book Mal. Med. in Gard. Bull. S.S. 

6, 1930:404) is pure magican attempt to wash 

off the fever. 

Cette plante beluru sert dans la fabrication 

d'un poison de peche et elle est utilisee dans la 

pharmacopee traditionnelle. Elle est egalement 

employee par les forgerons pour la confection 

de 1' acide dans lequella lame forgee est mise a 

tremper pour faire emerger les motifs de 1' acier 

damasse dans la technique specifique du 

damas 11 • Mais cette plante est d'abord reputee 

comme shampoing et surtout comme charme 

magique. 

D'echelle d'acces, de fa~ade et d'orientation 

En ce qui concerne la construction des 

maisons, 1' orientation est primordial e. en 

fonction de parametres specifiques estimes a 

l'aune du bohmo specialiste de la selection 

des sites favorables. Aucun Jawi sense 

n'oserait batir sans prendre cet avis necessaire 

et obligatoire au prealable-a moins de 

negliger le risque d'un demenagement 

ulterieur ou celui d' une catastrophe familiale. 

Pour construire une maison, il faut, avant 

toute chose, choisir le jour approprie dans 

ceux de la semaine 18• Aucun n'est semblable. 

11 y a des jours fastes ou 'jolis' (hari mole), 

des jours 'nefastes' (hari chapeng}, des jours 

'douloureux' oil Ia maladie frappe ( hari sake') 

et des jours 'dangereux' (hari geroh). Bien 

evidemment, le choix d'unjourfaste, apanage 

des specialistes bohmo chari hari ou to' 

nnujong ou to' nnengo (devins}, est le seul 

retenu. Le deuxieme imperatif, nous l'avons 

vu plus haut, est que le terrain sur lequel la 

maison sera batie ne soit pas hante par un 

mauvais esprit. Les Jawi, comme les Malais 

de Selangor (Skeat 1900: 141), pensent qu'un 

72 


Coudee magique, eau Lustrale et baton enchante 

A~ 

,.(~ 

Figure 9 Exposition des jeunes maries sous le dais lors d'un mariage paysan a Betong (frontiere entre 

Malaisie et Tha.ilande, province de Yala) . 1990. Au premier plan, a droite, on aper9oit semanga' 'l'iime' des 

epoux, c'est-a-dire le gateau de ri z gluant a trois couleurs (blanc, jaune, rouge) qui Ia symboli se. (c li che P. 

LeRoux). 

sol de couleur jaunatre, parfume, au terreau 

acide est signe de prosperite. Le terrain doit 

etre si tue en hauteur de preference et sa partie 

sud plus haute que sa partie nord, gage de 

quietude pour ses futurs locataires. 

Le dernier imperatif est que I' orientation du 

bfitiment lui-meme soit bonne. Chez les Tha·is 

les fac;:ades s'ouvrent generalement a !'est et, a 

I' oppose de ce que I' on trouve chez les Malais et 

les Jawi, les batiments residentiels sont 

generalement situes au sud. C' est le cas de Ia 

demeure des bonzes au sein du monastere ou de 

celle de Ia famille royale dans ses divers palais. 

Dans Ia symbolique du bouddhisme Theravada 

Je levant est en effet assimile a Ia naissance, Je 

Sud a Ia vie, !'Ouest a la mort et le Nord au 

sommeil, c'est-a-dire a Ia prefiguration factice 

de Ia mort. Pour tousles musulmans d' Asie du 

Sud-Est, La Mecque se trouve a !'ouest, c'est-adire 

au couchant qui, chez les Malais et les Jawi, 

est egalement associe a Ia mmt 19 : Ia position du 

defunt dans Ia tombe est tete au nord, pieds au 

sud, regard tourne vers I' ouest, vers La Mecque 

et cette orientation du corps est interdite aux 

vivants a l'interieur des maisons. Dans les 

villages habites par les Jawi, on ne trouve pas 

une porte ouverte au sud. Cette orientation est 

qualifiee de malefique et se confond avec une 

raison pratique: l'evitement de Ia chaleur par 

exposition directe aux rayons solaires. Les 

batiments s'ouvrent plut6t a !'est. Cette regie 

s' impose avant meme de faire appel a un devin. 

La position cardinale de Ia maison ainsi que 

!'orientation de l'echelle d'acces, tango, au 

nombre de barreaux toujours impair, est en effet 

donnee par un bohmo apres seance divinatoire. 

Cependant, si Ia plupart des maisons sont 

ouvertes a !'est et Ia plupart des greniers au 

nord, les portes de certaines maisons sont 

exposees au nord et celles de certains greniers a 

!' ouest. Dans ce cas, l'echelle d'acces est, elle, 

orientee convenablement. L' echelle d' acces 

designe en effet Ia maison et Ia maisonnee dans 

le langage courant et parler d' orientation de Ia 

maison revient a parler de celle de l'echelle, et 

non de Ia fac;:ade. Lorsqu'une otientation est a 

priori mauvaise du fait d'une implantation 

imposee par le contexte, par exemple le long de 


73

Pierre LeRoux 

la route, il existe en outre un moyen de contourner 

le probleme. 11 s' agit de la notion de 'barriere 

protectrice'. Une maison mal orientee est 

generalement, si 1' on observe attentivement, en 

vis-a-vis d'une autre maison dressee de l'autre 

cote de la route et qui lui tient lieu de barriere 

protectrice. Parfois, un grenier a riz ouvre sa 

porte d'acces au sud, faute impardonnable a 

premiere vue. En fait, cette porte est reliee par 

une passerelle a celle d'un grenier jumeau lui 

faisant face. Le grenier n'est pas ouvert au sud 

puisque son acces est ainsi barre. Ce systeme se 

retrouve dans 1' ensemble de la structure sociale. 

Ainsi, personne ne doit interferer entre une 

personne qui prie et La Mecque, en direction de 

1' ouest. Mais les besoins du menage imposant 

quelquefois au conjoint d'outrepasser l'interdit, 

celui-ci depose alors un coussin (bata) sur le 

plancher, devant la personne qui prie, liberant 

l'acces (Figure 9). 11 faut ace propos souligner 

I' importance des coussins et de leur symbolique 

dans la culture malaise, par exemple lors des 

mariages traditionnels : le nombre des coussins 

so us le dais d' exposition des jeunes maries 

exprime notamment la richesse et la position 

sociale des deux families (Skeat 1900). 

Coudee magique, eau Iustrale et baton 

enchante 

Lorsqu'une famille veut construire une maison 

sur un terrain, elle fait tout d'abord appel a un 

guerisseur (Skeat 1900: 545 et Shaw 1975), 

souvent un bohmo hatu ('chamane'). Celui-ci 

se presente au jour et a l'heure (generalement 

sept heures du matin) decides par lui selon ses 

calculs horoscopiques, ses carres magiques et 

ses tables consacrees. Les Jawi, a l'instar de 

Malais d'autres regions (Gibbs 1987: 81) 

creusaient autrefois et creusent encore parfois, 

a 1' instigation du bohmo, quatre trous dans le 

sol et y plac;ent dans l'un du tamarin (en fait 

Garcinia atroviridis Griff. et non Tamarindus 

indica Linn.), dans le second du curcuma ou 

'safran des Indes' (Curcuma domestica Valeton), 

dans le troisieme du charbon, et dans le demier 

du sel. Puis ils y mettent le feu afin de reduire 

ces substances en cendres. Le bohmo demande 

alors a la future maltresse de maison, demeuree 

a l'ecart jusqu'alors, de designer l'un de ces 

quatre trous. Si elle choisit le trou qui contenait 

du tamarin ou du curcuma c'est un bon presage, 

mais si elle opte pour l'un de ceux qui contenait 

du sel ou du charbon c'est un mauvais presage 

et le site d'implantation est imperativement 

abandonne (Skeat 1900: 41) decrit d'autres 

variantes. 

Le plus souvent le bohmo se contente de 

creuser un trou, profond d'une coudee, seta 

(environ 40 em), a l'endroit oil doit etre place 

ulterieurement le pilier-mere (ibu tiye) ou pilier 

sacre (tiye seri), c'est-a-dire le poteau principal. 

Il depose au fond de ce trou un bol de terre cuite 

(gelo' ae') empli d' eau jusqu' ala gorge-le meme 

bol de terre cuite que celui place au sommet de 

la meule-mere protegeant 1' arne du riz dans le 

grenier-et il recouvre le recipient d'une feuille 

de bananier, avant de refermer le trou. Cette eau 

lustrale (ae' tawa) est consacree par le souffle 

(siyu) du bohmo exprimant sa medecine interne 

c'est-a-dire sa magie, ou par l'un de ses 

nombreux talismans (dent de crocodile blanc, 

marceau de meteorite, os de dugong, etc.), ou 

bien encore par de la farine de riz nouveau 

( cette eau ainsi consacree se nomme alors tepong 

tawa). Le lendemain matin, !'orifice est mis a 

jour afin de verifier le niveau de l'eau dans le 

bol. S'il ne manque qu'un peu d'eau, le site est 

favorable, s'il en manque pres d'un tiers, le site 

est defavorable et est abandonne. Skeat (1900: 

144) mentionne aussi cette technique. 

Enfin, et dans tous les cas, le bohmo demande 

au prealable a Ia mrutresse de maison de mesurer 

une brasse, depo (entre 150 et 180 em) sur un 

baton, c'est-a-dire la distance entre ses deux 

mains, ala hauteur des majeurs, les bras etendus. 

Puis il recite une invocation et souffle sur le 

baton, et enfin il le plante dans le sol. Le 

lendemain a 1' au be il invite la maitresse de 

maison a ramasser le baton et a le mesurer de 

nouveau: 'arne' gi' depo 'prends et mesure une 

brasse'. Si la mesure est semblable ala premiere, 

l'augure est favorable et la construction peut 

commencer. Si la seconde mesure est plus longue 

que la premiere, c'est excellent. En revanche, si 

la deuxieme mesure est plus courte que la 

precedente, il faut abandonner 1' endroit 

considere comme mauvais. Ce baton enchante a 

Ia fois par 1' origine feminine de sa mesure et 

par le pouvoir propre des bohmo fait partie 

integrante de leur panoplie therapeutique et 

magique. En effet, la plupart des guerisseurs 

74 



possedent une canoe magique, tuka. Ces cannes 

qui sont un peu le sceptre des bohmo, taillees 

dans des bois etranges: bois flottes du rivage, 

coraux (aka baha) ou encore, plus rarement, 

plantes epiphytes, sont de meme origine que les 

fruits fabuleux du mythique Manguier sacre pao' 

jingi qui se dresse au Nombril de l'Ocean, le 

centre du monde (LeRoux 1993a, 1997a). 

Ces fruits merveilleux sont a I' origine des 

figurines du theatre d' ombre et done, pour partie, 

des danses magiques de guerison (Cuisinier 

1936; Sheppard 1983). Par ailleurs, Ia grande 

epopee Seramo, piece maitresse de la litterature 

orale et version jawi du Ramayana, fait reference 

dans le tableau intitule Hanume ike (la baleine) 

a Ia naissance du plus fidele compagnon du roi 

Seramo : le superieur de la pagode des Sept 

bonzes est inquiet. Maharajah Mano (le Ravana 

du Ramayana), ennemi mortel de Seramo et roi 

de Langkawi, eprouve un amour interdit pour 

sa fille la belle Siti Dewi, bien-aimee de Seramo. 

Le bonze decide d'aider ce demier a vaincre le 

pere incestueux lors d'une ordalie qui decidera 

du sort de la jeune fille. Le superieur, magicien 

repute, se saisit done d'un baton et le 

metamorphose en Laksamano 20 , jeune homme 

intelligent qui va si bien conseiller Seramo que 

celui-ci remportera les sept epreuves . . . et la 

belle. 

Lors de la construction a proprement parler, 

les Jawi utilisaient jadis, c'est-a-dire avant 

l'usage des mesures metriques ou anglaises 

desormais privilegiees en Tha'ilande dans le 

secteur du batiment, des unites de mesure 

anthropometriques propitiatoires. Encore 

aujourd'hui avec des unites de mesures 

importees, le fait le plus marquant dans les 

societe jawi et malaise concernant l'habitat et 

sa construction est }'importance accordee aux 

presages. Traditionnellement une maison etait 

batie a partir d'un systeme comportant des degres 

'benefiques' et 'malefiques'. Toute piece de bois 

mesuree devait finir sur une mesure 'benefique'. 

Les Jawi employaient jadis a cet effet un seul 

empan a forte valeur esoterique, qui jouait le 

rOle de module 21 • Cette unite, nommee nguko 

(du malais mengukur, 'mesurer'), etait realisee 

a partir d'une brasse mesuree, mains ouvertes, 

sur la maitresse de maison, a l'aide d'une corde 

divisee ensuite en huit. Sa huitieme partie (d'une 

valeur approximative de vingt centimetres, soit 

un empan,jeka), etait le nguko. Elle etait utilisee 

a I' aide d'une table symbolique de huit figures: 

lemu 'taureau', singo' 22 dragon', asa' 'fumee', 

gajoh 'elephant', gago' 'corbeau', nago 'naga' 

kede'2 3 'ane', anging 'vent'. Dans cette serie, les 

deux premiers elements sont benefiques, suivis 

d'un element malefique, puis de deux 

. benefiques, etc. Par exemple, pour la hauteur 

du pilier principal, Ia mesure ideale devait finir 

sur le symbole gajoh 'elephant' 24 • William Skeat 

(1900: 146) parlant des Malais de Selangor, 

mentionne que l'unite correspondant au nguko 

etait obtenue a partir d'une corde d'une longueur 

d'une brasse; de cette corde repliee en trois 

partie, un tiers etait coupe et conserve puis plie 

a son tour en huit. Le huitieme etait alors coupe 

et utilise a mesurer uniquement la longueur du 

seuil de Ia porte ( ou bien encore Ia distance du 

seuil a l'arriere de Ia maison) sur une echelle 

legerement differente, dans cet ordre: naga 

(dragon), sapi (vache), singa (lion), anjing 

(chien), lembu (taureau), kaldei (ane), gajah 

(elephant), gagak (corbeau); liste qui debute 

par un element benefique, suivi d'un element 

malefique. Clement-Charpentier (1998: 6) 

precise que chez les Lao, Ia coudee du futur 

proprietaire etait le module retenu dans Ia 

construction d' une maison par les charpentiers 

et les villageois. Et c'est logique puisque celuici 

passait plusieurs mois seul a preparer les 

differentes pieces de bois avant d' etre finalement 

aide par les autres villageois pour les ultimes 

travaux d'assemblages et Ia construction 

proprement dite. Cela reduisait aussi le risque 

de variation des mesures, fonction de Ia coudee 

de chacun des ouvriers presents. Le meme auteur 

mentionne I' existence de manuscrits lao de 

divination ou 'livre des destinees' indiquant les 

proportions fastes des pieces de Ia charpente, 

par exemple, d'apres une table de symboles 

differente de celles deja citees mais comportant 

cependant, parmi d' autres, les figures du breuf, 

de I' elephant, et du lion. 

Certains charpentiers jawi delaisserent le 

nguko et etalonnerent eux-aussi, suivant 

I' exemple lao et siamois, Ia construction de Ia 

maison sur Ia mesure d'une coudee (seto) tout 

en conservant l'usage de leur propre table 

symbolique: en effet, un seto equivaut a peu 

pres a deuxjeka de vingt centimetres, soit deux 

nguko. II s'agissait d'une coudee ouverte, 


75


realisee de la pointe du coude jusqu, a 1, extremite 

du majeur. Cette coudee, devenue module 

architectural et consideree comme magique, etait 

prise sur le bras droit de la future maitresse de 

maison, et non sur celui de l'homme 25 • Cela 

tient certainement au rapport reconnu entre la 

maison et celle qui en sera la maitresse, en 

particulier, et a la preeminence supposee et en 

tous cas a }'influence reelle de la femme dans la 

societe malaise au systeme de parente 

indifferencie; influence qui perdure malgre la 

montee de celle de 1' islam, patrilineaire, en 

general. 11 faut mentionner a ce propos chez les 

Malais et les Jawi un type caracterise 

d' anthropomorphie symbolique concernant non 

pas tant les maisons d'habitation que les edifices 

sacres, c'est-a-dire les anciennes maisons de 

priere, ou sura de bois, et les mosquees (seje') 26 • 

L'endroit oil le bohmo plante le baton de la 

taille d'une brasse mesuree sur l'epouse du 

maitre de maison est celui oil sera erige le piliermere 

(tiye seri ou ibu tiye) de la maison 27 • Au 

sommet de 1' ibu tiye, la oil il rejoint la charpente, 

soot places trois tissus superposes: blanc (puteh), 

representant la purete, jaune (kuning) ou rouge 

(meroh), symbolisant la vie et la royaute, rouge 

ou noir (ite) exprimant le mystere, la mort et le 

vizif2 8 • Dans tousles rituels des Jawi, notamment 

lors d'une circoncision, maso' jawi, lors de la 

ceremonie de 1, appel de 1, arne, pange 

semanga ' 29 , ou de celle de la benediction de la 

mer, pujo pata (Cortez 1996) on trouve ces 

co loris associes sous la forme usuelle du gateau 

de riz gluant a trois couleurs, nomme 'l'ame' 

(semanga '), dans la serie blanc, jaune et rouge. 

Une noix de coco est attacbee par une corde 

au sommet de ce poteau-mere 30 • Lorsque le 

moment est venu pour les charpentiers de dresser 

les poteaux, la maitresse de maison doit se tenir 

pres de ce pilier-mere et le saisir de la main afin 

de sacraliser, d'apposer sa marque et de porter 

chance a la construction dont elle sera desormais 

la maitresse. 

Quand la maison est terminee, au crepuscule, 

a l'oree de la premiere nuit, les Jawi font de 

nouveau appel au bohmo. Celui-ci invoque ainsi 

les divinites de son pantheon particulier: 'no' 

do' male ning we rumoh baru 'nous voulons 

habiter cette nuit la maison neuve'. 

Apres les offrandes et le repas ceremoniel 

dduri (kenduri en malais) d'usage, le bohmo- 

qui possecte aussi bien souvent le statut de prieur 

ou to' leba-sui vi par quelques representants de 

l'autorite religieuse, to' ime (imam) to' kote' 

(khotep) ou to' hila (bilal), en ce qui conceme 

les benedictions islamiques, psalmodie quelques 

invocations a Allah, en 'arabe' cette fois, et lit 

des versets du Coran afin de benir la maison. 

Les hommes participants a cette ceremonie, 

possesseur de la maison et ses parents et arnis, 

s' installent en cercle au tour du bohmo et recitent 

apres lui les invocations. Au cours de ce rite, oil 

les chiques de betel soot ornnipresentes, une 

bougie doit restee allumee (pase diye) et doit 

etre deposee au pied du pilier principal. Betel et 

arec d'une part, bougie de l'autre-celle-ci 

symbolisant le vent, anging, ou esprit des 

ancetres-sont les portes a etablir entre les mondes 

naturel et surnaturel, necessaires au bon 

deroulement de la performance, tant du point de 

vue des assistants, et en particulier du beneficiaire 

direct de la ceremonie, que de celui des officiants 

qui prennent chaque fois le risque de ne pouvoir 

revenir de leur 'voyage' chamanique ou sortir 

indemmes d'une seance de possession 31 • 

II faut qu'une porte soit ouverte ou fermee 

ou de l'entretien rituel des maisons 

Les fa~ades des maisons, c'est-a-dire les fermes 

de charpente donnant sur l'exterieur, doivent 

etre symboliquement fermees, soit par une 

couverture de planches ou de lattes de bambous, 

soit en faisant coulisser dans les fermes de la 

charpente une serie de planches attacbees bouta-bout 

a l'aide d'un lien de rotin, ou une serie de 

perches mises bout-a-bout, le 'bois-au-dessus' 

(Le Roux 1998a). La premiere ferme constitue 

en effet une 'ouverture' par laquelle les fantomes 

et esprits malins susceptibles de rendre malades 

les habitants de lamaison, peuvent s'engouffrer. 

11 faut les empecher de penetrer par cette voie. 

En faisant coulisser le bambou ( ou la planche) 

longitudinalement depuis la ferme de fa~ade 

jusqu, a la ferme de 1, arriere de la maison et en le 

faisant deborder legerement, les Jawi protegent 

leur maison: le fantome qui se hasarderait a 

1' interieur en s' engouffrant dans Ia ferme de 

fa~ade serait directement ejecte a l'arriere sans 

mal pour les habitants. Cette croyance, dans 

cette forme, date au moins de quatre-vingt ans, 

epoque a laquelle la majorite des maisons etait 

76 


Coudee mag ique, eau lust rate et baton enchante 

Figure 10 Plan de masse. Hameau d' un vill age de Sai Buri , Pattani . 

En I sur le dessin : maison de style be/ana (maison en Figure 5). ' 

En 2 sur le dessin : maison de style Lima. 

E n 3 sur le dessin : forge de stylebuje IIi /e. 

Dessin d'Eri c Bogdan (archi tecte DPLG), 199 1. 

de style buj e ttite ('Ia veuve aux aguets'), (Figure 

10), c'est-a-dire a double-pente prononcee et a 

far; ades ouvertes. Les deux types architecturaux 

les plus repandus aujourd' hui sont le style be/ano 

('hollandais' ou 'a chien assis', (Figures 11 et 

12) et le style lima a cinq a.retes de toiture (q ui 

ti ent son nom d' un sac de vanneri e ou de sparterie 

de forme pyramidale utilise jadi s dans les 

cui sines villageoises comme sac a epices ou 

condiments, range pres du foyer, (Figures 13- 

15) qui ont en commun d'offir des far;ades 

parfaitement fermees, sauf exception (voir 

Bogdan 1995 et Le Roux 1996a). Les Jaw i ont 

done, une fois encore, adapte leurs manieres a 

leurs discours, et Ia piece de bois, retrecie a une 

seule planche ou bien a une seul e perche de 

bambou, est desormais si mplement gli ssee entre 

les deux fermes centrales de Ia charpente. Mais 

Ia protection magique que cette installation assure 

demeure efficace et eq ui vaut a Ia precedente 

(Figure 16). 

De meme que les Tha·ls bouddhistes, les 

villageois jawi recommandent enfm , afin d 'eviter 

etre malade et done d'etre 'percute' (tineh ) par 

un fant6me, de ne pas dormir sous les entraits 

(c'est-a-dire Ia piece de bois pl acee 

Journal ofrhe Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts I & 2 

77


COUP£ LONGITUOINALE 

Figure 11 Maison de style belano. Sai Buri , Pata ni . Dessin d'Eric Bogdan (architecte DPLG), 199 1. 

Figure 12 Fa'

Coudee magique, eau lustra/e et baton enchante 

E-pf:JZ 

Figure 13 Maison de style lima melangee belano (cui sine sur le cote, de style lima) . Pattani . Dessin d'Eri c 

Bogdan (architecte DPLG), 1992. 

0 2 m 

L__ __ _ _ 1--.J 

Figure 14 Maison de style lima en deux corps de batiment en vis-a-vis. Coupe transversale. Pattani . Dessin 

d' Eri c Bogdan (architecte DPLG), 1992. 

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts I & 2 79

Pierre Le Raux 

Figure 15 Toiture d'une maison de style lima. Patani. La position des jarres d'eau placees au pied des 

echelles d'acces principale (au nord-est, en fa9ade) et secondaire (au sud-ouest eta l' arriere, cote cuisine) 

correspond a celle recommandee pour les puits: puits au nord-est de l'echelle d' acces = puits d' or (tres 

benefique); puits au sud-ouest de l'echelle d' acces arriere = puits medecine (moindrement benefique). 

Des sin d' Eric Bogdan (architecte DPLG), 1992. 

horizontalement en base de la ferme) de la 

charpente. Les Jawi et les autres Malais accordent 

enfin a certains animaux et objets Ia faculte de 

proteger leur maison des incendies, des vols ou 

des agressions. Conformement a leur cosmogonie 

dualiste, ils possedent generalement a cet effet 

une paire de k:riss, l' un etant assinule au principe 

masculin, a Ia figure du pere ou du mali et enfm 

au statut d'aine, conserve dans le grenier; !'autre 

symbolisant le ptincipe fen'linin, Ia figure de Ia 

mere, de I' epouse et de la Cadette, serre dans Je 

grenier adjacent a Ia maison d'habitation, pour 

proteger leurs biens meubles. 

Les objets de valeur (assiettes de porcelaines, 

jarres, kriss, etc.) etaient ainsi confies a Ia 

protection du culte de la meule-mere et surtout 

de I' arne du riz consideree comme Ia jeune fille 

cadette de Ia maison 32 , sacrifiee par ses parents 

a l'origine dumonde et du ri z d'apres le mythe. 

Personne n'aurait ose commettre un vol au sein 

de ce 'palais de l'ame du riz' sous peine de 

subir Je courroux de l'ame et, par consequent, la 

destruction de sa propre recolte. Les tourterelles 

stri ees de 1' espece Geopelia striata L. sont 

elevees avec ferveur par la plupart des villageois 

jawi dans une quete quasi mystique de leurs 

pouvoirs supposes (un chant, un plumage et des 

pattes merveilleux). Elles atteignent des valeurs 

incommensurables et sont exportees dans 

!'ensemble de I' Asie du Sud-Est et du Monde 

Insulindien: 

On recherche les tourterelles qui possedent 33 

ou 44 ou 22 stries33 sur leurs pattes. Celie qui 

possecle 22 stries, i I fa ut I' accrocher a Ia porte 

de Ia maisonnee, du cote de l' echelle cl'acces. 

Celie qui a 33 stries, il faut I ' accrocher au milieu 

de Ia maison, dans Ia piece centrale. Celie qui 

comporte 44 stries, il faut l'accrocher a l'arriere 

de Ia maison, dans Ia chambre. 

Conteur: To' bohmo Pa' do M ih Ameng (Pattani 

1992). 

80 



Une tourterelle qui possede 44 stries sur les 

pattes, on doit l'accrocher au milieu de Ia 

maison, pres de Ia chambre [derriere], si elle 

possede 33 stries, il faut l'accrocher pres de 

I' echelle d' acces, a I' entree principale [ devant], 

si I' oiseau possede 17 plumes caudales, le 

nombre de stries ne compte plus, il faut 

accrocher I' oiseau au milieu de Ia maison juste 

sur le pilier-mere. Cela est sacre. En effet, si Ia 

queue comporte 17 plumes, si le feu se declare, 

il ne pourra devorer Ia maison. L'incendie ne 

pourra attaquer I' en droit oil se trouve cet oiseau. 

Si I' oiseau compte 15 plumes caudales, I' oiseau 

aura un tres beau chant, plus melodieux que 

celui de tous les autres. S'il y a 17 plumes 

caudales, l'oiseau ne possede pas Ia pouvoir 

du chant mais le pouvoir des plumes. Nous 

croyons que Dieu est a I' origine de cela. Si tu 

ne me crois pas, tu entreprends l'elevage des 

tourterelles, tu attends qu'un oisillon emerge 

de sa coquille. Sa queue ne sera pas encore 

sortie. Et tu comptes les plumes caudales. S'il 

yen a 15, tu marques ton oiseau et tu le places 

dans Ia cage d'elevage avec d'autres oiseaux et 

tu ecoutes. Lequel possedera le meilleur chant? 

Si ce n'est pas celui aux 15 plumes caudales, tu 

reviens me voir et tu m'arraches les dents 

'choh-choh-choh', une a une. Les autres ne te 

diront rien ace sujet. Ils comptent les stries sur 

les pattes comme s'il s'agissait de poulets 

Ah ! Ce n'est pas pareil, il ne s'agit pas de 

stries. Les stries, les gens disent qu'il en faut 

33 ou 44 mais personne n'a encore vu un tel 

oiseau, pas un seul, des cendres seulement. 

Conteur: To' bohmo Che' No' (village de Hute 

Kole, 1992). 

Et, de fait, la plupart des villageois 

accrochent leurs cages a tourterelle de cette 

maniere : au moins une cage sur le seuil, une 

autre dans la piece centrale, et une troisieme, 

sinon plus, au fond de la maison, pres de la 

porte arriere donnant sur la cuisine. 

Conclusion 

Quoi qu'il en soit des changements intervenus 

dans leur culture materielle, assez visibles, de 

nos jours encore, tant pour les maisons 

traditionnelles des zones rurales que pour les 

batiments de beton et de verre plus modemes de 

Ia ville, les Jawi continuent d'accorder plus 

d' importance a la puissance potentielle de Ia 

maison et de ses genies, ainsi qu' aux augures, 

qu'a Ia technique de construction physique a 

proprement parler. 

En d'autres terrnes, il n'y a pas rupture, dans 

leur esprit et dans leurs pratiques entre les 

habitats en materiaux traditionnels de bambou 

et de bois et ceux en materiaux nouveaux de 

beton, de parpaings, de ferrailles et de verre, et, 

partant, reproductibilite des rites et de leur 

efficacite symbolique. 

Et ce n' est pas un hasard si I' on peut 

apercevoir bien sou vent, comme j 'ai pu le 

constater a maintes reprises, sur les chantiers 

en contruction des villes, nombreux en 

Thai1ande du Sud, des croix rituelles jawi de 

protection magique, kaye, en palmes de 

cocotier, a l'ombre demurs de briques et de 

parpaings inacheves, et des noix de coco 

attachees au sommet de poteaux en beton 

arme, ou encore une planche de bois, kayu 

atah ning, glissee longitudinalement entre les 

fermes de Ia charpente d'un garage commande 

par un notable siamois ou chinois de Ia ville 

au charpentier jawi, afin de proteger le 

batiment des esprits malins. 

C' est exactement le meme phenomene qui 

est en cause dans Ia reproduction des rites 

sociaux concernant lajeune accouchee, ddiye, 

qui allume et entretient au village un feu 

pendant 40 jours et qui, a l'Mpital de Ia ville, 

allume symboliquement le neon de la chambre 

pendant une heure, pour une meme efficacite 

symbolique attribuee. De la meme facton, lors 

de Ia circoncision traditionnelle, la ceremonie 

de deliement (lepah) des circoncis est 

effectuee par un parent masculin de 

l'impetrant, le plus souvent un oncle, qui tire 

trois coups de feu en 1' air au moment de la 

coupe du prepuce, mais ces coups de feu ne 

sont desormais tires symboliquement qu' au 

retour de l'Mpitallorsque l'enfant age d'une 

douzaine d' annees de nos jours, d' une 

vingtaine autrefois se fait circoncire a Ia 

moderne et sous anesthesie par un chirurgien 

de Ia ville. Comme on le voit, ace titre I' etude 

des rites de construction n'est nullement 

devenu un folklore mais demeure au contraire 

un theme de recherche d'actualite au sein 

d'espaces sociaux dynamiques. 


81

Pierre LeRoux 

Notes 

I Les donnees presentees dans cet article ont ete 

collectees en 1995-1996lors d'un sejour de recherche 

finance par la Fondation Fyssen que je tiens a 

remercier. 

2 Sur l'histoire de Patani, voir les travaux d'lbrahim 

Syukri (1985), Teeuw et Wyatt (1970) et Bougas 

(1990). Le nom 'Patani' etant d' origine malaise s' ecrit 

normalement avec un seul 't'. Mais, en thai, du fait 

de la tonalisation, il est note avec deux 't' et cette 

graphie est reproduite dans Ia transcription romanisee 

administrative, Pattani. J'ai cependant choisi de 

conserver, en fran~ais, Ia graphie initiale avec un 

seul 't' pour une raison pratique (ainsi que padi, mot 

egalement malais d'origine, par rapport a l'ecriture 

usuelle en langues europeennes paddy, repris de Ia 

transcription anglaise) et surtout en reference a 

l'histoire et l'origine malaises de la region, pour 

designer d'une part le sultanat historique et d'autre 

part !'ensemble forme par les trois provinces 

thai1andaises actuelles de Patani, Yala et Narathiwat, 

en reservant done Ia forme Pattani pour designer 

specifiquement et au sens strict Ia petite province 

thai1andaise du m@me nom. 

3 La phonologie de Ia langue parlee par les Jawi a 

ete etablie lors des Workshops on the Phonology of 

Patani Malay organises les 6 janvier et 10 juillet 

1995 par l'Universite Prince de Songkla a partir des 

travaux du linguiste australien C. Court et la 

lexicographe A. Wilding, auteurs des dictionnaires 

existant, des linguistes de cette universite, et de mes 

propres travaux (LeRoux 1995). Les termes des Jawi 

sont notes dans le systeme de transcription rumi-tani 

presente lors de ces workshops. Le malais de Patani 

est tres proche de celui de Kelantan et on trouvera 

une excellente description des differences que ce 

demier entretient avec le malais standard dans 

l'ouvrage de Sweeney (1972: 295). La langue jawi, 

consequence d'une monosyllabisation et d'une 

tonalisation en cours, possede en particulier un nombre 

eleve de phonemes vocaliques, comme les autres 

dialectes malais de Thai1ande, a Ia frontiere malaise 

et surtout elle presente des consonnes longues 

phonematiques a l'initiale, notees doublees : baka 

'griller', bbaka 'tabac', jale 'route', jjale 'marcher' 

(Waemaji Paramal1992). 

4 Sur cette situation syncretique voir Le Roux 

(1993b, 1994b), Baffle (1993) et Skeat (1898, 1953). 

Annandale (1903: 93) rappelle justement que Ia 

mythologie malaise est emplie de personnages et 

d'anecdotes derives des cultes hindous et qui 

demeurent familiers aux habitants grace aux spectacles 

de theatre d'ombre (roye kule) encore tres courants. 

Cette remarque est valide en 1997. 

5 Le Roux ( 1994a, 1994b: 86). Toutefois, on assiste 

depuis peu a !'emergence d'une classe moyenne 

citadine d'une tendance religieuse plus 

fondamentaliste que Ia masse rurale, et dont les 

membres, suivant le modele de Kelantan, et recusant 

I' assimilation ou m@me I' integration, refusent d'@tre 

differencies des habitants de Malaisie et se presentent 

comme ore Nnayu (Malais) et non comme ore Jawi. 

Sur I' apparition de cette classe moyenne a Patani, 

voir Horstmann (1997a et b). 

6 Car les Malais, et les Jawi, considerent que 

!'elephant marche reellement d'une fa~on 

extr@mement delicate. De m@me, de nombreuses 

societes africaines affrrment que les elephants peuvent 

courir en posant le pied sur une brindille seche sans 

Ia briser (observations personnelles, Guinee, 1975, 

Tanzanie, 1981). 

7 Unite de monnaie thallandaise representant 

environ vingt centimes fran~ais selon Ia fluctuation 

des cours. Localement, un million de bahts represente 

a peu pres !'equivalent du pouvoir d'achat d'un 

million de francs en France. Au sujet de cette 

tourterelle importante dans Ia societe jawi, voir Le 

Roux (1991). 

8 Les esprits malins et les fantomes sont assimiles 

aux sept etages des mondes inferieurs (Terre et oceans) 

dans le systeme cosmogonique. II est done nature! 

qu'ils arrivent par le bas des maisons. Ce qui 

correspond egalement aux antiques attaques 

d' autrefois perpetrees a I' arme blanche : les attaquants 

se glissaient entre les pilotis, sous le plancher, et 

pointaient leurs armes pour transpercer les dormeurs 

imprudents. On retrouve ce type d'attaque par le 

plancher chez les Austronesiens JOrai du Vietnam 

(Dournes 1978). 

9 D' apres la croyance populaire, il se condamnerait 

a aller en enfer et a y couper puis debarder des troncs 

d'arbres aussi gros que des troncs de cocotiers adultes 

autant de fois que le chat avait de poils. Les Jawi 

recommandent aussi de mouiller periodiquement un 

chat afin d'eviter la secheresse. 

10 La m@me expression designait aussi dans la 

region, en particulier a Trang, Satun et Patani, au 

XIX< siecle jusqu'aux annees 50, une societe 

particuliere : les Samsam. Ceux de Trang (Thai1ande) 

se presentaient comme Austronesiens originaires de 

l'ile de Langkawi (Annandale 1903) et ceux de Kedah 

82 



et Perlis (Malaisie) indiquaient une origine mon de 

Nakhon Sri Thammarat et Songkhla (Archaimbault 

1957). A. Patani, Annandale (1903) en temoigne, ils 

vivaient dans des bateaux et non dans des maisons, 

jusqu' au debut du siecle. Decrits par Crawfurd ( 1828) 

et Annandale comme proches materiellement des 

nomades marins des Mergui, ils se presentaient 

comme appartenant au meme stock de population 

que ces derniers. Les Samsam ont emprunte a cinq 

cultures, mons, austronesiens animistes, souvent 

decrits comme les habitants du legendaire royaume 

de Langkasuka, au contact des Chinois et fuyant les 

Malais et la conquete siamoise. D'apres tant Crawfurd, 

Archaimbault qu' Annandale, les Samsam sont 

d'abord caracterises par leur langue, sabir de mots 

siamois, predominants, et de mots malais meles de 

chinois arranges selon la syntaxe malaise, et par 

l'usage d'un arc-fronde a projectiles de terre, au 

manche en forme d'oiseau sculpte (notamment une 

tourterelle Geopelia striata). Les Samsams semblent 

avoir aujourd'hui disparu. II est tres probable qu'ils 

se sont en realite fondus dans la masse siamoise et 

malaise : cet arc est toujours fabrique et en usage 

chez les Jawi et surtout le fameux sabir des Samsam 

existe encore dans quelques villages 'jawi' de Pattani, 

Yala et Narathiwat. La forme jawi bohmo (bomoh en 

malais standard) se retrouve en samsam hmo 

(Archaimbault 1957). D'apres les informateurs malais 

et chinois de cet auteur, le terme 'Samsam' 

proviendrait d'une corruption du chinois hokkien 

tcham-tcham (ts 'an en mandarin) qui signifie 'meier'. 

En thai, sam signifie egalement 'etre melange'. Enfin, 

les tissus charmants des plus grands bohmo de Patani, 

philtres d' amour reputes, sont rediges en mul (graphie 

mon-khmere des anciennes inscriptions siamoises). 

11 Systeme dans lequel par exemple l' expression 

chewe angin designe le cerf ruso. Voir les travaux de 

Annandale et Robinson ( 1903 ), Cortez ( 1996), Skeat 

(1900, 1953), Wilkinson (1932). 

12 Le projet de construction d'un musee 

ethnographique de plein-air a Patani dans le cadre 

d'une cooperation entre l'universite Prince de 

Songkla, le CNRS et le ministere fran~ais des Mfaires 

etrangeres a notamment donne lieu a !'inauguration 

d'un premier batiment par SAR la princesse Galyani 

Vadhanaal'autornne 1995 (BogdanetMerleau-Ponty 

1995). Cette maison siamoise, de bois eta etage, qui 

a ete offerte par son proprietaire, riche negociant 

chinois de Patani a l'universite, etait reputee hantee 

par un fantome, dans l'une des pieces de l'etage 

superieur. L'architecte fran~ais maitre d'ouvrage a 

ainsi dfi faire appel, au debut des travaux, aux bons 

offices d'un guerisseur traditionnel pour exorciser ce 

fantome. 

13 L'annee exacte de cette fuite est difficile a 

determiner : l'evenement aurait eu lieu d'apres les 

souvenirs du principal temoin, aux alentours de 

l'annee 2473 de !'ere bouddhique, c'est-a-dire 1930, 

mais cette date est quelque peu sujette a caution. En 

revanche, le fait de l'exode est certain : le cornac 

royal en charge de ce periple etait feu Sarna' Biru luimeme, 

maitre de ddika (art martial et culte des 

ancetres) et ancien kamnan (sherif de canton) a Sai 

Buri, decede en 1991, que j' ai tres bien connu. Charge 

de conduire le sultan et ses trois gardes jusqu' a Kota 

Baru en Malaisie, a travers les forets il revint seul a 

Sai Buri et prit soin, dans son village, du dernier 

elephant royal jusqu'a la disparition de celui-ci, 

plusieurs annees apres. 

14 Wilkinson (1959: 117) parle de kuching bendara 

'chat de trois couleurs, blanc, jaune, noir' qui sont 

celles du sultan (raja), du prince heritier (raja muda) 

et du Grand Vizir ou bendahara 

IS Entada spp. Le terme beluru designe a la fois la 

variete Entada phaseoloides Merr (notamment Entada 

scandens Benth. ou Entada schefferi Ridl.), la variete 

Entada spiralis Ridl. ou la variete Entada purscetha 

DC. La tige de cette legumineuse (mimosacee) 

grimpante contient de l' eau potable. Les elephants, 

comme les hommes, en consomment les feuilles. 

C'est avec la meme decoction que les Jawi baignent 

la lame de leur kriss afin d'eviter son 'echauffement' 

c'est-a-dire un acces de rage dangereuse et done 

toute blessure qui pourrait en resulter (Le Roux 

1993a). 

16 Ou 'herbe-langue-de-tigre' (indeterrninee). II 

s'agit dune plante du type Pezistrophe acuminata 

Nees (Acanthacees) ou Rumput lidah jin ('herbelangue-de-diable') 

utili see com me medecine, 

notamment, dans le cas de cette derniere, contre la 

petite verole (Gimlette 1915). 

17 Acier d'alliage qui presente un beau moire 

metallique dit aussi acier woots ou indien, fabrique 

au moyen de tiges d' acier de durete differente, tordues 

ensemble tres inegalement, soudees, forgees en les 

repliant sur elles-memes, et polies. Chez les Jawi, 

sept metaux differents sont employes pour ce type 

d'alliage. 

18 Pour le systeme metrologique, voir Le Roux 

(1998d). La semaine des Jawi pre-islamiques ou 

refractaires a l' islam comportait sans doute dix jours 

et non sept comme a present. La trace de ces dix 


83


jours initiaux se trouve dans les mythes, et dans les 

calculs horoscopiques qui font intervenir trois jours 

supplementaires en sus des sept de la semaine. Une 

serie denaire, si associee a une serie duodenaire 

engendre une base soixante. Or, on trouve chez les 

Jawi trace d'une serie duodenaire (vieux cycle annuel 

d' origine chinoise ), d'une serie denaire, et d'un cycle 

de plus de 30 elements accreditant !'hypothese d'un 

ancien semainier d'une decade. 

19 Pour plus d'information sur le systeme 

d'orientationjawi, voir LeRoux (1998d). 

20 Beau-frere de Rama dans le Ramayana (Sweeney 

1972, Winstedt 1929, Zieseniss 1963). 

21 'Mesure arbitraire que I' on prend, en architecture, 

pour etablir les rapports des diverses parties d'une 

ordonnance entre elles' (Chabat 1876: 87, cite par 

Clement-Charpentier 1997: 4). 

22 En effet, chez les Jawi, singo designe 

exclusivement le dragon alors que le lion mythique 

est nomme lui halo, terme qui designe egalement le 

tigre-garou. En malais ce dernier est nomme halak et 

le lion mythique singha. Pour faire reference 

explicitement a ce dernier dans le contexte culture! 

proprement siamois les Jawi disent singhto. 

23 Animal que les Jawi ne connaissent pas mais 

repute fabuleux et malin, c'est-a-dire malefique. 

24 Pour plus de details sur le systeme des unites de 

mesure notamment dans !'habitat et les mesures 

symboliques, voir 'Mesures et demesure' (LeRoux 

1998d). Sur la construction et !'architecture ellemSme, 

voir LeRoux, 'Ce-bois-au-dessus (1998a) et 

surtout Bogdan (1995), Ormeier (1993), Kate 

Ratanajarana (1994), [collectif] (1986). Pour un 

elargissement a la societe malaise voisine, voir les 

travaux de Abdul Halim Nasir et Wan Hashim Wan 

Teh (1987); Gibbs (1987); Hilton (1956, 1992); 

Legendre (1993); Noone (1948); Sheppard (1969) et 

Lim Jee Yuan (1987). 

25 D'apres Ciement-Charpentier et Clement (1990: 

92), c' est la mSme chose chez les Lao de la plaine de 

Vientiane mais la coudee est celle de l'homme. 

26 Ace sujet, voir Bougas (1992), Dumar~tay ( 1992) 

et Guillot (1985),les travaux publies par le Musee de 

Kota Baru (Kelantan, Malaysia) et l'Encyclopedie 

culturelle de la Thailande du Sud (1986). 

27 Poteau principal de la maison representant 

symboliquement 1' axe du monde. 

28 11 existe chez les J awi et les Malais une nette 

hierarchie decroissante des couleurs : du blanc puteh) 

et du jaune (kuning) au noir (ite) en passant par le 

rouge (meroh), le vert (hija) et le bleu (biru). 

29 Voir Le Roux (1994b: 606) pour le detail de cette 

ceremonie rare. 

30 En effet, comme dans le culte rizicole, la noix de 

coco est tres certainement une reminiscence d' anciens 

rituels avec sacrifices humains ou, en tous cas, les 

tStes jouaient un rOle primordial, comme naguere 

encore chez d'autres Austronesiens, par exemple les 

Dayaks de l'ile de Borneo. L'eau de la noix de coco 

symbolise le sang et est pour cela consideree maseng 

'salee' chez les Jawi. 

31 Cependant, le rituel requis lors de la construction 

d'une maison nouvelle ou du deplacement d'une 

ancienne engendre generalement une implication des 

officiants physiquement plus Iegere et rapide que 

lors des grandes ceremonies deja mentionnees ou 

encore lors de la danse rituelle et magique belie (le 

belian malais). 

32 C' est pourquoi, entre autres presents sur le plateau 

a offrandes offert a l'fune du riz, les Jawi placent 

toujours du damar afin que l'fune puisse s'eclairer, 

un morceau de miroir pour qu'elle puisse s'admirer, 

un peigne pour qu'elle se coiffe, du talc et de l'huile 

de coco pour qu'elle s'oigne la peau. 

33 Dans le desordre : il n'y a pas de hierarchie dans 

1' enonciation 

References 

Abdul Halim Nasir & Wan Hasim Wan Teh 1987. 

Rumah Melayu Tradisi, Kuala Lumpur, Penerbit 

Fajar Bakti, [en malais]. 

Annandale, N. 1909. The Theory of Souls among the 

Malays of the Malay Peninsula, Journal and 

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (n. 

s.), V: 59-66. 

Annandale, N. & H. C. Robinson 1903-7. Fasciculi 

Malayenses. Anthropological and Zoological 

results of an expedition to Perak and the Siamese 

States, 1901-1902, undertaken under the auspices 

of the University of Edinburgh and the University 

of Liverpool, Anthropology, Part 1-11, Zoology, 

Part I-IV, Supplement Map and Itinerary, 

Londres: Longmans, Green, & Londres: Williams 

and Norgate. 

Archaimbault, C.l957. A Preliminary investigation 

of the Sam Sam of Kedah and Perlis, Journal of 

the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 

XXX(l): 75-92. 

Baffie, J. 1993. Des musulmans dans la cite 

bouddhique. L'exemple de la Thai1ande, Revue 

du Monde Musulman et de la Mediterranee, Etat, 

84 



nation et nationalisme dans le monde musulman, 

68-69 (2-3): 189-200. 

Bogdan, E. 1995. Aspects de ['architecture a Patani, 

Paris, Ecole d' Architecture de Paris-Villemin, 

Memoire de Travail de Fin d'Etudes en 

Architecture. 

Bogdan, E. & C. Merleau-Ponty 1995. Le Centre 

culture[ de Patani, Patani, Prince of Songkla 

University, Ambassade de France en Thallande 

et Projet Grand Sud, bilingue fran~ais-thai:. 

Bougas, W. 1990. Patani in the beginning of the 

XVIIe Century, Archipel39: 113-38. 

Bougas, W. 1992. Surau Aur: Patani's Oldest Mosque, 

Archipel43: 89-112. 

Bruneau, M. 1987. La minorite musulmane malaise 

du Sud de Ia Thai1ande. Analyse geopolitique, 

pp.675-687 in B. Krechlin, F.Sigaut, J. M. C. 

Thomas, G. Toffin (eds): De la Voute Celeste au 

Terroir, du Jardin au Foyer, Mosai"que 

Sociographique. Hommage a Lucien Bernot, 

Paris: Ed. de l'EHESS. 

Burkhill, I. H. 1935. A Dictionary of the Economic 

Products of the Malay Peninsula, Londres: Crown 

Agent for the Colonies on behalf of the 

Government of the Straits Settlements and 

Federated Malay States, 2 vols. 

Chabat, P. 1816.Dictionnaire des termes employes 

dans la construction, Paris: Morel. 

Clement-Charpentier, S. 1998. Les mesures chez les 

Lao, a paraitre in P. Le Roux, F. Robinne, B. 

Sellato, J. Ivanoff (eds): De poids et de mesures 

en Asie du Sud-Est. Systemes metrologiques et 

societes, Paris: EFEO. 

Clement-Charpentier, S. and P. Clement 1990. 

L'Habitation lao dans les regions de Vientiane et 

de Louang Prabang. Reunir les bois, reunir les 

mains, Paris: Peeters. 

[COLLECTIF] 2529 [1986]. Saranukhrom 

wattanatham phak tai, Sathaban Taksin Kadi 

Suksa [Encyclopedie de Thai1ande du Sud], Koyo, 

Songkhla [Centre des etudes thai"es du sud], 

Mahawithayalai Sri Nakharin Wirot [Universite 

Prince Wirot], avec !'aide de Mulanithi Toyota 

[Fondation Toyota]. 

Cortez, G. 1996. Enquetes sur le pecheurs Jawi de 

Patani et Narathiwat (Thai1ande du Sud). Rapport 

final, Patani, Prince of Songkla University-Centre 

National de Ia Recherche Scientifique. 

Cortez, G. 1998. Megophias megophias-a Ia 

poursuite du Grand Serpent de mer. Rapports 

entre mythes et zoologie des monstres marins 

d' Asie du Sud-Est, Anthropologie Maritime, 

Cahier 6, Table Ronde Creations fanstastiques et 

mythiques, (sous presse). 

Court, C. A. F. et Paitoon Masminchainara 1984. 

Thai-Pattani Malay Dictionary, Patani, Prince of 

Songkla University, Faculty of Humanities and 

Social Sciences, [en thai"]. 

Court, C. A. F. 1995. The Phonology of Patani Malay. 

The double consonants in Patani Malay. 

Conversion system from Standard Malay to Patani 

Malay, Work-Shop on the Phonology of Patani 

Malay, Patani, Prince of Songkla University, 6 

janvier, Second Work-Shop on the Phonology of 

Patani Malay, Patani, Prince of Songkla 

University, 10 juillet. 

Crawfurd, J. 1987. Journal of an Embassy to the 

Courts of Siam and Cochin China, Singapour, 

Oxford University Press ore ed. 1828). 

Cuisinier, J. 1936. Danses magiques de Kelantan, 

Paris, Institut d'Ethnologie, Universite de Paris, 

(Travaux et Memoires de l'Institut d'Ethnologie, 

XXII). 

Cuisinier, J. 195l.Sumangat. L'iime et son culte en 

lndochine et en lndonesie, Paris: NRF-Gallirnard. 

Doumes, J. 1978. Foret,femme,folie. Une traversee 

de l'imaginaire jorai, Paris: Aubier-Montaigne. 

Dumar~ay, J. 1992. La Mosquee de Kampung Laut 

(Kelantan). Etude architecturale , Archipel 44: 

115-22. 

Forbes, A. D. W. (Ed.) 1989. The Muslims of 

Thailand, vol. 2, Politics of the Malay-Speaking 

South, Gay a: Centre for South East Asian Studies. 

Gibbs, P. 1987. Building a Malay House. Kaedah 

Pembinaan Rumah Melayu, Singapour: Oxford 

University Press, (Images of Asia), avec Yahya 

Abdul Rahman et Zamani Kassim. 

Gimlette J., 1915. Malay Poisons and Charm Cures 

(reed. 1985), Singapour: Oxford University Press. 

Guillot, C., 1985. La symbolique de Ia mosquee 

javanaise. A propos de Ia 'Petite Mosquee' de 

Jatinom, Archipel 30, 'L'Islam en Indonesie', 

tome II: 3-19. 

Hilton, R., 1956. The basic Malay house, Journal of 

the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 

XXIX (3): 134-55. 

Hilton, R., 1992. Defining the Malay House Journal 

of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic 

Society LXV (1): 39-70. 

Horstmann, A., 1997a. Hybrid processes of 

Globalization and Modernization: the making of 

consumers in Southern Thailand in Richard 


85


Fardon (Ed.): Proceedings of the EIDOS 

Conference (13-16 March, Leiden, The 

Netherlands) on 'Globalization, Development and 

the making of consumers: what are collective 

identities for?, Leiden (sous presse). 

Horstmann, A., 1997b. Lifestyling as Empowerment: 

Strategies of Social Actors in Time and Space 

Tai Culture. International Review on Tai Cultural 

Studies, 2 (2) (sous presse). 

Ibrahim Syukri [pseudonyme de Tungku Patera Al 

Mahom Abdul Mutalib], 1985. History of the 

Malay Kingdom of Patani, Athens: Ohio 

University, Center for International Studies 

(Southeast Asia Series, 68), trad. C. Bailey & J. 

N. Miksic, (reed. 1990). 

Kate Ratanajarana, 1994. The Domestic Architecture 

of the Thai-Muslims in the Southern Border 

Provinces of Thailand, Patani: Institute of Art 

and Culture, Prince of Songkla University. 

Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, 1988. Thai-Malay 

relations. Traditional Intra-Regional Relations 

from the Seventeenth to the Early Twentieth 

Centuries, Singapour: Oxford University 

Press. 

Legendre, L., 1993. La Maison malaise au Kelantan 

(memoire de Maitrise d'Ethnologie), Paris: 

Universite Paris X-Nanterre. 

Le Roux, P., 1991. Au pays des oiseaux-rois: les 

tourterelles de Patani, Acta Geographica, 88 (IV): 

2-16. 

Le Roux, P., 1993a. La Dame de l'Eau Salee des 

Jawi 'mangeurs de budu' (Thai:Iande du Sud 

Est): 321-356 in P. LeRoux et J. Ivanoff (Eds): 

Le Sel de Ia vie en Asie du Sud-Est, Pattani: 

Prince of Songkla University. 

LeRoux, P., 1993b. Les Tetes nouvelles. Intrusion 

d'une forme rigoriste de !'islam chez les Jawi, 

Malais de Thai1ande, Revue du Monde Musulman 

et de Ia Mediterranee, 68-69 (2-3): 201-12. 

LeRoux, P., 1994a. Le paradoxe identitaire des Jawi 

de Thallande ou l'ethnonyme d'une transition, 

Cahiers des Sciences Humaines, 'Incertitudes 

identitaires' 30 (3): 435-53. 

LeRoux, P., 1994b. L'E/ephant Blanc aux Defenses 

Noires. Mythes et identite chez les Jawi, Malais 

de Patani (Thai"lande du Sud), Paris: Ecole des 

Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (these de 

doctorat), 2 vol. 

Le Roux, P., 1995a. Compte rendu du 'First Workshop 

(6th January) and Second Work-shop (lOth 

July) on the Phonology of Patani Malay', ateliers 

animes par C. Court, Patani, Prince of Songkla 

University, (Grand Sud. Serle Document, 1). 

LeRoux, P., 1997a. Gens de savoirs, gens de pouvoir: 

les bohmo chez les Jawi (Patani, Thai1ande du 

Sud), Annales de Ia F ondation Fyssen, n' 12: 53- 

72. 

LeRoux, P., 1997b. Decouverte (ou retrouvaille) a 

Patani (Thai1ande du Sud) d'un globe terrestre et 

de deux parchemins royaux, Bulletin de /'Ecole 

franr;aise d'Extreme-Orient 84: 323-33. 

LeRoux, P., 1998a. Ce bois-au-dessus. Porte-berceau, 

exorciste et marqueur identitaire. Un exemple de 

technologie symbolique chez les Jawi a propos 

d'architecture traditionnelle (Patani: Thai1ande 

du Sud), Aseanie (Bangkok), vol. 3 (a paraitre). 

LeRoux, P., 1998b. Litteratures, oralite et survivances 

culturelles chez les Jawi (Malais de Patani, 

Thallande du Sud), Peninsule. Etudes 

interdisciplinaires sur l'Asie du Sud-Est 

peninsulaire 36: 7-29. 

LeRoux, P., 1998c. Bede kaba' ou les derniers canons 

de Patani, Bulletin de /'Ecole franr;aise 

d'Extreme-Orient 85 (sous presse). 

LeRoux, P., 1998d. Mesures et demesure chez les 

Jawi, a paraitre in P. Le Roux, F. Robinne, B. 

Sellato, J. Ivanoff (Eds): De poids et de mesures 

en Asie du Sud-Est. Systemes metrologiques et 

societes, Paris: EFEO. 

Le Roux, P. et Azip Samuyama, 1997. A propos de la 

sauvegarde de la litterature orale en Thai1ande du 

Sud: le conte jawi du roi-serpent, Rusamilae 

(Revue de l'Universire Prince de Songkla, Pattani 

Campus), 18 (1-2): 70-76 [en thai]. 

LeRoux, P. et Cortez, G., 1995. Proues bifides, 'culs 

coupes' et kriss merveilleux chez les J awi (Patani, 

Thai1ande), Anthropologie Maritime, n' 5: 35- 

46. 

Nantawan Haemindra, 1976. The Problem of the Thai 

Muslims in the Four Southern Provinces of 

Thailand (Part 1), Journal of South-East Asian 

Studies VII (2): 197-225. 

Noone, R., 1948. Notes on the Kampong, Compounds 

and houses of the Patani Malay Village of Banggul 

Ara, in the mukim of Batu Kurau, Northern Perak, 

Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal 

Asiatic Society XXI (1): 124-47. 

Ormeier, M. (Ed.), 1993. Bauernhauser 

thailandischer Moslems (Domestic Architecture 

of the Thai Moslems), Passau/Pattani: 

Freilichtmuseum Massing, Universitiit Passau, 

Prince of Songkla University. 

86 



Shaw, W., 1975. Aspects of Malaysian Magic, Kuala 

Lumpur: Muzium Negara. 

Sheppard, Tan Sri Haji Mubin, 1969. Traditional 

Malay House forms in Trengganu and Kelantan, 

Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal 

Asiatic Society XLII (2): 1-10. 

Sheppard, Tan Sri Haji Mubin, 1983. Taman Saujana. 

Dance, Drama, Music and Magic in Malaya Long 

and Not-so-Long Ago, Petaling Jaya, Selangor: 

International Book Service. 

Skeat, W. W., 1898. Some records of Malay Magic 

by an eye-witness, Journal of the Straits Branch 

of the Royal Asiatic Society 31 (July): 1-41. 

Skeat, W. W., 1900. Malay Magic, being an 

Introduction to the Folklore and Popular Religion 

of the Malay Peninsula, Londres: Macmillan. 

Skeat, W. W., 1953. Reminiscences of the Expedition 

by the late W. W. Skeat, leader of the Expedition. 

The Cambridge University Expedition to the 

North-Eastern Malay States, and to Upper Perak, 

1899-1900, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of 

the Royal Asiatic Society XXVI (4), 164: 9-147. 

Surin Pitsuwan, 1985.1slam and Malay Nationalism: 

a case study of the Malay-Muslims of Southern 

Thailand, Bangkok: Thai Khadai Research 

Institute, Thammasat University. 

Sweeney, P. A. 1972. The Ramayana and the Malay 

Shadow-Play, Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti 

Kebangsaan Malaysia (The National University 

of Malaysia Press). 

Teeuw, A. et Wyatt, D., 1970. Hikayat Patani. The 

Story of Patani, La Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 

Koninklijk Instituut, Voor Taal-, Land- en 

Volkenkunde (Bibliotheca Indonesica), 2 vol. 

Waemaji Paramal, 1990. Long Consonants in Pattani 

Malay: The result of word and phrase shortening, 

Bangkok: Mahidol University. 

Wilding, A., 1979. Pattani Malay Dictionary for 

Fellow-Workers in South Thailand, Yala: 

Overseas Missionary Fellowship. 

Wilkinson, R. J., 1906. Malay Beliefs, London/Leiden: 

Luzac/Brill. 

Wilkinson, R. J., 1932. Some Malay Studies, Journal 


Society X (1): 67-137. 

Wilkinson, R. J., 1959. A Malay-English Dictionary 

(Romanised), Londres, Macmillan 2 vol. 

Winstedt, R., 1916. The Malay Magician: being 

shaman, saiva and sufi, Londres: Routledge and 

Kegan Paul, (reed. 1961). 

Winstedt, R., 1929. A Patani Version of the 

Ramayana, Feestbundel uitgegeveu door het 

Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten 

en Wetenschappen bij Gelegenheid van zijn 150 

jarig bestaan 1778-1928, Batavia, II: 423-34. 

Yuan, Lim Jee 1987. The Malay House. Rediscovering 

Malaysia's Indigenous Shelter System, Pinang: 

Institut Masyarakat. 

Zieseniss, A., 1963. The Rama Saga in Malaysia. Its 

Origin and Formation, Singapour: Malaysian 

Sociological Research Institute, trad. de P. Burch, 

ed. de S. Gordon. 


87

LA FORMATION DES RESEAUX D'ECHANGES RELIANT 

L' ASIE DU SUD ET L' ASIE DU SUD-EST A TRAVERS LE 

, , ' 

MATERIEL ARCHEOLOGIQUE (VIe SIECLE A V. J.-C.-VIe 

SIECLE AP. J.-C.-LE CAS DE LA THAiLANDE ET LA 

PENINSULE MALAISE 

Berenice Bellina* 

Resume 

La formation des reseaux d' echanges reliant 1' Asie du Sud et du Sud-Est est 

un probleme majeur depuis les debuts de la recherche sur l'histoire de 1' Asie 

du Sud-Est. Un recensement et une etude des temoignages arcbeologiqueslesquels 

comprennent des objets sud-asiatiques decouverts en Asie du Sud 

Est et des objets sud-est asiatiques visiblement inspires par des modeles sudasiatiques-permettent 

d'eclairer certains aspects du processus de formation 

des reseaux d'echanges, notamment leur chronologie et leur nature. Ainsi, il 

nous est apparu que deux phases pouvaient etre degagees et qu'a chacune 

d'elles correspondaient un materiel caracteristique et que, d'autre part, celuici 

n'etait pas le fruit de relations directes mais le resultat de l'enchevetrement 

de reseaux intra- et inter-regionaux. 1 

Introduction 

La question de l'indianisation de 1' Asie du Sud 

Est a motive de nombreuses recherches depuis 

deja plus d'un siecle, car elle est liee a la 

formation des Etats sud-est asiatiques. Ces 

investigations furent d'abord fondees sur l'etude 

des textes chinois, indiens et occidentaux dont 

les diverses interpretations donnerent naissance 

a de nombreuses hypotheses sur le processus de 

transfert culture!. Toutes s'accordaient sur le 

role central qu' avaient joue les activites 

commerciales mais negligeaient toute initiative 

sud-est asiatique et perpetuaient une vue 'indocentriste' 

(Kulke 1990: 13). Dans les annees 

soixante, le developpement des etudes 

arcbeologiques a demontre le dynamisme des 

reseaux d' echanges locaux en Asie du Sud et en 

Asie du Sud-Est, des le milieu du premier 

millenaire avant notre ere. Dans certaines 

regions, cette vitalite a ete le ciment d'une 

construction etatique. II semble meme que I' on 

doive concevoir une etatisation parallele sur les 

deux rives de la baie du Bengale. Ce pbenomene 

resulte des echanges a 1' interieur des deux 

ensembles regionaux et, a partir d'une certaine 

epoque, entre eux (Kulke 1990: 28-9). 

Notre etude s' est attacbee a eclairer quelques 

aspects de la formation de ces reseaux 

d'echanges. A cette fin, nous avons exploite 

une partie du materiel arcbeologique qui les 

marque. Notre corpus comprend des objets 

indiens decouverts en Asie du Sud-Est-a notre 

connaissance, on n'a pas encore prouve 

formellement la presence de materiel sud-est 

asiatique dans le sous-continent lndien-et des 

objets sud-est asiatiques visiblement inspires 

par des prototypes sud-asiatiques. Dans le 

premier cas, nous avons chercbe les homologues 

sud-asiatiques, dans le deuxieme cas, leurs 

possibles modeles dans le sous-continent Indien 

• Doctorante, Sorbonne Nouvelle (Paris III): 8 

impasse Philippe Le Gene, 91190, St. Aubin, France. 


89


et essaye de degager leur chronologie, leur 

repartition et parfois leurs variantes locales. 

Par ce procede, nous avons d'abord cherche 

a determiner les regions mises en relation et 

done, eventuellement, les routes maritimes ou 

terrestres, puis Ia nature de ces contacts. 

Autrement dit, nous avons essaye de determiner 

si les objets etudies etaient le fruit de contacts 

directs ou le resultat d'un enchev8trement de 

reseaux regionaux. A partir de cet inventaire, 

dont nous ne livrons ici qu'un echantillonnage 

restreint a Ia Thai1ande et a Ia peninsule Malaise, 

nous avons montre qu'il est possible de degager 

deux phases dans Ia formation des reseaux 

d' echanges qui reliaient I' Asie du Sud et I' Asie 

du Sud-Est. 

La premiere phase 

A Ia premiere phase correspondent les sites 

thai's de Ban Don Ta Phet et de Chansen (phase 

II). 

Ban Don Ta Phet 

Les objets exhumes du cimetiere non indianise 

de Ban Don Ta Phet (Province de Kanchanaburi) 

constituent les 

premiers temoignages 

significatifs d'echanges. Selon Glover, le 

cimetiere a connu une periode d'utilisation tres 

courte au cours de laquelle des inhumations 

secondaires auraient ete realisees dans une m8me 

fosse (Glover 1986: 152). Les datations 

radiocarbones obtenues, grace aux analyses 

realisees sur les inclusions de riz dans la poterie 

qui y a ete mise au jour, indiquent une fourchette 

chronologique comprise entre 390 et 360 avant 

notre ere. Deux types de vaisselle en bronze a 

forte teneur en etain etaient concentres dans les 

sepultures les plus riches. La vaisselle a cone 

central et la vaisselle decoree de scenes incisees. 

La vaisselle a cone central (Knobbed Ware) 

(Figure 1) presente un type de forme connu 

dans le sous-continent Indien en cerarnique, en 

pierre et en metal. On la trouve communement 

en Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW) de 

la phase tardive, correspondant aux derniers 

siecles avant notre ere. On Ia rencontre au 

Bangladesh, a Mahasthan, ou elle appartient 

aux niveaux les plus anciens (Figure 2), soit aux 

III-II• siecles avant notre ere. Ce type de recipient 

a aussi ete fabrique en metal. A Taxila, on en 

connait en bronze, en argent et en cuivre. 

D'autres bois de ce type, en bronze, ont ete mis 

au jour au Tamil Nadu, comme dans les 

sepultures megalithiques de Souttoukeny, que 

J. M. Casal datait des environs du II• siecle 

avant notre ere (Casal 1956), ainsi que dans 

celles de Nilgiri Hills. Nous constatons ainsi 

que la vaisselle a cone central, toutes matieres 

confondues, est repartie entre le Pakistan, la 

vallee du Gange, le Bengale, l'Orissa, et l'Inde 

du Sud-Est. 

En dehors du sous-continent Indien, bien 

qu'elle presente parfois des variations de forme 

et de decoration, la vaisselle de ce type est 

connue en Occident et en Asie du Sud-Est, 

notamment au Vietnam. En Occident, elle est 

representee par des bois en cerarnique ou en 

metal pourvus d'un omphalos qui ont ete 

populaires dans le monde mediterraneen aux 

III-II• siecles avant notre ere (Marshall 1951: 

612). Au Vietnam, on en a decouvert en metal 

soit fortuitement, soit dans des sepultures en 

briques de type Han, a Dong Son au Thanh-hoa 

(Janse 1962) ; celles-ci pourraient 8tre datees 

des premiers siecles autour de notre ere (Janse 

1947: Introduction). Nous ne savons pas, 

cependant, si les bols vietnamiens soot des 

productions locales ou s'ils ont ete importes. 

Probablement fabriques localement 2 , les bois 

a cone central de Ban Don Ta Phet seraient 

done issus du transfert d'une forme. Cette forme 

derive sans doute d'un modele occidental, dont 

!'apparition peut 8tre datee des environs dum· 

siecle avant notre ere et qui se serait repandu 

assez rapidement en Asie du Sud des le III-II• 

siecle avant notre ere et en Asie du Sud-Est peu 

de temps apres. 11 est peu vraisemblable que ce 

type de cerarnique soit arrive en lode par voie 

maritime a une aussi haute epoque. Cela semble 

pouvoir 8tre confirme par la quasi-absence de 

cette vaisselle sur la cote Ouest de l'Inde. 11 est 

plus probable que ce modele soit passe 

d'Occident en Asie Centrale par la voie terrestre, 

comme d'autres types. Ace sujet, J.-C Gardin 

rapporte, a la suite de son etude de la cerarnique 

d' A1 Khanum (Afghanistan) que les modeles de 

ceramiques hellenistiques (ceramique 

megarienne, etc.) ne mettent que quelques 

annees a passer en Asie Centrale; il est m8me 

possible de suivre et de dater leur passage via le 

Moyen-Orient (Gardin 1985). Cette constatation 

90 


La formation des reseaux d 'echanges reliantl'Asie du Sud et l'Asie clu Sud-Est 

~~= 

/ , - -~ 

( 

- - 6cm 

--- 

0 5 c .. 

Figure 2 Ceramique a cone central en Northern 

Black Polished Ware de Mahasthangarh , 

Bangladesh. Tire de Elaigne 1996: p1.2 1. 

Figure 1 Bois en bronze a forte teneur en etain a 

cone central (knobbed-ware) de Ban Don Ta Phet. 

Cliche I. C. Glover. 

Journal of !he Siam Society, Vol. 86, Pan s J & 2 

91


semble pouvoir etre appliquee aussi aux 

transferts entre I' Asie du Sud et I' Asie du Sud 

Est. La vaisselle a cone central apparait des les 

III-II• siecles avant J.-C en Asie du Sud et sans 

doute tres peu de temps apres en Thai1ande et 

peut -etre au Vietnam. Reste a sa voir par quelle( s) 

region(s) du sous-continent a ete transmis ce 

modele et, par consequent, par quelle(s) route(s). 

Nous pensons que le modele est passe de I' Asie 

Centrale (Afghanistan et Pakistan) a Ia Vallee 

du Gange. De Ia, il a du se repandre le long de Ia 

cote Est en Inde, au Bengale, en Orissa et au 

Tamil Nadu. Nous ne savons pas quelles routes 

a emprunte cette vaisselle pour arriver en Asie 

du Sud-Est, mais les plus vraisemblables, sont 

Ies routes maritimes. Toutefois, il est legitime 

de se demander si des routes terrestres n' ont pas 

ete aussi utilisees. 

Les fragments de bois en bronze decores par 

incision de Ban Don Ta Phet (Figure 3), ainsi 

que ceux decouverts a Khao Jamook (Province 

de Ratchaburi) sur un site perturbe par 

I' extraction de I' etain, presentent des scenes dont 

le style et le type de decor sont similaires. Sur 

ces pieces, nous decelons des influences 

stylistiques, sans qu'il soit possible pour I' instant 

de retrouver le type de vaisselle indienne qui 

aurait pu servir de modele. Glover (1990: 29) a 

propose deux comparaisons pour cette vaisselle: 

Ia premiere avec le vase de Gundla (Himachal 

Pradesh), non precisement date mais attribuable 

aux premiers siecles autour de notre ere, Ia 

seconde avec une plaque en terre cuite provenant 

de Bhita (Uttar Pradesh) dont le style evoque 

les premieres heures de I' art indien, les arts de 

Bharhut et de Sanci. C. Rapin, pour sa part, 

propose un autre rapprochement avec Ia plaque 

circulaire mise au jour dans le tresor d' A'i 

Khanoum en Afghanistan (Figure 4). Cette 

plaque fait partie de Ia collection d' objets indiens 

qu'aurait deposee Eucratides I et doit etre 

anterieure a 145 avant notre ere, date a laquelle 

Ies Grecs ont abandonne Ia cite (Rapin 1992: 

185-232 et Rapin 1996: 67). 

La description du materiel en bronze de Ban 

Don Ta Phet et sa comparaison avec des 

specimens indiens nous conduisent a proposer 

une hypothese. Si ces bois sont issus d'une 

production locale, cela implique le passage en 

Thai1ande d'une technique et d'un style decoratif 

indiens, bien avant Ia datation proposee pour le 

site, carIes specimens thals temoignent d'une 

bonne maitrise de cet artisanat. Or, comme nous 

avons pu le constater, il existe un decalage 

chronologique entre le materiel indien et le 

materiel de Ban Don Ta Phet. En effet, par Ies 

rapprochements avec des pieces indiennes ou 

avec des decors architecturaux indiens (Bharhut, 

Sanci) nous avons pu constater que tous Ies 

points de comparaison, meme s' ils ne sont pas 

tous precisement datables, sont tous plus recents 

que les pieces tha'ies. Ainsi, de maniere 

paradoxale, nous trouverions en Thai1ande les 

plus anciens temoignages de I' art figuratif 

indien, puisqu'ils dateraient au moins du IV• 

siecle avant notre ere, c' est-a-dire d'une epoque 

anterieure a celle qui voit eclore ce qui est 

considere comme le premier art indien veritable, 

!'art Maurya. Un tel pbenomene nous parait 

difficile a expliquer. Nous pourrions 

evidemment pretendre qu'il existe des lacunes 

dans l'histoire de !'art indien ou que des 

recipients comparables ne sont pas encore 

connus en Inde, soit parcequ'ils n'ont pas ete 

publies, soit parce qu'ils n'ont pas ete mis au 

jour (peut-etre parce que le metal est un materiau 

recuperable). Nous pensons, pour notre part, 

que I' explication de ce paradoxe ne reside pas 

dans une remise en question de l'histoire de 

I' art indien, mais plutot dans une revision de Ia 

datation que les analyses au C14 ont attribuee 

au site. En realite, si I' on neglige les datations 

au C14et si I' on tientcompte uniquement, d'une 

part des datations obtenues par Ia cerarnique a 

cone central, d'autre part des comparaisons 

stylistiques effectuees entre Ia vaisselle decoree 

de Ban Don Ta Phet et I' art indien, on obtient 

un creneau chronologique qui correspondrait de 

fa~on plus pertinente a Ia fin du III• siecle et 

plus probablement aux n•-1•• siecles avant notre 

ere. 

Le passage de certains elements techniques 

et stylistiques indiens, ou adoptes en Inde, s'est 

fait assez rapidement. Ces transferts doivent 

done attester de relations relativement trequentes 

entre I' Asie du Sud et I' Asie du Sud-Est. Quelle 

partie de I' Asie du Sud etait concemee par ces 

relations? La vaisselle a cone central et Ia 

vaisselle decoree sembleraient davantage 

indiquer des influences du nord-ouest du souscontinent 

Indien et de Ia vallee du Gange. Cette 

assertion est egalement appuyee par le corpus 

92 


La formation des reseaux d'echanges reliant l'Asie du Sud et l'Asie du Sud-Est 

3a 

0 em a 5 53


Figure 4 Plaque indienne decouverte a A'i Khanoum, Afghanistan. Tire de Rapin 1992: 87. 



de pedes importees decouvertes sur le site, 

comme les pedes prismatiques, le pendentif en 

forme de lion et les pedes gravees. C' est aussi 

la conclusion a laquelle est parvenu Glover 

(1990: 23). Le materiel de Ban Don Ta Phet 

atteste de contacts assez frequents des Ia fin du 

III• ou plutot au cours du n• siecle avant notre 

ere, entre le nord du sous-continent Indien et 

des societes sud-est asiatiques non indianisees 

mais qui, deja, ont acquis des objets indiens, 

des techniques et des solutions artistiques 

indiennes ou adoptees en Inde. 

Chansen 

Chansen, situe dans le sud de la province de 

Nakhon Sawan comprend une phase II 

indianisee datee de 0 a 250 de notre ere qui 

succede a une premiere phase, strictement 

indigene qui n' a revele aucun indice de 

contacts avec le sous-continent Indien. C'est 

a cette phase II qu' appartient le fameux peigne 

en ivoire decore de motifs graves sur ses deux 

faces (Figure 5) 3 • Sur l'une d'elles figure une 

oie au plumage abondant, motif traditionnel 

et plein de signification dans la pensee 

Figure 5. Peigne en ivoire de Chansen, Thallande. 

Tire de Bronson and Dales 1973: 30. (Reproduit avec 

la permission des Presses Universitaires de Hawaii) 

religieuse indienne, sur 1' autre deux chevaux 

trapus. Selon B. Bronson, des rapprochements 

sont possibles avec le styled' Amaravati pour 

ce qui concerne les chevaux, mais aussi avec 

le style Gupta pour l'oie. Le motif de cheval 

est surmonte d'une serie d'emblemes. Partant 

de la gauche, on distingue un element floral, 

peut-etre un lotus sty lise, puis un vase dont le 

goulot laisse sortir des fleurs; il pourrait s' agir 

d'un pot de plenitude. A droite de ce vase, 

existe un motif que nous avons peine a definir; 

s'agit-il d'une conque, d'un etendard ou 

d'autre chose encore? 11 semble se rattacher a 

un signe de bonne fortune bien connu, un 

srivatsa. Son style peut etre qualifie 

d'archa'ique et on le trouve comme tel a Sanci, 

Sarnath et Bharhut (Srivatsava1979: 49). En 

revanche, cette representation a une 

particularite que nous n'avons pas rencontree 

ailleurs: elle repose sur un lotus. L'embleme 

suivant est un parasol (chattra) flanque a sa 

droite par un objet qui pourrait etre une 

conque, a moins qu'il ne s'agisse plutot d'un 

vase. Viennent ensuite un chasse-mouches et, 

de nouveau, un motif sans doute floral ou peut 

etre solaire. Bronson ( 1976: 27) considere ces 

emblemes comme bouddhiques. En fait, cette 

serie correspond a une collection de huit objets 

benefiques nommes astamangala qui peut 

contenir des objets tres divers et non pas 

seulement ceux precedemment enumeres. Les 

astamangala ne sont pas exclusivement 

bouddhiques. On les rencontre tres tot dans le 

ja'inisme et dans le brahmanisme (Srivatsava 

1979: 37-8). 11 en resulte que !'objet ne peut 

etre considere comme specifiquement 

bouddhique. De plus, bien que son style 

evoque l'Inde, nous n'avonsjamais rencontre 

de peigne de ce type dans le sous-continent 

Indien. Nous pouvons seulement nous en tenir 

a une serie de comparaisons avec Ies ivoires 

de Begram, avec le peigne de Dal'verzin Tepe 

(Ouzbekistan) (Bernard 1980: pl. LV) (Figure 

6), et avec celui conserve au Musee de Kabou1 

et sur 1equel est grave une sorte de canard 

(hamsa), (Tissot 1985: 110 et fig. 260) (Figure 

7). Done, meme s'il est impossible d'affirmer 

qu'il soit une importation indienne, ce peigne 

revele neanmoins des contacts plus ou moins 

suivis entre le sous-continent Indien et Ia 

Thallande a une epoque assez haute, au debut 


95


Figure 6 Peigne en ivoire de Dal ' verzin-Tepe, Ouzkekistan. Tire de Bernard 1980: pi.LY. 

Figure 7 Peigne en ivoire au Musee de Kaboul, Afghanistan. Photo DAFA-Guimet. 

96 

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts l & 2

La formation des reseaux d'eclwnges reliant I 'Asie du Sud et I 'Asie du Sud-Est 

de !'ere chretienne et au plus tard vers le 

milieu du Illc siecle de notre ere. 

Les temoignages apportes par les fouilles de 

Chansen nous mettent done en presence d' une 

des plus anciennes dates indiquant !'existence 

d'une influence indienne en Asie du Sud-Est. 

Mais, contrairement a Bronson qui pensait que 

le peigne etait bouddhique et marquait 

!'apparition du bouddhisme en Asie du Sud 

Est, nous avons montre que cette assertion etait 

douteuse. Neanmoins, cet auteur constate que 

I' influence indienne est deja fortement implantee 

des le milieu du rer siecle de notre ere (Bronson 

and Dales 1973 42); cela confirme done !'idee 

que des contacts entre Ia Thai'Iande et le souscontinent 

Indien se sont etabli s avant l' ere 

chretienne. Sur le site de Chansen et, a !'oppose, 

de Ban Don Ta Phet, les premieres traces de 

contacts ne sont pas visibles avant les premiers 

siecles de notre ere. 

Au total, Ia premiere phase dans le processus 

de formation des echanges entre I' Asie du Sud 

et Ia Tha'ilande semble debuter vers le lli-Il 0 

siecle et plus certainement vers le nc-rcr siecle 

avant notre ere et s'achever vers le 11-Illc siecle 

de notre ere. De Ia presence en Tha'ilande 

d'objets indiens ou indianises, que !'on peut 

qualifier d'articles de prestige, nous pouvons 

conc1ure que, des cette epoque, les echanges 

entre Ie sons-continent lndien et Ia Thallande 

furent sans doute relativement frequents. Les 

temoignages archeologiques qui relevent de Ia 

deuxieme phase sont plus abondants et 

diversifies que ceux de Ia precedente. 

Khuan Lukpad (Khlong Thom, dans Ia 

province de Krabi) est un site tres pille. II a 

cependant livre une quantite importante de perles 

decorees en verre et un pendentif en forme de 

lion qui semblent pouvoir etre compares aux 

productions du nord et du nord-est du souscontinent 

Indien (Veraprasert 1992 et Bronson 

1990). Selon Glover (1990: 6), les sceaux a 

motifs classiques, principalement en cornaline, 

sur lesquels est representee Ia deesse Tukhe/ 

Fortune et deux coqs combattants (Figure Sa et 

b), ainsi que les sceaux a motifs animaliers, 

sont d' un type romain date de Ia fin du !


n'exclut pas l'idee d'une production indienne 

imitant des types occidentaux, lesquels auraient 

pu se prolonger en lode bien apres leur declin 

dans le monde romain. Enfin, un sceau de 

cornaline qui porte une inscription brahmi a ete 

date paleographiquement des 1•'-III• siecles de 

notre ere. Dans le sous-continent Indien, les 

sceaux de ce type ont ete trouves en lode du 

Nord-Ouest ainsi qu'en lode Centrale (Nagpur) 

et datent des periodes kouchanes et gupta (Ray 

1991: 359). Deux autres sceaux presentent une 

inscription pallava et datent du VI-IX• siecle 

(Bronson 1990: 217). 

La comparaison des sceaux de Khuan 

Lukpad avec des sceaux indiens nous conduit a 

faire deux remarques. La premiere concerne la 

datation. Ces sceaux semblent indiquer des 

relations entre le sous-continent Indien et la 

peninsule Malaise, qui se seraient etendues des 

les premiers siecles de notre ere, depuis le III• 

siecle jusqu'au IX• siecle. Par leur style ou par 

une etude paleographique, certains sceaux, en 

particulier ceux a motifs classiques et celui a 

ecriture brahmi de Khuan Lukpad, peuvent etre 

dates d'une periode allant du 1er au III• siecle 

apres notre ere. Mais rien n'indique que ces 

datations qu' on leur attribue correspondent a 

leur date d'arrivee ou a leur date de fabrication. 

Nous pensons, pour notre part, que seule la 

datation du III• siecle peut-etre retenue. Trois 

raisons viennent appuyer notre hypothese. La 

premiere est que ces objets soot sou vent detaches 

d'un contexte stratigraphique, soit parce qu'ils 

ont ete trouves fortuitement, soit encore 

parcequ'ils soot issus de fouilles anciennes, soit 

enfin parce qu'ils se trouvaient dans des couches 

perturbees par les pillages. La deuxieme raison 

est que, meme si ces sceaux soot des 

importations indiennes et qu'ils ont ete fabriques 

en lode selon des modeles occidentaux, nous ne 

pouvons exclure que ces modeles aient ete 

utilises en lode bien apres le moment de leur 

declin dans le monde occidental. La troisieme 

raison est que si ces sceaux soot veritablement 

occidentaux, la date de leur arrivee en Asie du 

Sud-Est a peut-etre eu lieu bien apres leur 

fabrication. Pour ces raisons, nous pensons qu' il 

serait plus prudent de ne retenir que le III• siecle. 

La deuxieme remarque a trait aux regions 

concernees. Tandis que les plus anciens 

specimens sembleraient trouver des paralleles 

dans le nord-ouest et dans le centre du souscontinent 

lndien (sceaux a motifs classiques, 

animaliers, sceau a inscription brahmi), les autres 

sceaux plus recents (a inscription pallava) soot 

lies a l'Inde du Sud. 

Kuala Selinsing, sur la cote du Perak en 

Malaisie, est surtout connu pour la grande 

quantite de pedes et pour le sceau pallava, date 

grace ala paleographie du V-VI• siecle, qu'il a 

livres4• La decouverte de pedes ebaucbees non 

polies et de blocs carres d'agate et d'onyx a 

conduit I.H.N. Evans a supposer que les 

materiaux de certaines pedes qui n'etaient pas 

accessibles localement, notamment la cornaline, 

l'agate et le lapis-lazuli, avaient ete importes du 

sous-continent Indien soit en bloc soit en 

produits semi-finis (Evans 1932: 82-5). 

Meme s' il existe de serieuses lacunes dans 

l'etude de ce type de materiel, il semble que 

celui de Kuala Selinsing n'indique pas de 

contacts avec le sous-continent Indien avant le 

v• siecle de notre ere au plus tot. D'une fa~on 

generale, nous estimons qu'une etude plus 

approfondie des pedes et des sceaux sud et sudest 

asiatiques serait interessante. En effet, bien 

souvent, nous devons nous contenter d'une 

comparaison avec un objet indien isole, ce qui 

ne nous donne pas une vision reelle ni de la 

production et de la repartition dans le souscontinent 

lndien, ni d'eventuels liens entre les 

ateliers sud et sud-est asiatiques. 

La Thai1ande 

En Thailande continentale, a Chansen, c' est au 

cours de cette deuxieme phase qu' appara!t un 

type de ceramique importee ou dont on puisse 

considerer que les formes derivent d'un modele 

indien. 

Le premier, represente par un specimen 

unique, est une encolure comportant un long 

goulot surmonte d'un biberon perfore (Figure 

9); il releve de la phase III-IV, c'est-a-dire d'une 

peri ode qui s' etend du n• au VI• siecle de notre 

ere. Cette forme appartient a un type de 

ceramique parfois nommee kundika (Figure 10) 

et semble appara!tre dans le sous-continent 

Indien lors des derniers siecles avant notre ere 

(Coomaraswamy et Kershaw1928-29: 131-3). 

Elle est assez largement repandue dans la 

production indienne des Red Polished WareS, 

qui correspond a une occupation du debut de la 

98 


La formation des reseaux d'echanges reliant /'A sie du Sud et /'Asie du Sud-Est 

:11 

.. 

o ~ I 

.• ~ , ~ 

Figure 9 Col de kundika de Chansen. T ire de 

Bronson 1976: fi g. VIIn-1 0. 

Figure 10 Kundika de Kausambi, Inde. Tire de G. 

R. Sharma 1969: 178. 

Figure 11 Ceramique estampee de Chansen, Tha'ilande. Tire de Bronson and Dales 1973 pl.Ill. (Reproduit 

avec Ia permission des Presses Un iversitaires de Hawaii) 

Journal of the Siam Sociery, Vol. 86, Parts l & 2 99


periode historique (ler siecle avant notre ere 

jusqu'au v• siecle de notre ere) (Pinto Orton 

1992: 46). D'apres la description que Bronson 

(1976: 535) a faite du specimen thai, il semble 

que celui-ci puisse se rattacher a la production 

indienne des Red Polished Ware. On rencontre 

aussi ce type d'encolure en Asie du Sud-Est sur 

des sites de la periode historique; en Birmanie a 

Beikthano (Aung Thaw 1968: fig.66) eta Winka 

au Nord de Thaton (Aung Myint 1977: 53), en 

Thailande a Chaiya (Province de Surat Thani) 

eta Ban Ku Muang (lnburi) (Di Crocco 1990: 

85-7). Malheureusement, faute d'analyse 

approfondie des specimens birmans et tha'is, il 

est impossible de se prononcer definitivement 

pour des importations indiennes, peut-etre du 

type des Red Polished Ware ou pour des 

repliques locales des specimens indiens. Le 

nombre peu eleve de ces pieces trouvees a 

Beikthano, a Winka et a Chansen pourrait peutetre 

indiquer qu'il n'y avait pas, a cette epoque, 

de fabrication locale mais qu'elles furent 

importees 

La ceramique a decoration estampee (Figure 

11) datee du VI-XI• siecle entre aussi dans le 

cadre des ceramiques inspirees par un modele 

indien. Cette ceramique est decoree d'une serie 

de medaillons rectangulaires qui encadrent un 

motif animal, floral, ou une scene, et qui soot 

separes les uns des autres par une bande verticale 

de points. On rencontre un type comparable en 

Birmanie aBeikthano (Aung Thaw 1968: fig.71) 

(Figure 12) eta Halin (Aung Myint 1970 fig. 

4), date des premiers siecles de notre ere. Nous 

pensons que ce type de decoration trouve ses 

origines en lode, probablement dans la 

ceramique estampee ou moulee d'epoque 

kouchane et goupta, comme celle decouverte a 

Sonkh-Mathura (Uttar Pradesh) avec laquelle la 

ceramique sud-est asiatique presente de fortes 

similitudes (Hiirtel1989: 188; 1993: 331, 348). 

Une autre peut etre faite avec un tesson trouve a 

Hastinapur en Uttar Pradesh (Lal 1954-55: 

pl.XXXI). Ce tesson correspond ala periode IV 

qui debute vers le rr• siecle avant notre ere et 

s' etend jusqu' a la fin du III• siecle de notre ere. 

Cette ceramique est rouge et les decors 

animaliers ou floraux s'inscrivent dans des 

cadres separes par des bandes de points. Comme 

dans le cas de la ceramique estampee de 

Beikthano et de Halin, il est fort probable que 

ce type de vaisselle soit une production sud-est 

asiatique, neanmoins issue du transfert d'une 

technique et d'un style indien. 

Les deux types de ceramique que nous 

venons de presenter se rencontrent done en 

Birmanie et en Tha'ilande, constatation qui 

renvoie a la question de 1' ampleur des reseaux 

d'echanges regionaux et plus specifiquement a 

ceux qui existaient entre la Birmanie et la 

Thailande. Cette observation nous conduit aussi 

a nous demander quel fut le role de la Birmanie 

dans les echanges entre 1' Asie du Sud et 1' Asie 

du Sud-Est. 

L'etude de l'echantillonnage du materiel 

decouvert en Thailande et en peninsule Malaise, 

nous amene a tirer une serie de conclusions 

concernant la chronologie des echanges. II 

semble que nous trouvions en Tha'ilande 

continentale, a Ban Don Ta Phet, les plus 

anciennes traces d' echanges frequents entre le 

sous-continent Indien et I' Asie du Sud-Est. Ces 

traces soot datees du rr• et peut-etre meme du I•r 

siecle avant notre ere. En revanche, en peninsule 

Malaise, celles-ci ne semblent pas anterieures 

au III• siecle de notre ere, au plus tot. Pourtant, 

meme si le materiel archeologique, 

principalement les sceaux, n'indique pas de 

contacts anterieurs au III• siecle de notre ere 

alors que nous obtenons le rr• siecle avant notre 

ere a Ban Don Ta Phet, nous pouvons etre 

conduit a penser que cette conclusion est sans 

doute momentanee pour au moins trois raisons. 

La premiere est que ce decalage chronologique 

n'est peut-etre du qu'a un etat temporaire de 

l'archeologie locale; en effet, Ies travaux 

arcbeologiques en peninsule Malaise n'ont pas 

la meme anciennete qu'en Thai1ande 

continentale qui est fouillee depuis pres d'un 

siecle. La deuxieme raison est peut-etre due en 

partie au choix des sites qui ont fait l'objet de 

fouilles. La recherche archeologique s'est 

longtemps concentree sur les sites supposes de 

ces cites-etats oil Ies vestiges etaient encore 

apparents. Or, les sites d'echanges, ou portsentrepots, 

se trouvaient toujours a quelques 

distances des cites-etats (Jacq-Hergoualc'h et al 

1995: 65-6; 1996). Cela pourrait expliquer la 

pauvrete du materiel archeologique lie aux 

echanges qu'on y a decouvert dans le perimetre 

de ces demiers. Par ailleurs, dans le cas de cette 

region, Jacq-Hergoualc'h explique aussi qu'il 

100 



.. 

72 

73 

I 

I 

l 

74 

75 

75a. 

J .. 

78 l 

' 

I I 

79 

2 0 2 

INCHES 

Figure 12 Ceramique estampee de Beikthano, Birmanie. Tire de Aung Thaw 1968 fig. 71. 



faut tenir compte des evolutions 

geomorphologiques qu' a pu conna.ltre cette cote. 

Cette mise en garde est certainement aussi 

valable pour d'autres regions de la peninsule 

Malaise. La troisieme raison est que nos 

connaissances sont peut-etre faussees par 

d' anciennes publications sur les materiels 

indiens. Ce decalage chronologique nous para.lt 

d'autant plus aberrant que l'on suppose que 

!'existence meme de ces sites cotiers etait liee 

aux echanges. Alors que les debuts de la 

prosperite commerciale de ports-entrepots 

comme ceux du Sud Kedah et du Langkasuka 

sont dates respectivement du v• et du VI• siecle 

de notre ere (Jacq-Hergoualc'h 1992: 66; 1995), 

les Annales des Liang nous apprennent que la 

cite-etat du Langkasuka aurait ete fondee des le 

11• siecle de notre ere (Jacq-Hergouac'h et al 

1995:47-8). II existe un hiatus que nous ne 

comprenons pas. En realite, il est probable que 

les echanges ont debute a une date plus haute 

que celle que nous obtenons grace au materiel 

arcbeologique, mais qu'ils ont ete moins 

frequents et done peut-etre mains reperables 

par l'arcbeologie. Cependant, nous ne doutons 

pas que les recherches en cours nous permettrons 

d' a voir une comprehension mains hypotbetique 

des premiers echanges avec la peninsule Malaise. 

Au vu du materiel thai" et malais, les echanges 

intra- et inter-regionaux s'intensifient aux liT 

IV• siecles de notre ere. Au cours de cette 

seconde phase, nous observons cette 

intensification grace, d'une part, a !'apparition 

de petits objets traditionnellement lies au 

commerce, comme les sceaux et les monnaies, 

d'autre part, a l'accroissement du nombre 

d'objets pertinents pour notre etude, a savoir 

des pieces et des sceaux, mais aussi des 

ceramiques peut-etre importees ou montrant des 

formes qui derivent d'un type indien. La 

presence de cachets en Thallande continentale 

et peninsulaire nous conduit a supposer que, 

durant cette seconde phase, certains reseaux se 

sont transformes en de veritables reseaux 

commerciaux. 

Conclusion 

Au total, !'etude des reseaux d'echanges reliant 

le sons-continent Indien, la Thallande et la 

peninsule Malaise permet de constater 

1' existence de deux phases distinctes dans leur 

formation, chronologie qui se retrouve a 1' echelle 

de toute 1' Asie du Sud-Est. II est meme possible 

de degager des materiels caracteristiques pour 

chacune des phases. 

Le materiel de la premiere comprend de la 

vaisselle metallique a cone central, de la 

cerarnique roulettee et imprimee et des pedes. 

Sont concernes par cette phase, les sites de 

Thai"lande centrale tels Ban Don Ta Phet et 

Chansen (phase II), les sites du Vietnam tels 

Tra Kieu (Phase 1) et Thanh Hoa, d'Indonesie 

tels Gilimanuk a Bali et le complexe de Buni a 

Java. 

Le materiel caracteristique de la seconde 

phase est constitue de ceramique comme la 

cerarnique estampee et celle a encolure a biberon 

(kundika), de pedes en quantite, de monnaies et 

de quelques cachets. Relevent de cette phase, 

les sites Pyu de Birmanie, le site de Chansen 

(phases IIT-IV-V) en Thai1ande centrale, les 

sites de la peninsule Malaise tels Khuan Lukpad 

et Kuala Selinsing et le site d'Oc eo au Vietnam. 

S'agissant de la nature des echanges, i1 nous 

est apparu qu'existait un point commun aux 

deux phases que nous avons mises en evidence. 

La vitalite des circuits d'echanges regionaux 

revelee par les travaux arcbeologiques des trois 

dernieres decennies d'une part, la diversite des 

origines regionales des objets supposes indiens 

decouverts en Asie du Sud-Est d'autre part, 

nous incitent a emettre !'hypothese que les 

echanges inter-regionaux furent le fruit de 

multiples interconnexions. Dans cette hypothese, 

lors des derniers siecles avant notre ere, les 

reseaux d'echanges regionaux et les reseaux 

d' echanges inter-regionaux se seraient 

entremeles. A !'exception peut-etre de 

l'Indonesie qui semblerait avoir eu des liens 

plus privilegies avec le sud de l'Inde et le Sri 

Lanka, nous n'avons releve aucun lien direct et 

exclusif qui aurait relie precisement une region 

du sons-continent Indien a une autre region de 

1' Asie du Sud-Est. 

English Abstract 

The formation of trading networks linking South 

and Southeast Asia has long been a field for 

research. The archaeological evidence, including 

102 



both South Asian items found in Southeast Asia 

and those obviously inspired by South Asian 

models, helps to highlight aspects of the formation 

of the early trading networks. The research 

summarised here deals mostly with the 

chronology and the nature of these connections. 

It is shown, firstly that there are two phases in the 

process of the formation of trading networks, 

each of which is characterised by specific material; 

secondly that these items are not the results of 

direct connections but rather the interlocking of 

intra- and inter-regional networks. 

Notes 

I Cet article s'inspire d'un DEA realise en 1997 a 

Ia Sorbonne Nouvelle (Paris III) 

2 D'autres bois en bronze ont ete decouverts au 

Sud Vietnam. Lors d'un de ses cours a l'EPHE, P.Y. 

Manguin a presente en 1996 un bol qui provenait du 

site de Bong Tai. 

3 Voir les arguments de Glover 1996: 142. 

4 L'auteur precise que le peigne est difficilement 

datable du cote indien car les motifs provoquent des 

reactions variees chez les historiens de I' art, certains 

suggerant l'art d' Amaravati (style, precise-t-il, qui 

deja en soi est difficilement date), d'autres evoquant 

des periodes aussi tardives que celles de I' art Gupta 

tardif (Bronson 1976: 679) 

5 Pour une bibliographie sur les pedes, consulter 

les articles suivants: Basa 1990; Basa, Glover & 

Henderson 1990; Francis 1988; Francis 1988-89, 

1991, 199la; Glover & Henderson 1995; Gorelick et 

al. 1996; Lamb 1965; Miksic et al. 1996. 

6 Evans 1932: 79-134 et Nik Hasan Shuharni 1990: 

141-51. 

7 Elaigne-Pardon ( 1996) emploie egalement le 

terme de cerarniques a vernis rouge. Cet auteur indique 

que la RPW est un type de ceramique encore mal 

connu. Orton (1991: 48) la definit en ces termes, 

'The vessels are made from a fine levigated paste, 

usually fired to a light red or reddish yellow color 

which sometimes appear as black or brown'. Pour 

Elaigne-Pardon, les specimens noirs correspondent a 

des accidents de cuisson. Cet auteur decrit les RPW 

comme des ceramiques qui 'presentent une pate tres 

fine, a surface polie et revetement argileux rouge 

clair non grese [ . . . ] Ia cuisson s' effectue en 

atmosphere oxydante [ ... ]. La temperature de 

cuisson, relativement basse, aux alentours de 500/ 

6oo•c contredit I' eventualite d' un gresage 

intentionnel et empeche de comparer ces productions 

avec des productions mediterraneennes a vernis rouge 

gresees'. (Elaigne-Pardon 1996:29-30 & 34). 

References 

Aung Myint 1970. The excavation at Halin. Journal 

of the Burma Research Society LIII (II): 55-64. 

Aung Myint 1977. The capital of Suvannabhumi 

unearthed? Shiroku 10: 41-53. 

Aung Thaw 1968. Report on the Excavations at 

Beikhtano,. Rangoon: Revolutionary Government 

of the Union of Burma, Ministry of Union Culture. 

Aung Thwin, M. 1987. Burma before Pagan: the 

status of archaeology today. Asian Perspectives.25 

(2) (for 1982-83): 1-22. 

Basa, K. K. 1992. Early historic glass beads in 

Thailand and Peninsular Malaysia. In Southeast 

Asian Archaeology 1990 (1. C. Glover ed.), The 

University of Hull: Centre for Southeast Asian 

Studies. pp. 85-102. 

Basa, K. K., Glover, I. C. & Henderson, J. 1990. The 

relationship between Southeast Asian and Indian 

glass. Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory 

Association 10, (Indo-Pacific Prehistory 1990 

vol.I, P. Bellwood (ed.). Canberra and 

Yogyakarta, pp. 366-85. 

Bernard, P. 1980. Une nouvelle contribution 

sovietique a l'histoire des Kushans: la fouille de 

Dal'verzin-Tepe (Uzbekistan). Bulletin de /'Ecole 

fram;aise d'Extreme-Orient LXVIII: 313-48. 

Bronson, B & Dales, G. F. 1973. Excavations at 

Chansen, Thailand, 1968 and 1969: a preliminary 

report. Asian Perspectives XV (1): 15-46. 

Bronson, B. 1976. Excavations at Chansen and the 

cultural chronology of Protohistoric Central 

Thailand, Ph.D., University of Pennsylvania, 

University Microfilms. 

Bronson, B. 1990. Glass and beads at Khuan Lukpad, 

Southern Thailand. In Southeast Asian 

Archaeology 1986 (eds I. and E. Glover). Oxford: 

BAR International Series 561, pp. 213-30. 

Casal, J. M. & G. 1956. Site urbain et sitesfuneraires 

des environs de Pondichery, Virampatnam, 

Mouttrapaleon, Souttoukeny. Paris: PUF. 

Coomaraswamy, A. K. & Kershaw, F. S.l928-29. A 

Chinese buddhist water vessel and its Indian 

prototype. Artibus Asiae 3: 122-41. 

Di Crocco, V. M. 1990. Banbhore, an important river 

port on the ceramic and glass routes. A transit 

area for art styles from the West to Thailand and 


103


Burma circa lstc. BC-13th c. AD. Journal of the 

Siam Society 78 (2): 78-89. 

Elaigne-Pardon, S. 1996. Etude des ceramiques fines 

de Mahasthangarh (Bengale) aux epoques maurya 

et shunga dans des perspectives techniques et 

culturelles. D.E.A. de l'Universite de Lyon II, 

(non publie). 

Evans, I. H. N. 1932. Excavations at Tanjong Rawa, 

Kuala Selinsing, Perak, Journal of the Federated 

Malay States Museum XV (3): 79-134. 

Francis, P. Jr. 1988. The beads of India. Arts of Asia 

(March-April1988): 102-11. 

Francis, P. Jr. 1988-89. Glass beads in Asia, Part.!, 

Introduction, Asian Perspectives XXVIII (l): 1- 

21. 

Francis, P. Jr. 1991. Beadmaking at Arikamedu and 

beyond. World Archaeology 23 ( 1): 28-43. 

Francis, P. Jr. 1991a. Glass beads in Malaysia. Journal 


Society LXIV (l): 97-118. 

Gardin, J.-C. 1985. Les relations entre Ia Mediterranee 

et Ia Bactriane dans I' Antiquite, d'apres des 

donnees ceramologiques inedites. In De /'Indus 

aux Balkans; recueil a La memoire de J. Deshayes. 

Paris, Editions Recherches sur les civilisations, 

pp.447-60. 

Glover, I C. 1990. Ban Don Ta Phet: the 1984-85 

excavation. In Southeast Asian Archaeology 1986 

(I. and E. Glover eds). Oxford: BAR International 

Series 561, pp. 138-83. 

Glover, I C. 1990. Early trade between India and 

Southeast Asia: a link in the Development of a 

World Trading System. Occasional papers n°!6, 

(2nd revised ed.). The University of Hull: Centre 

for Southeast Asian Studies. 

Glover, I. C. & Henderson, J. 1995. Early glass in 

South and South East Asia and China. In 

Southeast Asia and China-Art, Interaction and 

Commerce. Colloquies on Art and Archaeology 

in Asia n°17 (R. Scott and J. Guy eds). London: 

Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, pp. 

141-70. 

Glover, I. C. 1996. Recent archaeological evidence 

for early maritime contacts between India and 

Southeast Asia. In Tradition and Archaeology, 

Early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean (H. 

P. Ray & J.-F. Salles eds). New Delhi: Manohar, 

pp.129-158. 

Gorelick, L, Gwinnett, J. & Glover, I. C. 1996. An 

examination of the methods used to make the 

semiprecious stone beads from Ban Don Ta Phet, 

Thailand. Bead Study Trust Newsletter 28: 8-11. 

Hiirttel, H. 1989. Pottery of Mathura. In Mathura 

The Cultural Heritage. (D. Meth Srinivasan ed.), 

New Delhi: Manohar and the American Institute 

oflndian Studies, pp. 181-92. 

Hiirttel, H. 1993. Excavations at Sonkh. 2500 years 

of a town in M athura District. Monographien zur 

indischen Archao1ogie, Kunst und Philologie, 

Band 9. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag. 

Jacq-Hergoualc'h, M. 1992. La civilisation de portsentrepots 

du Sud Kedah (Malaisie) V-XIve siecle. 

Paris: L'Harmattan. 

Jacq-Hergoualc'h, M. 1992a. Un exemple de 

civilisation de ports-entrepots des Mers du Sud 

le Sud Kedah (Malaysia) V-XIve siecles. Arts 

Asiatiques XL VII: 40-8. 

Jacq-Hergoualc'h, M., Pakpadee Yukongdi, Pomthip 

Puntukowit & Thiva Supanjanya 1995. Une citeetat 

de Ia peninsule Malaise: le Langkasuka. Arts 

Asiatiques L: 47-68. 

Jacq-Hergoualc'h, M., Srisuchat, T., Supajanya, T. 

& Krisanapol, W. 1996. La region de Nakhon Si 

Thammarat (Thai1ande peninsulaire) du ve au 

XIVe siecle. Journal Asiatique 284: 361-435. 

Janse, 0. R. T. 1947. Archaeological Research in 

Indochina. The district of Chiu-Chen during the 

Han Dynasty. General considerations and plates. 

Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 

vol.I. 

Janse, 0 .R. T. 1962. Quelques reflexions a propos 

d'un bol de type megareen, trouve au Vietnam. 

Artibus Asiae XXV (4): 280-92. 

Kulke, H. 1990. Indian colonies, indianization or 

cultural convergence? Reflections on the changing 

image of India's role in Southeast Asia. In 

Onderzoek in Zuidoost-Azie: Agenda's voor de 

jaren negentig, (H. Schulte Nordholt ed.), Leiden: 

Rijksuniversiteis te Leiden pp. 8-32. 

Lal, B.B 1954-5~. Excavation at Hastinapura and 

other explorations in the Upper Ganga and Sutlej 

Basins 1950-52 new light on the dark age between 

the end of the Harappa Culture and the early 

historical period. Ancient India 10-11: 5-152. 

Lamb, A. 1965. Some observations on stone and 

glass beads in early Southeast Asia. Journal of 

the Malay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 38 

(2): 84-124. 

Marshall, J. 1951. Taxila, an illustrated account of 

the archaeological excavations. Cambridge: 

Cambridge University Press. 

Miksic, J. N., Teck, Y. C & Vijiyakumar 1996. X-ray 

104 



Fluorescence Analysis of glass beads from Fort 

Canning, Singapore, Bulletin de l' Ecole franr;aise 

d'Extreme-Orient 83: 187-97. 

Nik Hassan Shuhaimi 1990. Recent research at Kuala 

Selinsing, Perak, Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific 

Prehistory Association 11 (Indo-Pacific 

Prehistory 1990 vo1.2, P. Bellwood ed.). Canberra 

and Yogyakarta, pp.l41-52. 

Pinto Orton, N. 1992. Red Polished Ware in Gujarat: 

a catalogue of twelve sites. In Rome and India, 

the ancient sea trade, (V. Begley & R .D. De 

Puma eds), Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 

46--81. 

Rapin, C. 1992. Fouilles d'AY Khanum VIII. La 

tresorerie du Palais hellenistique d' AI Khanum. 

L'apogee et Ia chute du royaume grec de 

Bactriane, Memoires de Ia Detegation 

Archiologique Franr;aise en Afghanistan, t. 

XXXIII. Paris: De Boccard. 

Rapin, C. 1996. Indian art from Afghanistan, the 

legend of Sakuntala and the Indian treasure of 

Eucratides at Ai' Khanum. New Delhi: Manohar, 

Centre des Sciences humaines. 

Ray, H. P. 1991. In search of Suvarnabhumi: early 

sailing networks in the Bay of Bengal. Bulletin of 

the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 10 (Indo 

Pacific Prehistory 1990 vol. 2, P. Bellwood ed.). 

Canberra and Yogyakarta, pp. 355-65. 

Sharma, G .R . 1969. Excavations at Kausambi 1949- 

50. Memoir of the Archaeological Survey of India, 

n°74, Delhi. 

Srivatsava, A. L. 1979. The srivatsa symbol in Indian 

art. East and West (n. s.) 29 (1-4): 37-53. 

Tissot, F. 1985. Gandhilra. La vie publique et privee 

dans l'Inde ancienne. Paris: A. Maisonneuve. 

Veraprasert, M. 1992. Khlong Thorn: an ancient beadmanufacturing 

location and an ancient entrepot. 

In Early Metallurgy, Trade and Urban Centres 

in Thailand and Southeast Asia, (1. Glover, 

Pornchai Suchitta & J. Villiers eds). Bangkok: 

White Lotus, pp. 149-61. 

KEYWORDS-RESEAUX D'ECHANGES, 

L'ASIE DU SUD, L'ASIE DU SUD-EST, 

THAILANDE, ARCHEOLOGIE, PROTO 

HISTOIRE, MALAISIE 


105

SIAMESE MANDARINS ON THE GRAND TOUR, 1688-1690 

Michael Smithies* 

Abstract 

No less than four groups of Siamese 'mandarins' (the term given by Westerners 

to khunnang, nobles or court officials) were sent to France by King Narai 

between 1680 and 1688. Their function, and their fate, were varied. In this 

article, the first three missions are summarized, and the fourth, to France and 

Italy, which has been largely overlooked, is described in detail. 

The first group of Siamese mandarins to go to 

the West between 1680 and 1688 comprised the 

ill-fated embassy led by the aged Ok-ya Phipat 

Kosa, who had led three embassies to China, 

supported by Ok-luang Sri Wisan and Ok-khun 

Nakhon Wichai. It left Siam on 24th December 

1680 and was sent to Louis XIV and Pope 

Innocent XI bearing letters, sumptuous presents 

and protestations of friendship. The impetus for 

this came from Louis Laneau, Bishop of 

Metellopolis, in charge of the French outpost in 

Siam of the Societe des Missions Etrangeres, 

who had developed cordial relations with the 

Siamese king since his establishment in 

Ayutthaya in 1664; Laneau supplied one of his 

Missionaries, Claude Gaymer, as interpreter to 

the Siamese embassy. As the Memoires of 

Fran~ois Martin (1932: II 180, 185), the fatherin-law 

of Andre Deslandes-Boureau, make clear, 

this embassy, contrary to established belief, had 

nothing to do with the trading treaty and good 

relations established by Deslandes, representing 

the French East Indies Company, since the 

despatch of the embassy had been agreed in 

January 1680 before the arrival of Deslandes in 

Siam in September. It also had nothing to do 

with the rise to power of Constantine Phaulkon, 

who did not effectively become chief minister 

unti11683. 

This embassy left Siam on the Vautour on 

24th December 1680, spent eight months in 

Bantam waiting for a ship to go to France, and 

finally boarded the Solei/ d'Orient, sent from 

Surat. The ship called at Mauritius in November 

1681 and was never heard of again. There were 

no survivors from this apparent shipwreck which 

most likely occurred at the end of 1681. 

The second mission to Europe was not an 

embassy proper, but was sent to ascertain for 

sure what had happened to the first mission. 

Louis Laneau broke the unfortunate news of the 

probable loss to King Narai in September 1683, 

and the king decided on sending Ok-khun 

Phichai Walit and Ok-khun Phichit Maitri to 

France to determine its fate. These two courtiers 

were considered uncouth and inflexible by their 

interpreter, the Missionary Benigne Vachet, 

initially aided by Antoine Pascot. They left Siam 

on 25th January 1684 on an English vessel which 

landed them at Margate from where they went 

to London. Vachet was presented to Charles II 

at Windsor by the French Ambassador in 

London, Paul de Barrillon. The diarist John 

Evelyn recorded on 26th September 1684 that 

an embassy from the King of Siam met the 

King. On the royal yacht, the Charlotte, the 

Siamese envoys left England with their presents 

and crossed the Channel to Calais. They crossed 

Picardy and were well-received everywhere en 

route for Paris. Vachet had a terrible time trying 

to persuade them to see the sights and listen to 

operas; they had to be 'prodded like buffaloes 

to undertake any civility' (cited by Cryusse 1991: 

267) and undoubtedly suffered cultural shock. 

They were informally received by Louis XIV 

(an occasion arranged through the intermediary 

• PO Box 1 Bua Yai 30120, Korat, Thailand 


107


of the former transvestite courtier the Abbe de 

Choisy) in the newly constructed palace at 

Versailles on 27th November, and managed to 

irritate His Majesty by refusing to rise from the 

floor in his presence. They nevertheless were 

given a conducted tour of the palace and gardens 

while the king was at mass, and were thoroughly 

bored by both. They also visited Saint-Cloud, 

the residence of Louis XIV' s brother, the Palais 

Royal, Notre Dame, a session of the Parliament 

presided over by the king, and Chantilly in the 

snow (Vander Cruysse 1991:278-9). 

Their somewhat pointless mission had one 

very important consequence. Vachet sowed the 

idea in the ear of Louis XIV's confessor, Fr de 

La Chaize, and to the king himself, that King 

Narai might convert to Catholicism if a 

sufficiently grand embassy were to be sent to 

him. Probably supported by the pious secret 

wife of Louis XIV, Mme de Maintenon, the 

preposterous idea gained the king's favour, and 

he decided on sending the Chevalier de 

Chaumont, seconded by the Abbe de Choisy as 

co-ambassador, on an embassy to Phra Narai. 

This left Brest on 3rd March 1685, with the two 

recalcitrant Siamese envoys, Vachet and other 

Missionaries, and six Jesuits destined to go to 

China. Once in Siam, one of the Jesuits, Guy 

Tachard, managed to strike up a close bond 

with the now powerful Phaulkon, and, 

abandoning China, returned with the embassy 

to France with secret instructions from Phaulkon 

to negotiate the sending of French troops to 

Siam in return for the handing over of Siamese 

fortresses. The Secretary of State for the Navy, 

the Marquis de Seignelay, decided these would 

be Bangkok and Mergui, to be occupied by 

force if necessary. 

The third Siamese mission to France, the 

first embassy proper to arrive, was headed by 

Ok -phra Wisut Sunthorn (Kosa Pan), rachathut, 

with Ok-luang Kanlaya Ratchamaitri as second 

ambassador or uppathut, and Ok-khun Siwasan 

Wacha as third ambassador, or trithut. This left 

Siam in December 1685 with the returning 

French embassy, arriving in Brest on 18th June 

1686. The embassy was feted throughout its 

stay, and was the talk of the town. It travelled 

by land from Brest to Nantes and up the Loire 

valley to Orleans, went around the outskirts of 

Paris waiting for the royal presents to arrive by 

boat up the Seine, made a magnificent entry to 

Paris, was received at Versailles several times, 

and travelled, at Louis XIV' s expense, in the 

north and in parts of Flanders recently conquered 

by the king. The details concerning this embassy 

are comprehensive, the court circular the 

Mercure Galant even publishing a special 

volume on the doings and sayings of the 

ambassadors (summarized in Smithies 1989: 59- 

70). But they were not privy to most of the 

negotiations going on behind their backs 

between Tachard, La Chaize and Seignelay, and 

when the Marquis de Seignelay proposed to 

them that Bangkok be handed over to the French, 

Kosa Pan was visibly taken back. They also had 

to fulfil very extensive shopping lists from Phra 

Narai, who ordered, inter alia, incredible 

quantities of mirrors and crystal for the 

embellification of his palace in Lopburi, and a 

great number of hats of different sizes, shapes 

and materials. 

This Siamese embassy returned with what 

amounted to a French expeditionary force to 

Siam (there was a total of 1,361 troops, officers, 

ambassadors, priests etc. on board six ships that 

left Brest on 1st March 1687), together with a 

second French mission led by Simon de La 

Loubere and supported by a director of the 

French East Indies Company, Claude Ceberet. 

They were not accredited with the title of 

ambassadors, but were 'envoys extraordinary'; 

it was hoped in Versailles that such a designation 

would limit the flow of presents required for 

full embassies. Tachard, too, returned, with 

instructions to negotiate with Phaulkon, which 

rendered the position of La Lou here and Ceberet 

equivocal to say the least. Revelling in his power 

and abject before Phaulkon, Tachard, who even 

stooped to carrying Phaulkon' s orders to his 

cook, gave in to every proposal from Phaulkon, 

who was undoubtedly placed in a difficult 

position. He had to persuade the king his master 

to allow the French troops to occupy Bangkok, 

'the key of the kingdom', and its chief port on 

the Bay of Bengal, Mergui. He was not aware, 

unless Tachard was in a position to inform him, 

that the French troops had orders to seize these 

places if they were not handed over voluntarily. 

During this French mission, King Narai 

determined on sending a further mission to 

France, which would also call on Pope 

108 


Siamese Manda rins on the Grand Tour, 1688-1690 

Father Guy Tachard, S. J. 

Ok-muen Phiphit Racha 

Ok-khun Wiset Phuban 

Ok-khun Chamnan Chaichong 

Figure 1 

Sketched by Carlo Maratta ( 1625- 17 13) in Rome in December 1688/January 1689 (Vati can Library BA V. 

Vat. Lat. 14166. Reproduced with permiss ion fro m Somosorn 25 pee Thai-Vatican, Bangkok 1994 



Innocent XI. The earlier Siamese embassy of 

1680 should have gone to Rome with letters 

and presents, but, as noted, never reached its 

destination. He decided, probably at 

Phaulkon' s urging, to send Fr Tachard as 

Siamese envoy, though he was not given the 

title of either ambassador or envoy 

extraordinary because of his cloth. To give 

the mission a Siamese flavour, though, three 

'mandarins' were 'selected to accompany the 

letters of the king' (1689: 301). They were 

Ok-khun Wiset Phuban, Ok-khun Chamnan 

Chaichong, and Ok-muen Phiphit Racha, 

though the records are not clear which of 

these was the most senior. We know more 

about Chamnan, who had been selected for an 

embassy to Portugal, which left for Goa at the 

end of March 1684, reaching there more than 

five months later. As the Portuguese fleet had 

left for Lisbon, the embassy spent nearly 

eleven months in Goa waiting for a ship to 

take it to the Portuguese capital. The embassy 

embarked at Goa on 27th January 1686, but 

the Portuguese vessel was shipwrecked on 

27th April off Cape Agulhas; Chamnan and 

his surviving companions had to undertake a 

long and difficult journey overland before 

reaching the Dutch outpost at the Cape. From 

there he went to Batavia, spending six months 

there again waiting for a ship, and returned to 

Siam in September 1687, without ever having 

reached his destination (the details of 

Chamnan's odyssey fill Book VII ofTachard's 

Second Voyage). However, during his travels 

Chamnan managed to pick up some 

Portuguese, which Tachard thought an 

advantage, which was why he was selected to 

participate in the 1688 mission. 

This new mission left Siam on the Gaillard 

on 3rd January 1688 with the returning envoy 

extraordinary, La Loubere (O!beret had gone 

overland to Mergui and then separately by ship 

from Pondicbery). The journey was fraught, as 

the emnity between La Loubere and Tachard 

was now open, and Tachard sank into paranoia, 

even accusing La Loubere of cutting a hole in 

the partition separating their cabins so that he 

could read Tachard's documents. Their ship 

reached Brest on 25th July 1688 and, after 

sending a flurry of letters in all directions, 

Tachard went ahead to give his report to the 

court at Versailles, leaving his mandarins to 

their own devices. They re-embarked at Brest, 

according to Tachard, on 

... a small frigate belonging to His Majesty, 

with the presents from the king their master and 

his minister [Phaulkon] for the king and all the 

court, and went to Rouen, where they waited for 

all the bales [of presents] before taking the 

carriages sent for them from Paris to seek 

audience with His Majesty. (1689:386) 

The Siamese mandarins finally arrived in 

Paris on 14th September, followed on the 17th 

by three catechists from Tonkin and five Siamese 

schoolboys selected by Phra Narai to pursue 

their studies in the college of Louis-le-Grand. 

The king was at Fontainebleau and, after the 

revelations of Forbin (1997: 164-71 ), who had 

also returned from Siam to France in July, 

concerning the limited value of Siamese trade 

and the little likelihood of the conversion of 

King Narai, he was uncertain what steps to take 

in matters Siamese; he was also undoubtedly 

made aware of the conflicting accounts presented 

by the envoys extraordinary La Loubere and 

Ceberet, and the Jesuit Tachard to the Secretary 

of State for the Navy, the Marquis de Seignelay. 

He at first arranged an audience in Versailles 

for 15th December, but then, according to 

Tachard, on the strength of a letter from the 

Cardinal d'Estrees in Rome, he changed his 

mind. A more likely explanation is that the king 

wished to avoid further Siamese commitments 

for the present, and decided the Siamese and 

Tachard should defer their audience for handing 

over Phra Narai's letter and presents until after 

seeing the Pope. As Tachard fondly hoped to 

leave to return to Siam in March 1689 with yet 

another French expedition, he made all haste to 

leave for Rome. 

Accompanied by his three mandarins and 

two of their valets, Tachard left Paris on 5th 

November 1688. Their interpreter, Moriset 

(sometimes Morisot, and Tachard's erstwhile 

assistant) went on ahead with two other Siamese 

valets and the bales of presents. There were also 

the three Tonkinese catechists who were going 

to Rome as representatives of the Christians in 

their country in order to seek the reinstatement 

of the Jesuits there. Tachard's party went first 

110 


Siamese Mandarins on the Grand Tour, 1688-1690 

to Lyons by stage-coach, and then the whole 

group went down the Rhone as far as A vignon. 

There they took litters as far as Cannes, where 

they arrived on 26th November 1688. The town 

showed them, and Tachard, 'honours which I 

did not expect' (1689: 387); this was arranged 

by the Bishop of Grasse, who had charge of the 

town, and who had undoubtedly been alerted by 

Tachard of his function as Siamese envoy. 

However, the weather was too good to waste 

time going to Grasse to thank the prelate, so the 

whole party boarded two feluccas which the 

Marquis de Seignelay had arranged to be waiting 

for them in the port to transport the group to 

Genoa. 

The next day the party did not manage to do 

more than 29 miles or 8 French leagues, passing 

Nice and getting as far as Villefranche. They 

arrived so late that they were almost locked out 

of the town, and the health inspector made many 

objections to their landing. They left 

Villefranche on the 29th November in good 

weather, which alas did not last, and were 

obliged to stop at Monaco, 'to show our health 

papers', where a strong east wind blew up and 

prevented them continuing until the afternoon. 

That allowed for some sightseeing. 

Monaco is a small town very well defended 

because of its situation perched high on a rock, 

which can only be entered on the port side by a 

very difficult road cut into the mountain. It is 

only to the north that a mountain overlooks it, 

but it is inaccessible. As soon as I arrived I went 

to say mass in the parish church, after seeking 

the Grand Vicar's permission. I then visited the 

stronghold, where there is nothing remarkable 

except the palace of the prince, and which is 

only important because of its pleasant situation. 

Along the coast we saw two strongholds 

belonging to the Prince of Monaco, whose 

territory extends as far as Ventimiglia, which is 

the first town in Genovese territory (Tachard 

1689: 389). 

The party took some time on leaving Monaco 

to go to San Remo, because a sudden southwestern 

storm blew up. The next day before 

dawn they embarked and passed Oneille (?), 'a 

small town in the dependency of the Duke of 

Savoy, but most agreeable and quite well built', 

where they took refreshments. They slept in a 

hamlet belonging to Genoa ten leagues from 

San Remo, which they left at dawn the next 

day, 30th November. 'I said mass at Noli when 

passing by', Tachard tells us, 'a town with very 

few people but which has a bishop'. 

After mass and refreshments at Noli, on the 

outskirts of Savona, the party reboarded their 

feluccas but it was so late they could not proceed 

beyond Savona. This place was 'formerly one 

of the finest and most populous towns on the 

Ligurian Riviera, but since the bombardment of 

Genoa it has been almost entirely dismantled, 

on orders from the republic.' After presenting 

their health papers, they were taken by the son 

of the French consul to an inn. Tachard paid a 

visit, accompanied by the consul but not his 

mandarins, to the Jesuit college which he found 

in poor condition. 

The weather the following day was too bad 

for them to proceed, but on 2nd December, 

after saying mass and goodbye to fellow Jesuits, 

Tachard and his retinue departed for Genoa, 

where they arrived at one in the afternoon. 

Having letters of introduction to the French 

consul Aubert and the king's envoy 

extraordinary Dupre, Tachard could not continue 

as he claims he desired so to do. So, after settling 

the khunnang in an inn, he went to lodge at the 

Jesuit college, directed by the brother of Cardinal 

Palavicini. The weather again prevented the 

party continuing its journey the following day. 

He claims not to have seen Genoa in spite of 

spending two days there, but presumably the 

Siamese mandarins were less constrained by 

socio-religious obligations and managed to see 

something of the port, the cathedral, the Palazzo 

San Giorgio, and the Palazzo Bianco. 

On the 4th of December the group left, but 

not more than four leagues from Genoa heavy 

rain and strong winds forced it to stop at the 

hamlet of Camoglio overlooking the sea, with 

'a very pretty and well maintained church.' As 

the weather did not improve, Tachard wrote to 

Monsieur Aubert, the consul, asking for horses 

and twelve, with three mules, arrived the next 

day. However, the rain poured down, and the 

roads were impassable. Furthermore, the road 

led around a mountain cut into the rock, with a 

precipice on one side. Men had to be hired to 

transport their baggage to Rapallo, where they 


111


arrived at night, drenched, and exhausted. Given 

these dangers, they were persuaded to resume 

their journey by sea, taking a felucca and a 

small fishing boat 'hired at an excessive price' 

to take them only as far as Lerici, although they 

could have got to Rome for less. 

Here Tachard gets his dates wrong, and says 

in his book that he and his party left Rapallo on 

2nd December (it was probably the 6th); they 

were then taken to another town in the Republic 

of Genoa, Sestri Levante, where they hired an 

additional felucca. They ended the day after 

further bad weather at Vemassale, arriving at 

night and guided into the port by the flares and 

cries of the inhabitants. They left as soon as 

they could, at one in the morning, arriving at 

Livomo (Leghorn) before the city gates were 

opened. There the French consul, Cottolendi, 

and the agent of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, 

came to the rescue of the travellers, refreshing 

them with 'preserves and excellent wine' and 

allowing them some respite. 

Livomo is a well-built stronghold with a fine 

road and a well-sheltered port. The houses are 

well built, the roads broad and straight. Its 

agreeable location, in the middle of Italy, makes 

it extremely populous; it thrives on commerce, 

is rich, and all the nations of Europe have consuls 

there. It has a large foreign population, especially 

of Frenchmen, who, they say, constitute oneninth 

of the inhabitants. (Tachard 1689: 388) 

Here the group saw the square in front of the 

port, where there was 'one of the most curious 

modem objects in Italy' -this was the white 

marble statue of Prince Ferdinand, Grand Duke 

of Tuscany, raised some twelve feet on a column 

and with four bronze fettered slaves at its base, 

a memorial to the unsuccessful attempt of three 

Turks and one Moor to seize the galley on which 

they served. 

They stayed in Livorno until the 16th 

December, and were obviously well entertained 

there. Proceeding by boat to Piombino, opposite 

Elba, with its ruined castle, they moved on to 

Porto-Hercole, a well-defended town within the 

realms of the King of Spain. But the whole 

coastline was otherwise unpeopled between 

Livorno and Civitavecchia, and the air 

unwholesome. 'One could just see distant woods 

and a few villages scattered in the countryside, 

with towers to give warning, by firing a gun in 

the daytime or lighting a fire at night, of the 

appearance of Corsairs on the coast.' That night 

they reached Civitavecchia, the port for Rome, 

but so late they again had to stay on board until 

the next day. 

Tachard hurried on to Rome by land, taking 

up residence at the Jesuit College there, and 

leaving the Siamese to continue their journey 

by sea, and come up the Tiber on 21st 

December 1 • The secretary of the Propagation of 

the Faith, Cardinal Cibo, sent one of his coaches, 

a gentleman, and six lackeys to take the 

mandarins into the city; the French Cardinal 

d'Estrees also sent horses to greet them, as did 

the Pope's majordomo, Mgr Visconti. They were 

lodged in a villa next to the Jesuit College, 

wined and dined, and given Swiss guards for 

protection. 

The first papal audience took place on 23rd 

December 1688.1nformed about it only 'towards 

the twenty-second hour', the mandarins and 

Tachard were taken in coaches to the papal 

palace. In a procession led by some Jesuits and 

Roman nobles came Tachard and Cardinal Cibo, 

the mandarins followed, one carrying the casket 

containing Narai's letter, another the king's 

present on a silver tray, and the third 'the gift of 

the chief minister, Constantine Phaulkon, a 

Catholic'. Tachard took precedence, and the 

khunnang were largely decorative. 

For their audiences, the three mandarins wore 

the Persian-inspired Siamese court dress; 

. . . garments of damask reaching to their knees, 

which were covered by a longer one of scarlet 

and ornamented with gold lace of the width of 

three fingers. They were each girded with a 

golden belt and at their sides they wore each a 

dagger with a golden hilt. Their heads were 

covered with a turban manufactured of the finest 

white cloth, girded round the head, in the form 

of a crown, with a solid gold circlet three fingers 

wide, the whole thing being fastened with a 

gold cord under their chin'. (Royal Institute 1933: 

59) 

The two masters of ceremony led the 

procession into the audience hall, where the 

Pope was seated on his throne, flanked by eight 

112 



cardinals: Ottobone, Chigi, Barberini, Azzolino, 

Altieri, d'Estrees, Colonna, and Casanate. 

Narai's letter was placed on a tray and the 

presents on a table. Tachard, after kissing the 

Pope's feet (an act from which the Siamese, 

who would have found it profoundly degrading, 

were fortunately exempted), addressed the Pope 

in the hyperbole of the time, to which he added 

untruths of his own, claiming that the great 

monarch of Siam 

... has already begun to receive instruction [in 

the Catholic faith]. He raises altars and churches 

to the true God and asks for learned and zealous 

missionaries . . . very often he grants us lengthy 

and secret audiences, he honours us to such an 

extent as to move to jealousy the chief ministers 

of his sect, whom he formerly venerated even 

unto superstition. (Royal Institute 1933: 61) 

The Pope made a reply, and Tachard took 

Narai's letter written in Siamese on a sheet of 

gold from a golden urn embossed in green and 

red enamel (in all weighing some three pounds), 

held by a mandarin, and presented it to the 

Pope. He then presented a translation into 

Portuguese, which he translated into Italian. 

Tachard then took the presents from a master of 

ceremonies to offer them to the Pope: the king' s 

gift was an intricately made octagonal gold 

casket worked in filagree, weighing about fifteen 

pounds, and Phaulkon's gift, a silver casket and 

tray 'adorned with capricious arabesques and 

leaves', and weighing thirteen pounds. 

Phaulkon's letters to the Pope, including one 

from the minister virulently attacking the 

Missionaries (see the appendix to Hutchinson 

1933: 45--65), were not of course presented at 

the formal audience, but later in the discussions 

Tachard had with Vatican officials during his 

stay. 

The mandarins then made their three 

formal obeisances to the Pope, and remained 

kneeling until the end of the audience, the 

Pope spoke again, and then withdrew, leaving 

the assembled cardinals to admire the Siamese 

gifts and speak to Tachard and the mandarins 

in a separate room. The visitors then moved to 

the chambers of Cardinal Cibo, who granted 

them audience, and afterwards returned in 

coaches to their lodgings where 'they were 

greeted by the joyful notes of the trumpets of 

His Holiness' guards'. 

Whilst in Rome over Christmas and New 

Year, they visited the Basilica of StPeter, the 

Sistine Chapel, and other renowned churches, 

the church of the Gesii, the city's fountains, the 

palaces of the Pope's nephew, the Duke of Ceri, 

Livio Odescalchi, and the Prince and Princess 

Borghese, and of course the papal palace in the 

Vatican, where they admired the library, its 

arsenal, the Belvedere gardens and climbed, after 

a dinner (i.e. a lunch) offered them there, into 

the dome of StPeter's. On their last day they 

were entertained by the Jesuits, and were given 

'many dishes of various pastries and sweetmeats' 

and presented with 'small coffers full of balm 

and various quintessences'. During their time in 

Rome, the Vatican court artist Carlo Maratta 

(1625-1713) took the opportunity of sketching 

the three Siamese khunnang, and these pictures 

(Figure 1), bearing their names in Siamese 

characters, are preserved in the Vatican Library; 

these are the only known illustrations we have 

ofthem. 2 

The khunnang were said to be overcome by 

all that they saw, and announced they were 

leaving Rome 'with the firm resolution of 

begging the approval of the King of Siam that 

they might be able to receive the waters of holy 

baptism'. 

At their farewell audience on 5th January 

1689 (Tachard disagrees with the Latin text and 

gives the date as 4th January) they were 

assembled with the Tonkinese catechists, who 

had an audience on 27th December, and received 

the Pope's blessing. The Pope gave to Tachard 

three letters, for the King of Siam, his minister, 

and the Christians of Tonkin. The Pope then 

gave him a gold medal to present to King Narai, 

with his portrait on one side and Charity on the 

other flanked by two children and a Latin tag, 

'NON QUAERIT QUAE SUA SUNT' ('She 

seeketh not her own', I Cor. XII.5); this was 

studded in diamonds on both sides. More likely 

to be appreciated by the king (had he still been 

alive to receive it) was the present of a telescope 

on its trestle with four crystal lenses. Tachard 

was given for Phaulkon a small box of rock 

crystal containing various oils, a picture of the 

Virgin and Child by Maratta 'decked with a 

precious frame', and two lapis lazuli rosaries 


113


for himself and his lady. Tachard was given a 

rosary for himself and the bones of the martyr 

St Modestus to place in the church in Ayutthaya. 

The khunnang and their attendants were given 

similar trifles; the mandarins each received 'three 

very beautiful medallions and three silver ones', 

some packets of preserves and boxes of 

fragrances, and their four valets were each given 

two silver medals. One of the mandarins, in a fit 

of enthusiasm, had 

. . . a life-sized portrait of himself painted in the 

attitude of holding two golden vases, out of one 

with the right hand he poured water on a fire, 

while with the left hand he watered a tender tree 

with the contents of the other, typifying by the fire 

the idolatry he desired to see extinguished and by 

the tree the principle of the Faith he would cultivate 

in his heart. (Carretta 1944: 186) 

It is not known if this commission was 

completed and, if it were, what became of it. 

Tachard makes no mention of it, and it may 

have been a figment of imagination of the Roman 

memorialist. 

The mandarins left Rome on 7th January, 

arriving at Civitavecchia the following day, 

where they were received by the governor at the 

head of the garrison. The 9th, a Sunday, after 

saying mass, Tachard embarked with the three 

mandarins on two well-armed Maltese ships for 

Marseilles. 

The French court circular, the Mercure Galant 

(March 1689: 102-45)3, gave details of the 

journey of the Siamese mandarins to Rome in the 

company of the Tonkinese catechists and Fr 

Tachard, the information apparently corning from 

Tachard's Second Voyage. Interestingly the 

Mercure Galant (March 1698: 116) noted that 

when in Rome 'one of the mandarins was reputed 

to be the son of the King of Siam, and the others 

were leading nobles at the court of Siam, and that 

they had come to be baptized by the Holy Father'. 

The crowds gathered to see them were so great 

that the Swiss guards had to keep order. 

As soon as possible, on arriving in France, 

Tachard went to Versailles in February, and 

was received in audience by Louis XIV, who 

ratified on 25th February the treaty of commerce 

Ceberet had obtained in 1687. Tachard signed 

on 1st March nine 

articles and conditions agreed on the express 

order of the most high, most powerful, most 

excellent and most invincible monarch Louis 

XIV, by the Grace of God Emperor of France 

and King of Navarre, with FatherTachard, Jesuit, 

envoy extraordinary of the most high, most 

excellent and most invincible monarch the King 

of Siam. (Archives Nationales Cl/25, fo. 18- 

19) 

Two weeks later came a Treaty between 

Monsieur d'Eragny and Father Tachard 

concerning the company of the King of Siam's 

horseguards, in Paris, 15th March 1689, signed 

by Father Tachard in the name of the King of 

Siam. The Marquis d'Eragny had been appointed 

to the post of captain of the palace guard in 

Ayutthaya as well as inspector-general of French 

troops in Siam. 

The indefatigable Tachard then sought to 

bring the Societe des Missions Etrangeres to 

heel. Louis XIV was persuaded of the need for 

concord between the French Missionaries and 

the French Jesuits, whose quarrels in Southeast 

Asia did little to enhance his authority or the 

cause of Catholicism. The disputants were 

brought together by the Archbishop of Paris, 

Harlay de Champvallon, and agreement reached 

on 13th March. The Jesuits were to recognize 

the authority of the apostolic vicars in Tonkin 

and the apostolic vicars dispensed with the oath 

of allegiance of the French Jesuits. 

But political events in Europe then checked 

Tachard's Siamese ambitions. The War of the 

Grand Alliance ( 1689-1697) broke out, bringing 

France into conflict with the League of 

Augsburg, including the Austrian emperor, 

Sweden, Spain and some German princes, joined 

by the Netherlands, Savoy, and England. French 

ships were needed closer to home, and, as the 

season for sailing to Asia passed, further 

reinforcements for Siam were deferred until 

1690. 

But what of the Siamese mandarins while 

Tachard was busy hobnobbing with the court? 

We know remarkably little, for unlike the 

ambassadors of 1686-7, they caused little 

comment. The two memorialists of the period, 

Dagneau and Sourches, made no mention of 

their presentation at court or of their 

subsequent doings. The Siamese were no 

114 



longer the talk of the town; their social novelty 

had passed. Sourches did indicate on 24th 

July 1688 the arrival of the Oiseau (on which 

Forbin and Ceberet returned from Siam) and 

mentions something of the affairs of Siam, 

and on 4th August 1688 mentioned the arrival 

of M. de La Loubere, the king's envoy to 

Siam, at Brest, but says nothing about the 

reception of the mandarins at the French court 

the following year. Dangeau also on 24th July 

1688 mentioned the return of the expedition 

to Siam, but also passes over in silence the 

reception at Versailles which appears to have 

taken place in February. 

The Mercure Galant, so full of the activities 

of their predecessors in 1686, hardly mentioned 

the mandarins in 1689. Siamese affairs received 

a resume in the March gazette (1689: 99-102) 

probably because of the audience recently 

granted the mandarins by Louis XIV, though 

the date and details are not given. Mention, 

however, was made of all the presents being 

sent by the King of Siam to the members of the 

royal house. The accompanying mandarins are 

not named, but one Racan is again mentioned as 

being in the mandarins' suite. Racan had 

accompanied the earlier Siamese embassy of 

1686 and had said to his interpreter, the Abbe 

de Lionne, on witnessing Louis XIV at dinner: 

'Ifl knew French I would speak to him, for his 

goodness appears so great that I think it greater 

than would be my boldness'. (Donneau de Vize 

1687, Vol II: 265). The Mercure Galant (March 

1689: 146) continues: 

When they returned [to France], they had an 

audience with His Majesty, not having had it 

before their departure from Paris for Rome 

because the king was at Fontainebleau and 

Monseigneur the Dauphin in Germany. As the 

King of Siam desires to have a company of 

Frenchmen for his palace bodyguard, one was 

formed and the command given by His Majesty 

toM. d'Eragny. 

Indeed, almost as much notice abroad 

appears to have been made of the Siamese 

mandarins' activities as in France. The 

correspondent of The London Intelligence noted 

from Paris on 1st February 1689 (Anderson 

1890: 368): 

The Sieurs Mandarins have had a private 

audience of the King at Versailles. T. [sic] 

Tachard, a Jesuit, there presented his Majesty 

with a Letter from the King of Spain (evidently 

a misprint for Siam), and Complimented him in 

the name of the Prince. The Mandarins at their 

entrance and going out, made the usual 

Salutations by prostrating themselves after the 

mode of their Countrey. 

However, the date of 1st February for the 

report is suspect, and is more likely to be 1st 

March 1689 since Anderson (1890: 368) also 

noted that the Harlem Currant [sic] No.2 14-19 

for February 1689 carried the notice: 

Our letters from Paris of the 21st Instant, give 

the following Account (viz.) that the Siamites 

[sic] Ambassadors had their first Audience being 

conducted on the king's coaches from Paris to 

Versailles, to whome they kneeled down and 

prostrated themselves, Father Tachart a Jesuit, 

Interpreted their Speech and Letter of Credence, 

and informed his Majestie of the Multitude of 

Christians the Jesuits have made in Siam, their 

Lodging is at the Hottel [sic] of Extraordinary 

Ambassadors, in the Fauxbourg St. Germain. 

There is much to be questioned in this 

account, proving perhaps no more than that 

newspapers in the seventeenth century were as 

inaccurate as some more recent ones. As far as 

is known, the mandarins, who were not 

ambassadors, bore no letter of credence, and 

Tachard, not knowing Siamese, was in no 

position to interpret them (for this reason Moriset 

accompanied them as interpreter). The Jesuits 

were not known to have made many conversions 

in Siam other than Phaulkon himself, and it was 

the Missionaries who sought converts among 

the masses, if without great success (though 

Tachard is unlikely to have mentioned the 

Missionaries in a favourable light). The H6tel 

des Ambassadeurs was specifically in the Rue 

de Toumon. Then there is again the problem of 

the date; the audience may well have taken 

place on 21st February, and the Harlem Currant 

dated itself a week in advance, as some 

periodicals do today. 

Dutch gazettes, however, from July started 

to carry disturbing news concerning events in 


115


Siam, which the French dismissed as deliberate 

disinformation. But it was confirmed on 5th 

November 1689 by the news brought by French 

survivors of the 'revolution' of 1688 in Siam on 

their release from incarcaration in the prisons of 

Middelburg: Phaulkon was murdered, Narai was 

dead, Petracha reigned, French troops expelled. 

Dagneau in his memoirs speaks of the news of 

the revolution in Siam on 5th November 1689, 

and Sourches of the 'events ' in Siam on 6th 

November 1689. The Mercure Galant 

(November 1689: 320-2) also mentions the news 

of the revolution in Siam and French prisoners 

from there in Holland, and gave details of the 

revolution in the December issue (1689: 28- 

54). 

The news reached Tachard when he was at 

Saumur; the departure of French ships for Siam 

was again deferred. Tachard was in Port-Louis 

on 18th November, probably arranging for the 

shipment of goods to Siam on French Company 

vessels, and then went to Brest to break the 

news to his three tame mandarins, presumably 

waiting there for the departure of French Navy 

ships. They were not excessively disturbed, and 

held that N arai was a harsh and feared ruler; the 

sister of one of the mandarins was married to 

the nephew of the new ruler; Petracha's son 

was thought by them capable and fond of 

mathematics. By this stage all three had been 

sufficiently exposed to Catholicism and were 

baptised in the Jesuit church in Brest; Launay 

(1920: 93) inaccurately maintains that only two 

were baptised in Brest, as the third had died en 

route (he was not to die until lOth March 1690). 

They were apparently retained in Brest until the 

departure of the Duquesne-Guiton fleet on 25th 

February 1690 for Siam-which it never reached. 

Ok-muen Phiphit had the misfortune to die 

on board the Gaillard on 1Oth March, and was 

given a six gun salute to 'honour appropriately 

the first Siamese mandarin to die a Christian'. 

(Vongsuravatana 1992: 157). He possibly died 

from the heat off Cape Verde, which was 

excessive even for a Siamese (confirmed by 

Challe), rather than from a marked addiction, 

like his colleagues, to French wine, which Challe 

also noted. 

How are they going to make shift when they are 

back in their country where no wine is produced, 

they who swallowed it so cordially in Paris, and 

with whom I drank so copiously in Port-Louis? 

How will they survive without our wines from 

Bordeaux and Graves? I do not know. But love 

of one's neighbour requires me to pity them, 

because I should be pitied in their place (Challe 

1979: 61). 

The squadron anchored at the Cape Verde 

and the Comoros islands, and Pondicbery. There, 

the director of the French East Indies Company, 

Fran~ois Martin, noted in August 1690, 'The 

Rev. Fr Tachard and M. Charmos embarked on 

the squadron in the hope that M. Dusuqesne 

gave them of reaching Mergui. Fr Tachard only 

took with him the Siamese who were returning 

from France' (Martin 1934: III, 113). The 

squadron continued to Balassor, near the mouth 

of the Ganges, but, because of unfavourable 

winds, never reached the Siamese port ofMergui; 

instead, it hung around the Negrides for weeks 

when the crews died in large numbers of tropical 

diseases and scurvy. When battles took place, 

Tachard 'prudently remained with the two 

mandarins at the bottom of the hold' (Lanier 

1883: 183). Finally Mergui was abandoned as a 

destination in favour of returning to Balassor. 

Ok-khun Wiset and Ok-khun Chamnan were 

off-loaded at Balassor at a date between 4th and 

30th December, when the Gaillard with the rest 

of the Duquesne-Guiton squadron docked to 

take on supplies and land their many sick; the 

Siamese were given a five gun French salute as 

they left to take 'a Moorish vessel', according to 

Lanier (1883: 183). Martin, writing in January 

1691, is less specific: 'The Rev Fr Tachard left 

at Balassor the Siamese he had brought from 

France for them to travel to Merguy or Siam 

[Ayutthaya] when thefirstchancearose' (Martin 

1934 III: 137). Challe, citing Martin, said they 

took either a Dutch or a Portuguese ship to 

Mergui (Challe 1979: 442-3), insteadofleaving 

them in Pondicbery to take a French vessel to 

Mergui. 

From the Siamese port the mandarins 

travelled overland to Ayutthaya, bearing a 

grovelling letter from Tachard to the new phra 

klang, Kosa Pan. It is possible that the Siamese 

might have considered that the two surviving 

mandarins sent to Europe in 1688 were being 

held hostage by the French; after all, Desfarges 

116 



had retained two Siamese hostages on 

withdrawing from Bangkok in 1688, and did 

not release them until the end of 1689 during 

his pointless expedition to Phuket. Writing in 

January or February 1692, Martin noted the 

arrival of a reply to Tachard's letter after the 

return of the two Siamese; it is true, they were 

carrying Tachard's letter, but the precedent for 

hostage-taking existed. The envoy sent from 

Kosa Pan, the phra khlang, to Martin in 

Pondicbery, 

. . . was a V. Pinheiro, a native of Siam but a 

Christian, who had been an interpreter with the 

gentlemen of the Mission and then with the 

[French] Company; the King of Siam had raised 

him to the rank of [blank: Ok-Iuang Worowathi] 

to authorize his despatch; he had two mandarins 

as deputies and some valets. He had been sent 

on the return to Ayutthaya of the Siamese whom 

the Rev. Fr Tachard had left in Bengal and who 

had subsequently proceeded thereto. These 

persons had been charged with a letter for the 

barcalon which the Rev. Fr had written, in which 

he noted that he was charged with a letter from 

the Holy Father the Pope for the late King [Narai] 

and another from the King [Louis XIV] for the 

same monarch, that they had been written before 

it was known that His Majesty had died, and he 

had kept them to hand them over to the present 

monarch when the occasion arose for him to 

travel in safety to Ayutthaya. (Martin 1934: III 

185) 

Kosa Pan's reply was not forthcoming; the 

moment for Tachard' s return was not opportune. 

Thereafter Ok-khun Charnnan and Ok-khun 

Wiset pass out of history. It is not known if they 

met Tachard nine years later when the court at 

Ayutthaya finally condescended to receive the 

Jesuit, who presented a ten-year-old letter from 

Louis XN addressed to Phra Narai, dead for 

nearly twelve years, and, according to 

Vongsuravatana (1992: 190), a letter from Pope 

Innocent XI, similarly addressed, and who had 

died ten years earlier. It is to be hoped that Kosa 

Pan, as phra khlang, had informed Phetracha 

that Tachard had indicated in his letters that His 

Holiness had died in 1689, and the king did not 

make the customary enquiry about the pontiffs 

health. 

Thus, unlike the reign of King Narai which 

ended with an explosive change, the king's last 

mission to Europe fizzled out, with nothing to 

show for it except scattered references and a 

few memorabilia deposited in Vatican archives. 

So ended the astonishing flurry of diplomatic 

exchanges with the West in the seventeenth 

century. 

Notes 

1 There exist seven versions of their stay in Rome . 

Tachard gives one in Book Eight of his Second 

Voyage "translated from the Italian and printed in 

Rome" but in which the translator, probably Tachard 

himself, omitted and added points, given "our taste 

and knowledge of the Siamese". The original Italian 

texts were undoubtedly those printed by Ercole; the 

first, dated 1688 and claimed to be a "letter written 

from Rome to Signor N.N.", describes in fifteen 

pages the arrival of the Siamese and their audience 

with Pope Innocent XI on 23rd December; the 

second, dated 1689, gives an account of eight pages 

listing the activities of mandarins in Rome and their 

farewell audience with the pope on 5th January 1689. 

The Vatican Library also possesses an unpublished 

manuscript version of the first audience. A version 

in German relating the first audience was published 

in Prague in 1689 (Audienz seiner Heiligkeit 

Innocentii XI, so der Tachard, Jesuiten, Und andem 

Gersandten des Ki:inigs in Siam dem 23 December 

1688 verstattet worden. Nebst Erzehlung, was bey 

deren Einholung in Rom fiigegangen). 

There are two translations into English of the 

Ercole texts. The earliest, published in 1933 on the 

occasion of the cremation of H.R.H. Princess 

Dibyalankar in Bangkok, was also translated into 

Thai, and reprinted in Sakhon Nakhon in 1967. The 

second was published in 1944 in the Journal of the 

Thailand Research Society (the name of the Journal 

of the Siam Society under the wartime Phibul regime) 

by Rev. Fr Carretto and reprinted in 1959 in Vol VII 

of Selected Articles from JSS; this however appears 

to summarize the first Ercole text and reproduces 

most of the second text. 

2 Reproduced in the Chronicle ofTwenty-five Years 

ofThai-Vatical relations (1994: 23) and reproduced 

here as Figure 1 with permission. 

3 I must here record my gratitude to Michel Jacq 

Hergoualc'h for kindly checking the Mercure Galant 

and the memoirs of Dagneau and Sourches in the 


117


Bibliotheque Nationale for the references cited in 

relation to the 1688-90 Siamese mission. 

References 

Anderson, J. 1890. English Intercourse with Siam in 

the Seventeenth Century. London: Kegan Paul. 

Anonymous1688. Lettere scritta da Roma al Signor 

N.N. in cui si da notitia della Vdienza data da 

N.S. Innocenzo XI al Padre Gvido Tasciard della 

Compagnia di Giesv inviato dal Re di Siam, et 

alii Signori mandarini venuti dal medemo Regno 

di Siam a di 23 Decembre 1688. Rome: Domenico 

Antonio Ercole. 

Anonymous1689. Breve Ragguaglio di quanto e 

accaduto in Roma a Sig. Mandarini venuti co il 

P. Guido Tasciard della Compagnia di Giesu, 

inviato straordinario dal Re di Siam dopo 

l'Udienza havuta da N.S. Innocenzo XI. Rome: 

Domenico Antonio Ercole. 

Caretto, Rev. Fr 1944. Vatican Papers of the XVII 

Century. Journal of the Thailand Research Society 

[JSS]35 (2): 173-89. Reprinted 1959 in Selected 

Articles from JSS Vol. VII as Relationship [sic] 

with Portugal, Holland, and the Vatican. 

Bangkok: Siam Society, pp.177-93. 

Catholic Mass-Media 1994. Somosorn 25 pee Thai 

Vatican [Chronicle of twenty-five years of 

Thai-Vatican relations]. Bangkok: Assumption 

Press. 

Challe, R.1979. Journal d'un voyage fait aux Indes 

Orientales (1690-1691). Paris: Mercure de 

France. 

Cruysse, D. Van de 1992. Louis XIV et le Siam. 

Paris: Fayard. 

Donneau de Vize, J. 1687-1690 Mercure Galant. 

Paris. 

Donneau de Vize, J. 1985. Voyage des Ambassadeurs 

de Siam en France. Bangkok: Chalermnit. 

Forbin, C. de 1997. The Siamese Memoirs of Count 

Claude de Forbin 1685-1688, introduced and 

edited by Michael Smithies. Chiangmai: 

Silkworm Books. 

Hutchinson, E.W. 1933 The French Foreign Mission 

in Siam during the XVIIth Century. Journal of 

the Siam Society 26 (l): l-71. 

Lanier, L. 1883. Etude Historique sur les Relations 

de la France et du Royaume de Siam de 1662 a 

1703. Versailles: Aubert. 

Launay, A. 1920. Histoire de la Mission de Siam 

1662-1811. Paris: Tequi. 

Martin F. 1931-4. Memoires, 3 vols. Paris: Societe 

de l'Histoire des Colonies Fran~aises. 

Royal Institute 1933. Jotmaihet ruang song thut thai 

pai krung Rome khrang ti song nai phaendin 

somdet phra narai maharaj. [Chronicle 

concerning the despatch of a second Thai 

Embassy to Rome during the reign of Phra N arai 

the Great]. Bangkok: Royal Institute. Reprinted 

Sakhon Nakhon, 1967. 

Smithies, M. 1989. The Travels in France of the 

Siamese Ambassadors 1686-7. Journal of the 

Siam Society 77 (2): 59-70. 

Smithies, M. 1993. Robert Challe and Siam. Journal 

of the Siam Society 81 (1): 91-102. 

Tachard, G. (1688). Relation ou Voyage du Pere 

Tachard a Siam, (unpublished ms). Paris: 

Archives Nationales Colonies C1 24: 172r- 

211v. 

Tachard, G. 1689. Second Voyage du Fere Tachard 

et des Jesuites envoyes par le Roi au Royaume de 

Siam. Paris: Horthemels. 

Vongsuravatana, R. 1992, Un Jesuite a la Cour de 

Siam. Paris: France-Empire. 

KEYWORDS-SIAM, THAILAND, 

FRANCE, EMBASSY, 17TH CENTURY, 

KING NARAI, LOUIS XIV 

118 


PORTUGUESE AND SPANISH SOURCES FOR THE 

HISTORY OF A YUTTHAYA IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

John Villiers* 

Abstract 

The Portuguese were commercially most active and most successful in 

Ayutthaya in the first half of the sixteenth century and the Spanish, from their 

base in the Philippines, were most active as missionaries in Siam and Cambodia 

in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. There is much to be 

learnt about the government, economy, society and culture of Ayutthaya in 

the Portuguese and Spanish official chronicles, commercial reports and 

missionary accounts, not least because of the relative paucity of local sources 

for this crucial period. Some of the more important of these documents are 

discussed, and an attempt is made to re-assess their reliability and their 

shortcomings as historical sources 1 • 

The Siamese kingdom of Ayutthaya was one of 

the first countries with which the Portuguese 

established commercial relations after their 

conquest ofMelaka in 1511, and they retained a 

significant and continuous presence there until 

the invasion and sack of Ayutthaya by the 

Burmese in 1767 (for a recent account see Flores 

1991). The Spanish for their part made several 

abortive attempts from the Philippines in the 

late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries to 

establish permanent missions in Siam and 

Cambodia. However, Siam was never of 

paramount commercial or missionary 

importance either to the Spanish or to the 

Portuguese, and there was consequently less 

need for a regular supply of information about 

the kingdom in Lisbon and Madrid, or even in 

Manila, Goa and Macau, than there was for 

news of events in, for example, the Moluccas or 

Japan. No doubt for this reason, there are 

relatively few detailed accounts of Siam in either 

Spanish or Portuguese, even for the period when 

the merchants and missionaries of the two 

Iberian countries were most active in Southeast 

Asia. Nevertheless, a study of such 

contemporary accounts as do exist, in spite of 

their obvious limitations, the prejudices, 

intolerance and ignorance they display, the 

unreliability of their sources of information, the 

inaccuracy of their statistics and their tendency 

to distort, exaggerate and even invent, and the 

difficulty of providing corroboration for them 

from the rare indigenous sources, can often 

reward the historian with much useful 

information and many valuable insights. 

The principal sixteenth century sources are 

of three kinds. First, there are the official or 

semi-official Portuguese chronicles, the primary 

function of which was to record the history of 

the great achievements of the Portuguese in 

Asia. Of these, the works of Joao de Barros, 

Fernao Lopes de Castanheda, Gaspar Correia 

and Antonio Bocarro contain a significant 

amount of information about Siam. The 

equivalent Spanish chronicles, such as the 

monumental Historia general y natural de las 

lndias by Gonza1o Fernandez de Oviedo y 

Valdes published in Seville in 1535 and the 

Historia general de las lndias of Francisco 

Lopes de Gomara published in Zaragoza in 1552, 

• 21 Overstrand Mansions, Prince ofWa1es Drive, 

London SW11 4EZ, UK, 


119

John Villiers 

either have nothing at all to say about Si1lm or 

only give it a passing mention. Then there are 

the commercial reports, of which the Suma 

Oriental of Tome Pires and Duarte Barbosa's 

Livro, both written before 1520, are 

unquestionably the most important. Thirdly, 

there are the missionary reports, correspondence 

and histories, chiefly Jesuit, Dominican and 

Franciscan and all belonging to the later 

sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. There 

are not many of these missionary accounts, partly 

because Siam, like the other Buddhist countries 

of Southeast Asia, proved to be a rather unfruitful 

field for Christian missionary endeavour, 

although it was never entirely abandoned. Few 

missionaries even succeeded in penetrating into 

the country, and those who did, although they 

seem almost invariably to have been hospitably 

received and well treated by the Siamese, and 

allowed to preach and to proselytize freely, 

frequently met their deaths in one of the frequent 

wars with its neighbours in which Ayutthaya 

was involved during this turbulent period. 

Several Portuguese accounts, including the 

Peregrina~iio of Femao Mendes Pinto and the 

Decadas of Diogo do Couto and Antonio 

Bocarro, describe these wars in some detail, 

with a wealth of greatly inflated statistics 

concerning the size of the opposing armies and 

frequent references to the presence on both sides 

of Portuguese mercenary soldiers. The accounts 

given by the missionaries of these wars 

invariably, of course, record the deaths of their 

brethren as glorious martyrdoms. 

The Peregrina~iio of Femao Mendes Pinto, 

which is the only sixteenth century secular travel 

book about Asia in either Portuguese or Spanish 

that contains information about Siam, is one 

notorious example of a European source that 

needs to be treated with great caution (but see 

Smithies 1997). Even the same author's famous 

letter to the Jesuits in Portugal sent from Melaka 

on 5 December 1554, in which he describes in 

great detail the splendours of the royal palace of 

Ayutthaya, an outing by King Chakkraphat on 

the Chao Phraya River in the royal barge and 

the ceremonial bathing of a royal white elephant, 

is of dubious veracity and, in any case, contains 

little solid information that the historian can 

make use of, being concerned almost exclusively 

with the more superficial and glamorous aspects 

of life in sixteenth century Ayutthaya (Rego 

1947-58: V: 369-72). 

All the early Portuguese and Spanish sources 

agree that Siam was one of the three greatest 

kingdoms in the eastern half of Asia, equalled 

or excelled in wealth, power and extent only by 

China and Vijayanagar. Of these sources, the 

four Decadas da Asia of Joao de Barros, which 

were published between 1552 and 1615, are 

arguably the most reliable, as well as having the 

most literary merit. Barros had no first-hand 

experience of Asia, but he was an erudite and 

painstaking scholar. He collected a vast amount 

of material from a wide variety of informants 

and contemporary written sources, and he was 

at least no more liable than any of the other 

Portuguese chroniclers of the time to suppress 

or distort the truth in order to demonstrate the 

splendour of Portuguese imperial achievements. 

He declares that, 'in the parts of Asia that we 

have discovered, there are three heathen princes 

with whom we have dealings and friendship, 

whom we call emperors of all the heathen east 

and who inhabit the mainland'. The rulers of 

Orissa, Bengal and the rest, 'although they are 

lords of great states and are powerful in land, 

population, trade and wealth, cannot be 

compared with these three. They have beneath 

them princes who are their vassals that in Europe 

would rule great kingdoms and principalities'. 

The greater part of the population of these three 

states were heathen, and 'the land of the east 

[China] is the mother and the most civilized of 

them' (Barros 1563: II: 36-7). 

According to the Thai chronicles, by the late 

fifteenth century the rulers of Ayutthaya could 

claim to exercise various degrees of suzerainty 

over sixteen principalities or cities (miiang). 

These included Tenasserim, Tavoy, Martaban 

and Moulmein in Lower Burma, Chantaburi, 

Phitsanulok, Sukhothai, Phichit, Kamphaeng 

Phet, Nakhon Sawan, Nakhon Si Thammarat 

and Songkhla in central and southern Thailand, 

and Melaka in the Malay Peninsula (Chamvit 

1976: 93-100). However, by the time the 

Portuguese first sailed into Southeast Asian 

waters in the early sixteenth century, in those 

cities that were flourishing seaports and were 

furthest from the centre of royal power in 

Ayutthaya, Siamese suzerainty had already 

become largely nominal, amounting to little 

120 


Portuguese and Spanish sources for the history of Ayutthaya in the Sixteenth Century 

more than payments of tribute. This seems to 

have been chiefly due to the rise of Muslim 

economic and political power and influence both 

in the ports and at the court of Ayutthaya itself. 

The rulers of Melaka, indeed, who, according 

to Tome Pires and other Portuguese sources, 

had been converted to Islam by foreign Muslim 

merchants who came there to trade, had 

completely thrown off Siamese suzerainty 

twenty years before the Portuguese arrived. 

Nevertheless, these same Portuguese sources 

all agree that the authority of the King of Siam 

extended in some measure over many of the 

peoples and territories between the eastern coasts 

of the Bay of Bengal in the west and the 

Vietnamese coast in the east. Tome Pires, whose 

Suma Oriental, written between 1512 and 1515, 

is the earliest exhaustive account of Asian 

commerce in any European language, lists 

Pahang, Terengganu, Kelantan, Pattani, Nakhon 

Si Thammarat, Martaban and several other ports 

which cannot be certainly identified as 

'belonging to lords of the land of Siam, and 

some of these are kings'. He states that, 

. . . they all have junks; these do not belong to 

the King of Siam, but to the merchants and the 

lords of the places; and after these ports there is 

the river of Odia [Ayutthaya], where they go up 

the river to the city-a river where boats and 

ships can go, wide and beautiful' (Cortesao 1944: 

1: 103; 105-6; 241-2; 253). 

Duarte Barbosa, who was in the service of 

the Portuguese crown in India from about 1500 

to 1516 or 1517 and whose Livro em que da 

rela~iio do que viu e ouviu no Oriente was 

completed in about 1518, lists Tenasserim 

(Mergui), Kedah, Pattani and Selangor as parts 

of the 'great kingdom which they call that of 

Anseam, belonging to the heathen'. He says 

that 'the king is a very great lord and holds the 

coast as far as the other which turns towards 

China beyond Melaka, so that he has seaports 

on both sides. He is commander of many 

footsoldiers and cavalry and of many elephants.' 

(Barbosa 1946: 199; Dames 1918-21: II: 162- 

9). The accounts of Pires and Barbosa suggest 

that in the early sixteenth century these port 

states, while enjoying a considerable measure 

of commercial and even political autonomy, 

were nevertheless still integral parts of the 

Siamese realm. 

Joiio de Barros derived most of his 

information on Siam from a Portuguese 

adventurer of good family called Domingos de 

Seixas, who had been taken captive with some 

of his compatriots by the King of Siam and had 

been in royal service in Ayutthaya for 25 years, 

first as a slave and then as a soldier, rising 

eventually to the rank of capitiio da gente 

(Barros 1563: II: 38). Although his geography 

is sometimes confused, Barros confirms in the 

second book of the third Dec ada that the Siamese 

realm with its vassal states stretched from the 

Bay of Bengal in the west to the South China 

Sea in the east and so 'has a share of both seas' 

(participa de dois mares) (1563: II: 37). He 

says that on the west side, that is in modern 

Burma, there were seven states called Rey, 

Tagala, Tavam, Pulot, Meguim, Tenassarij and 

Cholom. Of these only three-Tavoy, 

Tenasserim and Mergui---can be identified with 

certainty. Barros asserts that their rulers, 

'although they have the title of king, are subject 

to the Siamese state', and only certain Muslims 

who have made themselves masters of the 

seaboard', that is to say Mel aka and the west 

coast of the Malay Peninsula, do not obey its 

laws. A little later he says that there were nine 

Siamese kingdoms, only two of which were 

inhabited by Thais. The first of these was 

Ayutthaya, which he calls Hudia, Odia or 

Muantay, the capital of the whole Siamese 

kingdom. He translates Muantay as reyno de 

baixo, the 'kingdom below' or 'southern 

kingdom', but it is more likely that Muantay is 

simply a rendering of miiang thai. He says that 

within Ayutthaya there were six vassal states, 

each of which had a governor called Oya (in 

modern Thai, phraya, the second rank of 

conferred nobility). Three of these are places in 

modern Thailand-Pango~ay (Bang Pia Soi, 

which is no longer of any importance), Lugo 

(Nakhon Si Thammarat) and Patane (Pattani}, 

and three are in modern Malaysia-Calantam 

(Kelantan), Talingano or Talinganor 

(Terengganu) and Pam (Pahang). Barros calls 

the other Thai kingdom Chaumua. This is 

probably his rendering of Chao Nua or northern 

people, which may account for his translation 

of Muantay as southern kingdom. He states that 


121

John Villiers 

the people of Chaumua speak another language. 

The most important Thai kingdom to the north 

of Ayutthaya in the sixteenth century was Lan 

Na, the principal capital of which was Chiang 

Mai, but the identification of Chaumua with 

Lan Na-Chiang Mai is not certain, as Barros 

confusingly goes on to say that Chiamay (Chiang 

Mai) was the principal city of Jangama, one of 

three Lao kingdoms under Siamese suzerainty, 

the other two being Chancray (Chiang Rai) and 

Lanchaa (Lan Xang). The four other vassal 

kingdoms making up the total of nine are 

Camboja (Cambodia), Brema (Burma, i.e. 

Toungoo ), Como and Chaidoco, all of which 

Barros says had their own language. Neither of 

the last two of these has been identified. Brema 

was divided into Brema Oua, Brema Tangut, 

Brema Pram, Brema Beca and Brema Lima. 

Barros says that all seven of the non-Thai 

kingdoms were inhabited by 'foreigners 

conquered by the Siamese; fear and necessity 

alone make them subject to the King of Siam 

and they are constantly in revolt. They and the 

people in all the neighbouring territories are 

idolaters' (1563: II: 38-9). Among these 

neighbours of the Siamese, Barros mentions the 

Lao people, who lived to the north and east of 

Siam on the banks of the Mekong, as being 

almost constantly in a state of rebellion and 

having only refrained from attempting to throw 

off Siamese suzerainty altogether because 

Ayutthaya provided them with protection against 

some mysterious people called the Gueos, who 

hunted on horseback, tattooed themselves and 

were 'so wild and cruel that they eat human 

flesh'. He identifies the Gueos with the 

inhabitants of the kingdom that Marco Polo 

calls Cangigu, and says that from time to time 

they would descend from the mountains to the 

plains of Laos, where they would make 'great 

devastation' (1563: II: 37-8). The Gueos are 

described by Camoes in canto X of Os Lusfadas: 

See in the remote mountains other people 

Who call themselves Gueus in the empty 

wilderness, 

They eat human flesh, but their own 

They paint with hot iron, a cruel custom ! 

In book IX of the first Decada, Barros gives 

the names of the seven kingdoms subject to 

Siam as Camboja, Como, Lancha, Chencray, 

Chencran, Chiamay, Camburij and Chaipumo 

(1552: IX: 110). The last two of these names do 

not occur in the passage in the third Decada 

discussed above, while two others, Chencray 

and Chencran, both appear to be versions of 

Chiang Rai, which in the third Decada Barros 

renders as Chancry. These inconsistencies in 

Barros' rendering of Thai, Lao and Burmese 

place names, in addition to suggesting that he 

gained his information from more than one 

source, demonstrate well the need for caution in 

using the Decadas as a source for the political 

history, let alone the geography, of sixteenth 

century Siam. 

Tome Pires, like Barros, says that the 

Muslims in the seaports enjoyed a great measure 

of independence and were 'obedient to their 

own lords' (Cortesao 1944: I: 13; 104-5). He 

adds, however, that there were very few of them 

and that they were not liked by the Siamese. 

Barbosa says that at Tenasserim there were 

'many merchants both Muslim and Hindu, who 

deal in goods of all kinds and possess many 

ships which sail to Bengal, Melaka and many 

other places', while at Kedah 'there are many 

great ships', and 'it is a place of very great trade 

to which every year Muslim ships come from 

many places', but he also notes that the King of 

Ayutthaya did not allow Muslims to bear arms 

(Barbosa 1946: 199-200). It is clear that, as the 

Muslims in these ports became richer and more 

powerful, so their recognition of the suzerainty 

of Ayutthaya became increasingly nominal. On 

14 October 1551 Gaspar Lopes wrote from 

China to his brother Antonio Lopes de Bobadilla 

telling him not to be 'deceived into thinking 

that Pattani is subject to the King of Siam. We 

now have, God be praised, only Siam and Japan 

as friends, and we can come and go and conduct 

trade if we pay the tolls on arrival.' 

(Schurharnmer 1982: 311) By this time, if Femao 

Mendes Pinto is to be believed, the Muslims in 

Siam were much more numerous. In his letter 

of 15 December 1554, he maintains that in the 

city of Ayutthaya alone there were already seven 

mosques, where Turkish and Arab imams 

officiated, and 30,000 Muslim households, and 

that 'it should be a cause for great shame to the 

soldiers of Christ that the perverted sect of 

Mohammed is so widespread in these parts' 

122 



(Rego 1947-58: V: 372). He adds significantly 

that, since the King of Siam considered himself 

to be master only of his subjects' bodies and not 

of their souls, he left them free to practise any 

religion they chose. 

Fernao Lopes de Castanheda, who, in spite 

of living in Asia for ten years from 1528 to 

1538, seems to have been rather less sure of his 

geography than Barros, confirms in his Hist6ria 

do Descobrimento e Conquista da India, first 

published between 1551 and 1561, thatthe King 

of Siam was 'a very great lord both in territory 

and people', whose realm stretched from the 

Bay of Bengal to the coasts of Indochina and 

who 'possessed many and good ports' on both 

these coasts, all of them 'great cities in which 

very much rich merchandise' was traded. The 

capital city of Ayutthaya lay 'thirty leagues up 

a river so wide and deep that laden junks can 

sail there', and it was 'a very great and populous 

city with rich and beautiful buildings and very 

much trade, being supplied with a great 

abundance of goods' (Castanheda 1924-33: II: 

156-9). 

Nearly a century later, Fray Gabriel Quiroga 

de San Antonio in his Breve y verdadera relacion 

de los sucesos del Reyno de Camboxa, published 

in 1604, also describes the city of Ayutthaya as 

very beautiful, with a magnificent royal palace, 

numerous temples and monasteries and many 

houses of brick and lime. He notes that it was 

entirely surrounded by water and contained a 

hundred lagoons, in one of which ships as large 

as 500 tons could shelter in a storm. He mentions 

the presence of many Portuguese, both 

missionaries and merchants at the court and in 

the port of Ayutthaya, some of whom were on 

friendly terms with King Naresuan (San Antonio 

1604: II: 36v). 

The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires is one of 

the few sixteenth-century Portuguese sources to 

show a clear understanding of the system of 

government and administration in the Siamese 

kingdom, and of how power was devolved 

outwards from its centre in the royal capital of 

Ayutthaya through the khunnang or royal 

officials to the periphery (Dhiravat 1990: 127- 

40). Pires states that the kingdom was justly 

ruled, although the king's authority was absolute, 

and 'the important men are very obedient to the 

king'. Immediately under the king were two 

viceroys or governors, who were both 'very 

rich and important' and like the king in their 

own territories. One ruled from Kamphaeng Phet 

over the lands 'on the Pegu and Cambodia side', 

in other words in the north, and the other in the 

south on the Tenasserim, Trang and Kedah side, 

in the area between Pahang and Ayutthaya itself. 

Many of the ports in these two regions also had 

'lords like kings', some of whom were Muslims 

(Cortesao: 1944:1: 103-10). 

Barros also describes the King of Siam ruling 

from Ayutthaya as an absolute monarch to whom 

all Siamese were in complete subjection, 

'because all live by him'. This, he correctly 

says, was because all land in Siam belonged to 

the crown, like the reguengos or crown lands of 

Portugal, and because the king only gave estates 

or cities to his vassals as a reward for their 

services to hold for a fixed number of years or 

for their life time. In return, they were obliged 

to provide the king with a certain number of 

mounted men, footsoldiers and elephants. The 

men who worked on the land paid a proportion 

of the produce to the king or to the lord to 

whom the king had granted it (Barros 1563: II: 

40-40v). 

Since the chief interests of the Portuguese in 

Siam, and indeed in Southeast Asia generally, 

were commercial, it is scarcely surprising that 

the Portuguese sources, including the reports 

and correspondence of the Jesuits and other 

missionaries written from the field during this 

period, often provide more useful information 

about the economic situation in Southeast Asia 

and the trading possibilities that existed there 

for the Portuguese than they do about political 

and social conditions, and are concerned as much 

with the commercial realities as with the nature 

of Southeast Asian governments and 

administration or with the customs and religious 

beliefs of the people. We have already noticed 

that most of the Portuguese sources give detailed 

descriptions of the ports of Siam, of the traders 

who frequented them and the goods that passed 

through them. The information provided in these 

descriptions suggests that by the early sixteenth 

century much of Siam's overseas trade in the 

Indian Ocean was conducted not from the city 

of Ayutthaya itself, for all the advantages of its 

position on the Chao Phraya River and its status 

as the royal capital, but from ports in the tributary 


123

John Villiers 

states on the coast of the Bay of Bengal, while 

Siamese trade in the Indonesian archipelago and 

the South China Sea was carried on from ports 

in the Malay Peninsula. Duarte Barbosa says 

that Mergui, for example, at the mouth of the 

Tenasserim River, was frequented by merchants 

of many nations, especially Muslims, who 

brought copper, quicksilver, vermilion, cloth 

dyed in grain, Cambay cotton cloth, silk, printed 

Mecca velvets, saffron, opium, threaded white 

coral, and rosewater transported from Mecca 

and Aden in little copper barrels and sold by 

weight, with the barrel included. All this 

merchandise was then imported into Siam in 

exchange for Siamese goods. Barbosa also notes 

that the tributary state of Kedah on the west 

coast of the peninsula produced pepper, which 

was shipped to Melaka and China, while Pahang 

on the east coast was an important source of 

gold, but was no longer a vassal of Ayutthaya, 

having transferred its allegiance to Melaka 

(Barbosa 1946: 200). 

Melaka, from where, according to Tome 

Pires, a wide variety of goods was still being 

imported into Siam in the early sixteenth century, 

ranging from spices, opium, vermilion, 

sandalwood and camphor to Indian textiles and 

slaves, was a prime example of a state which 

had acted while it was under the suzerainty of 

A yutthaya as an entrepot for Siam's international 

trade, but which the Siamese merchants had 

ceased to frequent as soon as it threw off that 

suzerainty. Among the goods exported from 

Siam to Melaka, Pires lists rice, salt, dried fish, 

arrack and vegetables, which had formerly been 

taken there in as many as thirty junks a year, as 

well as lacquer, benzoin, sappanwood 

(brazilwood), lead, tin, copper, silver, gold, 

ivory, cassia fistula and large quantities of 

'cheap, coarse Siamese cloth for the poor people' 

(Cortesao 1944:1: 107-8). TheRoteirode Vasco 

da Gama, written shortly before the Portuguese 

arrived in Southeast Asia, singles out benzoin 

for mention as the principal Siamese product 

exported to Melaka at that time (Costa 1969: 

88). Barbosa says that some of the best benzoin 

came from the country round Tenasserim 

(Barbosa 1946: 199). 

Antonio Bocarro, writing about events in 

the year 1613 in his Decada 13 da Historia da 

India, makes it clear that a hundred years after 

Pires Mergui still played an important role in 

Siamese trade, and that much of this trade was 

still conducted by Muslim merchants. He 

describes the arrival in Ayutthaya of an embassy 

from Bijapur, bringing three horses caparisoned 

with silk, but without saddles, and two sheep 

from Hormuz. The purpose of the embassy was 

to promote trade links between Tenasserim and 

Dabul by supplying the King of Siam with any 

goods that he might require, especially arms 

and Cambay and Balagate cloths, which were 

often 'fine and of great value' and to conclude 

an agreement for the establishment of a trading 

post in Mergui for the Muslim merchants from 

Bijapur (Bocarro 1876: 1: 531-2). 

It is evident from these Portuguese and 

Spanish sources that the Muslim merchants from 

India, Persia and elsewhere who had settled in 

Ayutthaya, Mergui and other ports continued to 

exercise considerable power and influence in 

both the commercial and the political life of the 

Siamese kingdom throughout the sixteenth 

century, and that, in consequence, Ayutthaya 

maintained close relations with many Muslim 

states. A no less important role in Siamese 

commerce was played by the Chinese. Tome 

Pires emphasizes the privileged position enjoyed 

by the Chinese in Siam in comparison with 

merchants of other nations. Siam, he writes, 'is 

very large and very plenteous, with many 

peoples and cities, with many lands and many 

foreign merchants, and most of these foreigners 

are Chinese, because Siam does a great deal of 

trade with China'. According to Pires, the 

Chinese paid lower dues than the Muslim Arabs, 

Persians, Bengalis, Kelings from the 

Coromandel Coast and other foreign merchants 

who frequented Siamese ports (two in every 

twelve as against two in every nine), and he 

notes that the Chinese goods that came through 

Siamese ports were traded as far away as 

Hormuz (Cortesao 1944: 1: 104-5). 

It is clear from the correspondence of Afonso 

de Albuquerque with Lisbon and from the 

Comentdrios of his son that he was well aware, 

even before he captured Melaka, of the wealth 

and commercial power of Ayutthaya and of the 

important part played by the Chinese in that 

commerce. He knew that Melaka had already 

thrown off Siamese suzerainty and was hostile 

to Ayutthaya, so that Siamese traders no longer 

124 



frequented the city and instead were increasingly 

concentrating their activities on the ports of the 

Bay of Bengal and the Malay Peninsula. He 

also realized that the best way of opening 

commercial relations with the Siamese in these 

circumstances would be to enlist the support of 

the Chinese merchants trading between Melaka 

and Ayutthaya. In October 1511, therefore, 

before he had even completed the conquest of 

Melaka, he had already asked a group of Chinese 

merchants who were sailing to Ayutthaya in 

two junks to take Duarte Fernandes with them 

to try to establish trade relations with the Siamese 

(Albuquerque 1774: III: 128-9). 

Duarte Fernandes was an officer in the 

Portuguese fleet who had come to Melaka in 

1509 and spent two years in prison with Rui de 

Araujo. According to the Comentdrios and to 

the Lendas da India of Gaspar Correia, he was 

well qualified and well suited for the task of 

negotiating with the Thais. One of his 

qualifications seems to have been that he had 

learned 'the language' during his imprisonment 

(Correia 1975: II: 262; Albuquerque 1774: III: 

129, 172-5). If, as seems most likely, 'the 

language' was Malay, this suggests that Malay 

was the commercial lingua franca at Ayutthaya 

at that time, as it was in many parts of Southeast 

Asia. Correia, Castanheda and Barros all tell in 

detail the story of Fernandes' mission to the 

court of Ayutthaya and the subsequent embassies 

of Ant6nio de Miranda de Azevedo and Duarte 

Coelho, which ended with the conclusion of the 

Luso-Siamese treaty of 1518, and all give 

descriptions of the elaborate ceremonies and 

lists of the lavish gifts exchanged between the 

king and the ambassadors. After Azevedo's 

embassy, one member of his retinue, Manuel 

Fragoso stayed behind at Ayutthaya for two 

years in order to prepare a report 'on the 

products, the dress and customs of the Siamese, 

and the depth of the harbours'. This report, 

which Fragoso, in the company of ambassadors 

from the kings of Siam and Pegu, took to Goa 

in 1513 to submit to Albuquerque, is now lost, 

but it is probable that both Barros and Barbosa 

saw it and made use of it in writing their 

descriptions of Siam (Campos 1982: 12-13; 

Albuquerque 1774: IV: 103-4). 

By the end of the century, the Portuguese 

were trading with Siam and elsewhere in 

Southeast Asia out of Macau as well as Melaka 

and thereby helping to maintain Siam's 

commercial links with China. The Spanish 

Franciscan, Fr Marcelo de Ribadaneira, in his 

Historia de las Islas del Archipielago y Reynos 

dela Gran China, Tartaria, Cuchinchina, 

Malaca, Sian, Camboxa y lappon, published in 

Barcelona in 1601, states that Siam at that time 

was 

. . . abundant in all merchandise, for many ships 

of the Chinese and Portuguese from Macau and 

Melaka and the Muslims of Pattani and Brunei 

and other parts carry it there. From that kingdom 

they take cotton thread, brazil wood, much silver 

and lead, benzoin and deer skins . . . They also 

kill many tigers, ounces, rhinoceroses and other 

animals, and sell the hides to merchants . . . 

because there are so many merchants, there is a 

great abundance of ivory with which the 

merchants load their ships. There are few 

important people in Siam who do not have very 

large ships which they send to China and other 

kingdoms to trade'(Ribadaneira 1601:1: 171). 

The Portuguese Dominican, Fr Gaspar da 

Cruz in his Tractado em que se cotam muito por 

esteso as cousas da China, published in 1569, 

paints a rather less rosy picture of the part played 

in his time by Chinese merchants and Chinese 

goods in Siamese trade. He asserts that already 

by then the only goods exported from China 

were silks and porcelain, and that these were 

carried in Portuguese and Siamese ships. The 

quantities must have been relatively small, since 

he says that only five or six of these ships sailed 

from Chinese ports each year, a figure that 

accords with Pires, who fifty years earlier had 

recorded that Siamese trade in China consisted 

of only six or seven junks a year (Cruz 1953: 

112). Gaspar da Cruz also observes that, in 

order to circumvent the trade prohibition 

imposed by the Ming emperors, it was a common 

practice for Chinese merchants in Ayutthaya, 

like those in Pattani, Melaka and elsewhere in 

Southeast Asia, to return clandestinely to China 

in their own vessels laden with merchandise, 

taking with them a Portuguese, whom they 

would bribe to take their goods through the 

Chinese customs and pay any duties on their 

behalf (1953: 112). Portuguese also often sailed 


125

John Villiers 

with the Siamese embassies and tribute missions 

that went to China every two years or so. There 

are, for example, many references in the Jesuit 

correspondence to St Francis Xavier's plan, 

which he never put into effect, to enter China 

by sailing flrst from Melaka to a Siamese port 

in a Portuguese vessel and then from Ayutthaya 

to China with one of these tribute missions. 2 

Bocarro also has much of interest to say 

about Siamese commercial relations with the 

Europeans at the beginning of the seventeenth 

century. He points out that, Siam being so near 

the Philippines, it was always to the advantage 

of the Siamese to remain on friendly terms with 

any Spaniards who came to their country, 

although Antonio de Morga in his Sucesos de 

las Islas Philipinas, flrst printed in Mexico in 

1609, says that the ships sailing to Manila from 

Siam and Cambodia were few and infrequent. 

Morga notes that they would arrive in April, 

May and June, bringing with them benzoin, 

pepper, ivory, cotton cloths, rubies and sapphires 

'badly cut and set', a few slaves, rhinoceros 

hom, hide, hoofs and teeth, and 'other trinkets', 

which they would exchange for such goods as 

were available in Manila, chiefly also, it seems, 

mere trinkets (Bocarro 1876: 531; Stanley 1868: 

343). 

Bocarro describes the two factories 

maintained by the Dutch and the English, the 

former 'with great resources' and the latter with 

less. Both Dutch and English traded with Siam 

in deer hides, rayflsh skins, sappanwood, silk 

from China and Cochinchina, and pepper, which 

they brought from Bintang by way of Pattani. 

They also sent ships to Japan with Siamese 

goods, thereby making great profits for 

themselves and for the King of Siam, 'which is 

why he is so attached to them' (1876: 530). 

In comparison with these detailed discussions 

of commercial matters, there is disappointingly 

little accurate information, even in the 

missionary records, to be gleaned from the 

Portuguese and Spanish sources about the 

religious beliefs and practices of the Thais. Some 

contain highly-coloured descriptions of the 

splendid pagodas 3 and the rich treasures they 

contained, the elaborate cremation ceremonies 

and the austere lives led by the Buddhist 

monkhood, but none reveals more than a very 

imperfect understanding of the doctrines of either 

Hinduism or Buddhism. Even by the end of the 

sixteenth century, the Portuguese seem to have 

advanced little further in their understanding of 

the religions of the gentios (heathens) whom 

they encountered in Asia than Vasco da Gama 

and his companions who, when they flrst arrived 

in India, thought that the Samorin, the Hindu 

ruler of Calicut, was a Christian. 

It is only to be expected that Barros (1563: 

II: 39-40), for example, would show a limited 

understanding of Buddhist doctrine and 

practices, and it is a characteristic 

misrepresentation by Femao Mendes Pinto to 

assert to his fellow Jesuits that the Thais 

worshipped the four elements, so that the bodies 

of those who believed in the divinity of water 

were buried in the bed of a river when they 

died, those who believed in flre were cremated, 

those who believed in earth were buried in the 

ground, and those who believed in air were left 

floating in a river or exposed in the open to be 

devoured by the birds (Rego 1947-58: V: 371- 

2). But it is somewhat surprising that Spanish 

and Portuguese missionaries writing flfty years 

later should give almost equally inaccurate and 

confused accounts of the religion of the people 

they were trying to convert to Christianity. The 

Portuguese Dominican friar, Fr. Joao dos Santos 

wrote one of the most extended of these accounts 

of Buddhism in sixteenth-century Siam in his 

Ethiopia Oriental, published in 1609. Its chief 

interest lies in its description of the mission of 

two of his brethren, Fr. Jeronimo da Cruz and 

Fr. Sebastiao do Canto to Ayutthaya in 1566, 

which reveals much about missionary methods 

in Southeast Asia at that time. Since the Thais 

had already been told by the Portuguese living 

in Ayutthaya that the two friars, who appear to 

have been the fust Christian missionaries to 

enter Siam officially, were 'dedicated to the 

worship of the true God', they received them 

with great honour and hospitality and provided 

them with houses in which to say Mass. The 

two friars apparently soon learnt Thai so 

thoroughly that they were able to speak it as 

though it were their mother tongue and so could 

begin to preach. Many of 'the heathen nobility', 

some of the leading women, even 'priests of the 

idols' and monks, 'who lead a solitary existence 

in those parts and live from alms and are great 

penitents, mortifying their passions and forcing 

126 



them to obey reason', came to listen to their 

preaching and were apparently impressed by it. 

The Muslims, however, were not content to 

hear the Dominicans teaching doctrines that were 

so at variance with the tenets of their 'depraved 

sect', so they tried first to foment a riot by 

insulting the Portuguese merchants with whom 

the friars lodged, and, when that failed to have 

any effect, they resorted to bribing the Buddhists 

with money, so as to win their support for 'the 

sacrilege they were planning to perpetrate'. In 

this they were more successful. When the riot 

began, the two Dominicans, hearing the great 

outcry, came out of their houses and tried to 

separate the Muslims from the Christians. In 

the ensuing melee, Fr. Jeronimo was killed by a 

lance thrust. Most of the Buddhists were 

horrified at this and 'made the city resound with 

their cries and groans. The grandees and nobles 

of the land covered their heads with ashes and 

the common people rent their garments'. At Fr. 

Jeronimo's funeral, many people kissed his 

hands and feet with great devotion. The king 

was then ten days' journey away (perhaps at 

Lop Burl) and, when he heard the news, he was 

very angry and ordered that all the malefactors, 

whether Muslim or Buddhist, be arrested, the 

Muslims put to death by being trampled by 

elephants and the guiltiest Buddhists beheaded, 

while those who were less guilty were to be 

exiled from the kingdom in perpetuity. Fr. 

SebastUio do Canto was wounded, but recovered 

and went to the king to beg him to spare the 

lives of those he had condemned. The king was 

amazed at the friar's petition, but graciously 

agreed to remit the sentences, saying that the 

Portuguese must be very good people if they 

could so readily forgive those who had wronged 

them (Santos 1609: II: 113-5). 

This incident reveals that at this time, as 

later, friendly relations were maintained between 

the Buddhist ruler of Ayutthaya and the Christian 

missionaries who came to his court, but that this 

had not led to any advance in real understanding 

between them of each others' religious beliefs. 

San Antonio's account of Ayutthaya provides 

an interesting Spanish example of this continuing 

lack of comprehension on the Christian side: 

The royal pagoda is dedicated to the sun, which 

is one of their gods . . . in this pagoda or varelli 

are to be found the gods of war, of peace, of 

earth, water, health and sickness, and the god of 

sleep, which is made with such artifice that it 

snores as if it were alive. The image of the sun, 

to which the temple is dedicated, is all of silver, 

with diamonds for teeth, eyes made of different 

precious stones, and the right arm made of an 

unknown stone of inestimable value. It has a 

hole in its head, into which water is poured that 

comes out through another hole in a certain part 

of the body. The Siamese regard this water as 

blessed and say that its properties make barren 

women fertile (San Antonio 1604: II part 2: 

238). 

The Jesuits seem to have been little better 

than the friars at grasping the essentials of 

Buddhist doctrine, as is shown by the account 

of the mission of the Jesuit Baltazar de Sequeira 

to Siam in 1606 given in the Relar;ao anual das 

coisas que fizeram os Padres da Companhia de 

Jesus nas suas missoes compiled by Padre 

Fernao Guerreiro. In that year, at the insistence 

of one Tristao Golaio, a Portuguese merchant 

living in Sao Tome de Meliapor, who, along 

with several other Portuguese friends and 

acquaintances of the King of Siam in various 

parts of the Estado da India, had received a 

letter from the king inviting him to bring his 

ships to Siamese ports, Padre Baltazar sailed 

from Sao Tome to Tenasserim and then travelled 

partly overland and partly by water to Ayutthaya. 

After many adventures, including seeing one of 

his companions being eaten by a tiger, he arrived 

in Ayutthaya and at once began the work of 

proselytization. In a short time he had baptized 

many children of different nations and also a 

Japanese merchant, whose goodness of heart 

and inclination towards the virtue which 

Guerreiro claims the Japanese naturally possess. 

However, he had singularly little success with 

the adult Thai population and gained only a 

slightly less garbled idea of Buddhist doctrine 

from the monks than had San Antonio. Sequeira 

concluded that Buddhists believed that the world 

was temporarily without a god to govern its 

affairs because three gods they had had 

previously were dead and a fourth was expected 

to arrive any day. However, 'this great machine 

of the world' did not really need any god to 

govern it, because it was already regulated by a 


127

John Villiers 

set of rules (bula) which one of the previous 

gods had left behind. The monks would read 

out these rules to the simple people, who would 

listen to them 'with hands joined and uplifted 

and with admirable attention and reverence'. 

Sequeira describes their festivals, which he says 

took place according to the phases of the moon. 

On those days the temples would be opened so 

that everyone might go in, say their prayers and 

make their votive offerings. He describes the 

temples as magnificent and of curious 

architecture, with long galleries, wide courtyards 

and spacious chapels on every side. In one of 

them Sequeira saw 'a statue of an idol eighteen 

covados high which was of their great god'. 

This may have been one of the colossal socalled 

eighteen-cubit Buddha images (eighteen 

cubits being the supposed height of the Buddha 

when he was on earth), of which many were 

and still are made in Thailand. He asked an old 

priest aged ninety, who was the king's uncle 

and a man of great reputation and authority, 

where this god was. He replied that he was in 

the hearts of men. The Jesuit then asked if that 

god in whom he believed had a body and if it 

was of the same size as the statue. The old man 

replied that it was. In that case, said Sequeira, 

how, being so large, can he enter the hearts of 

men, who are so small. Not surprisingly, this 

absurd question reduced the old man to silence 

and, 'in order not to admit his ignorance, he put 

off giving his answer until another day'. 

Sequeira gives a slightly more accurate 

picture of some Buddhist practices. He says 

that each temple had a choir with seats on 

either side as in Christian churches, so that the 

monks could chant antiphonally, and that the 

chanting took place chiefly at nightfall and again 

at midnight. Very early in the morning the 

monks would be woken by a bell and would go 

out into the streets to ask for alms, which they 

collected in baskets that they carried in their 

hands. He also describes their funeral 

ceremonies, stating that the dead were placed 

in beautifully made and painted wooden coffins, 

and cremated to the accompaniment of festive 

dances and music. 

Guerreiro maintains that the monks listened 

politely and intently to Sequeira's exposition of 

Christian doctrine, but appeared to understand 

little of what he was trying to teach them. 

Sequeira also spoke twice to King Ekathotsarot, 

who showed him 'more hospitality and honour 

than he shows to his own priests' and 'revealed 

himself in his discourse as a person of great 

humanity'. However, he appears to have been 

less interested in hearing about Christianity than 

in conveying to Sequeira his desire that 'the 

Portuguese with their ships frequent his ports, 

especially the port of his royal city, and for this 

reason he was not willing to allow the Father to 

leave until another had come in his place' 

(Viegas 1930-42: ill: 84-7). 

Most of the Portuguese Dominicans who 

worked in Ayutthaya during the 1560s were 

killed in the Burmese invasion of Ayutthaya in 

1569, and most of the Spanish Franciscans and 

Dominicans who went there in the 1580s and 

1590s met a similar fate in the Burmese war of 

1584 and the Cambodian war of 1594. None of 

them achieved more than a handful of 

conversions. The Jesuits seem to have been 

hardly more successful, although it is interesting 

to note that the Regulamento of the Jesuit College 

of Sao Paulo in Goa of 27 June 1546 stipulates, 

even at that early date, that among the pupils 

from Asian countries other than India for whom 

the college was to make provision there should 

be six from Melaka, six from the Moluccas, six 

Chinese, six from Pegu and six from Siam 

(ssioes) (Rego 1947-58: ill: 355). 

Guerreiro's account of Sequeira's mission 

to Ayutthaya exemplifies admirably the nature 

of the relationship that existed at that time 

betewen the Thais and the Portuguese. The 

Spanish, although their records often reveal 

commercial preoccupations similar to those of 

the Portuguese, never made any concerted 

attempt to develop their trading relations with 

Siam; they were more concerned with making, 

through their missionary endeavours, especially 

in Cambodia, their new colony in the Philippines 

an almacen de la fe (storehouse of the faith) 

from which to disseminate Christianity 

throughout Southeast Asia. The Portuguese, on 

the other hand, seem from the outset to have 

always attached more immediate importance to 

the things of Mammon than to those of God, 

and certainly in Siam they conducted the 

business of winning revenue with more zeal 

and undoubtedly with more success than the 

winning of souls. 

128 



Notes 

1 This is a revised version of a paper presented at 

the Vth International Conference on Thai Studies 

held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, 

University of London in July 1993. 

2 Francis Xavier eventually sailed directly to China 

from Melaka via Singapore in 1552 on board the 

Santa Cruz, a merchant ship carrying a cargo of 

pepper. She belonged to Diogo Pereira, who was to 

have accompanied Xavier as Portuguese ambassador 

to China, but was prevented from so doing by the 

admiral of the sea and captain-designate of Melaka, 

Dom Alvaro de Ataide. The events leading up to this 

voyage and the voyage itself are described by 

Schurhammer (1982: 584-619). 

3 The word 'pagoda' is thought to be derived either 

from Sanskrit bhagavat, 'holy', or from Persian butkadah, 

'shrine' .It was first used by the Portuguese to 

denote any kind of Hindu or Buddhist temple and 

even occasionally a mosque. See Yule and Burnell 

1903 sub Pagoda. 

4 Like 'pagoda', 'varella' is a Portuguese term of 

uncertain origin and vague meaning. It is possibly 

derived from Malay berhala, 'idol'. See Yule and 

Burnelll903 sub Varella. 

References 

Albuquerque, A. de 1774. Commentdrios do Grande 

Afonso Dalboquerque capitiio geral que foi das 

Indias Orientaes em tempo do muito poderoso 

Rey D. Manuel o primeiro deste nome, Lisbon: 

Regia Officina Typografica [reprinted 1973, 

Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional]. 

Barbosa, D. 1946. Livro em que da relafiio do que 

viu e ouviu no Oreinte, (ed. Augusto Reis 

Machado), Lisbon: Agencia Real das Col6nias. 

Barros, J. de 1552. Asia de Joam de Barros. dos 

fectos que os Portugueses fizzeram no 

descobrimento e conquista dos mares e terras do 

Oriente Decada I, Lisbon: Germiio Galharde. 

Barros, J. de 1563. Terceira Decada da Asia . . , 

Lisbon: loam de Barreira. 

Bocarro A. 1876. Decada 13 da Historia da India 

(ed. R. J. de L. Feiner), 2 vols, Lisbon: 

Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencais. 

Campos, J. de 1982. Early Portuguese Accounts of 

Thailand (Antigos Relatos da Tailiindia), Lisbon: 

Camara Municipalde Lisboa [First published in 

Journal of the Thailand Research Society 32 (1) 1940]. 

Castanheda, F. L. de 1924-33. HistOria do 

descobrimento e conquista da India pelos 

Portugueses (ed. Pedro de Azevedo), 4 vols, 

Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade. 

Charnvit Kasetri 1976. Ayudhya: A History of 

Siam in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 

Centuries, Kuala Lumpur & London: Oxford 


Correia, G. 1975. Lendas da India (eds M. L. de 

Almeida and J. V. Serrao), 4 vols, Oporto: Lello 

& Irmiio. 

Cortesiio A. 1944. The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, 

2 vols, London: Hakluyt Society. 

Costa, A. F. de 1969. Roteiro da primeira viagem de 

Vasco da Gama (1497-1499) por Alvaro Velho 

(3rd ed.) Lisbon: Agencia-Geral do Ultramar. 

Cruz, Fr. G. da 1953. Tractado em que se cotam 

muito por esteso as cousas da China, co suas 

particularidades, asi do reyno dormuz, in C. R 

Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth Century, 

London: Hakluyt Society. 

Dames, M. L. 1918-21. The Book of Duarte Barbosa, 

2 vols, London: Hakluyt Society. 

Dhiravat na Pombejra 1990. Crown trade and court 

politics in Ayutthaya in the reign of King Narai 

(1656-88). In The Southeast Asian Port and 

Polity: Rise and Demise (eds J. Kathirithamby 

Wells and J. Villiers), Singapore: Singapore 

University Press, pp.l27-43. 

Flores, M. da C. 1991. Os Portugueses eo Siiio no 

seculo XVI, Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional. 

Pinto, F. M. 1614. Peregrinafam de Fernam Mendez 

Pinto em que da conta de muytas e muyto 

estranhas cousas que vio e ouvio no reyno da 

China, no da Tartaria, no do Sornau, que 

vulgarmente se chama Siiio, no do Calaminham, 

no do Pegu, no do Martaviio, e em outros muytos 

reynos e senhorios das partes orientais, Lisbon: 

(Publisher not named). 

Rego, A. da S. 1947-58. Documentafiio para a 

historia das missoes do padroado portugues do 

Oriente: India, 12 vols, Lisbon: Agencia Geral 

das Col6nias/ Agencia Geral do Ultramar. 

Ribadaneira, Fr. M. de, OFM 1601. Historia de las 

is las del archipielago y reynos de/a Gran China, 

Tartaria, Cuchinchina, Malaca, Sian, Camboxa 

y lappon, 2 vols, Barcelona: G. Graells y G. 

Do til. 

San Antonio, Fr. G. Q. de 1604. Breve y verdadera 

relacion de los sucesos del Reyno de Camboxa, 

Valladolid: Pedro Lasso. 


129

John Villiers 

Santos, Fr J. dos 1609. Ethiopia Oriental e varia 

historia de cousas notaveis do Oriente, 2 vols, 

Evora: Convento de S. Domingos. 

Schurhammer, G. S.J. 1982. Francis Xavier: His Life, 

His Times, vol4, Japan and China ( 1549-1552), 

Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute. 

Smithies, M. 1997. The Siam of Mendes Pinto's 

travels. Journal of the Siam Society 85 (1 & 2): 

59-74. 

Stanley, Hon. H. E. J. 1868. The Philippine Islands, 

Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, 

at the Close of the Sixteenth Century by Antonio 

de Morga, London: Hakluyt Society 

Yule, H. and Burnell, A. C. 1903. Hobson-Jobson: A 

Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and 

Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, 

Historical, Geographical and Discursive (New 

Edition), London: John Murray 

Viegas, A. 1930-42. Relaqiio anual das coisas 

quefizeram os Padres da Companh.ia de Jesus 

nas suas missoes do Japiio, China, Cataio, 

Tidore, Ternate, Amboino, Malaca, Pegu, 

Bangala, Bisnagd, Madure, Costa da Pescaria, 

Manat, Ceiliio, Travancor, Malabar, 

Sodomala, Goa, Salcete, Lahor, Diu, Etiopia 

a alta ou Preste Joiio, Monomotopa, Angola, 

Guine, Serra Leoa, Cabo Verde e Brasil nos 

anos de 1600 a 1609 pelo Padre Ferniio 

Guerreiro e do processo da conversiio e 

Cristandade daquelas partes: tirada das cartas 

que os missiondrios de ld escreveram pelo 

Padre Ferniio Guerreiro, 3 vols, Coimbra: 

Imprensa da Universidade. 

KEY WORDS-SIAM, THAILAND, 

AYUTTHA YA, 16th CENTURY, 

PORTUGUESE, SPANISH, TRADE, 

MISSIONARIES 

130 


THE ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN 

COASTAL SITES: A MODEL FOR THE DEPOSITION AND 

RECOVERY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIAL 

Richard A. Engelhardt* 

and 

Pamela Rumball Rogers** 

Abstract 

This paper discusses ethnoarchaeological research done in Phuket, southwestern 

Thailand, among the nomadic sea peoples, the Chaw Lay. Discussion focuses 

on the way in which materials and tools utilized in their maritime adapted 

activities are discarded, curated or otherwise become part of the archaeological 

record. Specifically, we look at stone artifacts, altered surfaces of activity 

areas, depositions and structural evidence in the form of postholes and driplines. 

A group of existing Chaw Lay settlements are decribed in terms of these 

variables, and the model of Chaw Lay site formation and use which evolved is 

outlined. This model was tested in the field by a series of excavations of 

abandoned Chaw Lay archaeological sites. The usefulness of the model for 

interpreting maritime adapted sites is then discussed, with remarks concerning 

the implications for archaeology of similar sites. 

Introduction to the Phuket Project 

The goal of this paper is to show and share 

some of the methodologies by which we have 

tried to understand the intricate ecological 

relationship with the sea which certain groups 

of people in Southeast Asia have developed 

in post-Pleistocene times. Tantalizingly early 

evidence from throughout the archipelago 

convinces us that this process has been one of 

long evolution and that unique cultures have 

resulted from this process. But we have also 

been struck, since we first started working in 

this area 20 years ago, by how limited is the 

data for this ecological specialization and how 

problematic is its extraction from the 

archaeological record, given the difficulties 

of retrieval in sandy or mangrove covered, 

coastal and monsoonal environments. This 

has led, we are convinced, to a limited 

interpretation of the data from many sites and 

a preoccupation with imported culture due to 

the high visibility of exotic imported items 

found. 

Because of this, we launched in 1978 a 

loosely organized, multi-disciplinary study of 

the problem of cultural adaptation to the 

maritime econiche in Southeast Asia. 

Gratifyingly, we are finding that as we work on 

more sites throughout the region, approached 

from a variety of different scientific perspectives, 

the evidence is converging. This is particularly 

true for what we might call the epistemology of 

archaeology of maritime Southeast Asia; that 

is, how do we archaeologists know what we 

know? 

* UNESCO Regional Advisor for Culture in Asia 

and the Pacific, UNESCO, PO Box 967 Prakanong, 

Bangkok 10110, Thailand. 

** Archaeological Assessments Ltd.,A2 1/fPo Shan 

Mansions, 14-16 Po Shan Road, Sai Ying Poon, 

Hong Kong, SAR, China. 


131


We have always been convinced that 

ethnoarchaeology, despite the serious drawback 

of the limited time over which observations for 

making analogies are usually made, is an 

exercise which can illuminate the concerns of 

archaeological research. Not wanting to get into 

a discussion of the advantages and or 

shortcomings of ethnoarchaeology, we will 

present a rough outline of our data and analyze 

the directions this points in for archaeological 

research in general in coastal areas of tropical 

Southeast Asia. 

Our research is based on the 

ethnoarchaeological portion of work done on a 

series of 15 sites in south Thailand over a three 

year period from 1978 to 1981, followed by 

visits in 1986 and April-May 1996. We now 

have plans to return at the 10 year interval to 

further test and verify our conclusions before 

final publication. 

The aim of our ethnoarchaeological work is to 

test, in the specific environment of coastal tropical 

Southeast Asia, how effectively archaeological 

recovery techniques can identify and interpret 

remains of subsistence strategies that created them. 

Specifically, the focus is on those activities 

associated with maritime-based subsistence 

strategies that have been posited to characterize 

the socio-economic development of the area 

throughout at least the past 7-10,000 years. 

We asked ourselves: how direct a line can 

be traced from the activity to archaeological 

deposit, after redeposition, post-depositional and 

taphonomic factors have all been taken into 

consideration? 

Background to the study area 

For our study, we chose an area centred on the 

island of Phuket in the Andaman Sea off the 

west coast of southern Thailand (Figure 1) 

Twenty years ago this area was not the tourist 

paradise it is today, but it was slated to become 

one. That is one of the reasons we chose to 

study the many archaeological sites known to 

exist on Phuket and the smaller islands: they 

were to be, and now mostly are, lost to 

archaeological research. 

The other reason for choosing the Phuket 

area, is that the island of Phuket itself has for at 

least the past four centuries been known as the 

common meeting point of two major groups of 

sea nomads travelling the Andaman Sea coast 

between Burma and the Riau Linnga archipelago 

south of Singapore. 

The Chaw Lay 

The Chaw Lay, the focus of this study, are an 

indigenous population of the west coast of 

Thailand (Sopher 1977). Traditionally, they live 

a nomadic existence travelling by boat over an 

area extending from Burma to Singapore. They 

are reported to be of proto-Malay racial stock, 

but no genetic mapping has been done, as far as 

we are aware, to confirm this. The Chaw Lay 

speak Malaya-Polynesian dialects related to 

Malay (Hogan 1972). Their language has three 

subgroups reflecting regional variation: Moken, 

spoken from southern Burma southwards to 

Phuket; Moklen, from Phangnga southward to 

Phuket; and Urok Lawoi, spoken from Phuket 

southward along the coast of Malaysia, to the 

Riaou Linnga Islands south of Singapore. 

Phuket, at the meeting point of all these dialects, 

has speakers of all three. 

The groups in question all have names for 

themselves, but refer to themselves as a group 

in the southern Thai vernacular as 'Chaw Lay'. 

Although unscientific, use of this term breaks 

the dangerous misconception that these people 

are nomads in the true sense of the word, a 

misconception that the term 'sea nomads' 

perpetuates. 

In 1981, in the areas we studied, there were 

approximately 4500 Chaw Lay living in more 

than 40 groups of settlements ranging in size 

from two to more than 800 peoples (Figure 2). 

Of these about 1600 lived on Phuket Island 

itself and the nearby islands; mostly in the five 

main settlements ofRawai, Tukay, Sapam, Laem 

La and Laem Tong on Ko Phi Phi. 

They travelled to and from these base 

settlements and a wide range of fishing camps 

by small boat. Voyaging by sight and rarely 

staying out on the sea after dark they are very 

dependent on their shore camps. 

The environment 

A consideration of the environmental niche 

which the Chaw Lay have chosen to occupy is 

132 


The ethnoarchaeology of Southeast Asian coastal sites 

AN DAMAN 

SEA 

N 

Figure 1 Map of southern Thailand showing the Phuket Project study area. 



PHUKET 

e BASE 

QABANDONED 

BASE 

{{ CAMP 

0 

(J 

10k 

11~ 

8 

Figure 2 Map of Phuket showing the sites mentioned in the text: 1. Laem La , 2. Ta That Chai, 3. Sapam, 

4. Tukay, 5. Phap Pha, 6. Rawaii, 7. Haad Yao, 8. La Eo, 9. Haad Hin Khaw, 10. Ao Wai Daeng, 11. Laem 

Thong. (Circle size represents relative settlement size). 



crucial to an understanding of their adaptive 

strategy. The entire coast from the Bay of Bengal 

to the Riaou Linnga archipelago, and beyond 

into the main Indonesian Islands, is characterized 

by long stretches of sandy beach broken by 

estuarine areas of mangrove and mud-flat, rocky 

outcrops and off-shore island groups, closely 

enough spaced as to be easily visible one from 

another all along the chain. 

The sea is shallow over the narrow 

continental shelf, with warm temperatures and 

low salinity resulting in plentiful marine fauna 

and a great diversity of species. The shelf was 

created by the flooding in the Pleistocene of the 

Sunda Shelf. The resulting Southeast Asian 

landscape is unique in its high ratio of sea to 

land. 

The climate is warm at all times, with a 

monsoon pattern of a mild, sunny period during 

the northwest winter monsoon and a period of 

strong winds and rains during the summer 

monsoon from the southwest. During this 

summer monsoon the seas are not safely 

navigable by small craft. 

This entire stretch of coast is a vast and 

homogenous environment in which fish, the 

main resource, are sparsely but widely 

distributed and mobile. The Chaw Lay of the 

area have adopted a subsistence strategy wholly 

devoted to the exploitation of these resources 

and those of the shoreline of their selected 

terrestrial habitats. 

The specific study area of the Phuket Project 

extends from Takuapa, in Pangnga Province, 

south to Ko Phi Phi in the province of Krabi 

(Figure 1). It contains habitats characteristic of 

the entire Chaw Lay range, which are described 

below: 

Sandy Beaches-these range from tiny 

pockets backed by forested hillslopes, to long 

expanses usually backed by low, marshy lagoons 

colonized by mangrove species. The beach forest 

is open woodland with few species, constant 

over the area. This niche is an important source 

of gathered fruits and vegetables, wood and 

forest materials. Of even greater importance is 

the associated intertidal area as a source of 

bivalves in the shallows such as burrowing clams 

and cockles, shrimp and crabs. 

Rock and Cliff Shorelines - often project 

into the sea enclosing small beach areas. The 

rocks provide a habitat for oysters, gastropods, 

seaweed and crabs. The hillslopes above are the 

homes of utilized tree species. 

Coral Reefs-these provide environments 

for extremely varied and abundant sea life: fish, 

shellfish, cuttlefish and squid, sea urchins and 

slugs, turtles and sharks. 

Estuarine Mud Flats-are often large 

expanses at the mouths of rivers and between 

islands and the coast of the mainland. This 

habitat is characterized by large areas of a few 

species of mangrove trees thriving in the poorly 

aerated and salty mud. The networks of channels 

meandering through the stands of mangrove can 

be used for access to the trees for timber, fuel, 

the rich biota and for concealment. 

This benign environment provides a yearround 

supply of fish, shellfish, fruit and 

vegetables. Unlike man in temperate continental 

areas, faced with an environment with limited 

resources concentrated in space and time, the 

inhabitants of Southeast Asian coastal areas had 

to develop ways to access the many small but 

rich pockets of resources scattered throughout 

the seas of the region. 

Within the general environment described 

above, the Chaw Lay typically select land 

habitats with a wide variety of congruent 

ecological zones: deep sea through reef, mudflat 

and tidal wash to raised beach, mangrove and 

lagoon, to hillslope. These preferred raised beach 

sites are most typically found at the mouths of 

large streams; these sites provide shelter in rough 

weather, fresh surface water and cool breezes to 

rid the site of insects and disease. They also 

afford access to a wide range of ecozones that 

provide all the important subsistence and 

material resources required by the Chaw Lay's 

maritime form of adaptation. The catchment 

area of each Chaw Lay group therefore 

encompasses a much larger area than just their 

habitation site. It is the existence and spacing of 

these catchment areas that plays a large role in 

determining the spacing of Chaw Lay groups 

throughout their environment. 

Socio-Economic adaptation 

Throughout the millennia the challenge for those 

who have chosen to exploit the maritime 

econiche has been to develop ways to access 


135


the many small, rich but limited pockets of 

resources scattered along the coasts (Engelhardt 

1989; Yesner 1980). The archaeological record 

shows that individual communities have had 

greater or lesser success in maintaining 

equilibrium with their environment. 

The Chaw Lay economic adaptation is based 

on two complimentary elements: the 'primary' 

economic base is fish. Its capture from the deep 

sea and coral reef provides the inspiration for 

the bulk of the culture's technology and for its 

social organization. Because fish are a mobile 

resource, the Chaw Lay concentration on fishing 

requires that they maintain a mobile way of 

life. They exploit the full range of available 

species, using hook and line. Spears are used 

for larger prey such as octopus, squid and turtle, 

while crabs and reef species are trapped. No 

specific species are preferred over others, and 

expeditions are not organized to predate any 

specific species. 

On the other hand, the 'fundamental' 

economic activity on which Chaw Lay 

subsistence is based is the collection and 

processing of shellfish. It forms the bottomline 

of their economy. Oysters in particular are the 

subsistence item a Chaw Lay group must never 

find itself without. Oysters and other species of 

shellfish are stationary and live close to shore. 

They can therefore be gathered by anyone. They 

require no specific tool or technology to collect 

and can be eaten raw or with minimal processing. 

Therefore, in times of sickness, death or absence 

of the fishermen/women, at times when the catch 

fails or during the periodic monsoon storms 

when it is not possible to go out in boats to fish, 

oysters and other shellfish can be relied upon to 

supply the food needs of the group. 

During our research we inventoried Chaw 

Lay material culture. This showed us that the 

tools utilized by them to exploit their 

environment were few in number and easily 

movable, as suits a lifestyle where numerous 

possessions would be a burden. Items are multipurpose, 

light and easy to transport, with an 

emphasis on wood, coconut, bamboo, stone and 

other material easily available from the local 

environment. The larger the item, the more likely 

there will be only one shared by a group. The 

only specialized technology common to all the 

groups we studied were boats, to provide 

mobility, and fishing gear, to facilitate the 

capture of mobile sea resources. 

An important feature of Chaw Lay subsistence 

is the role of re-used materials and tools. All 

objects are re-used until they disappear or are 

consumed or broken into tiny fragments too small 

to be manipulated. This is less a condition of 

poverty than that a large number of material 

possessions are a liability in a mobile society. The 

richness of the environment and the effectiveness 

of their adaptation frees them from the need to 

stockpile against environmental uncertainty. 

The study methodology 

This then, in brief, is the socio-economic 

adaptation, the evolution of which we have 

attempted to identify and trace in the 

archaeological record. Represented here in 

schema (Figure 3) is the methodology used to 

analyze this unique maritime socio-economic 

adaptation. 

All Chaw Lay daily, seasonal and specialized 

activities were analyzed and broken down into 

their component parts. Particular emphasis was 

put on mapping the spatial distribution of these 

activities and quantifying them. Associated 

discard and the resulting impact on the activity 

areas in question were also quantified and 

recorded over time. The effect these activities 

had on the soil was recorded photographically, 

mapped and physically collected for chemical 

and microscopic analysis. 

For purposes of testing at archaeological 

sites, the resulting ethnographically derived 

patterns were abstracted into a conceptual type 

site and a predictive model of archaeological 

expectation was developed. This model was 

tested by survey and excavation of a number of 

abandoned Chaw Lay sites which were then 

compared to the normative type site. After 

evaluating the accuracy of fit, we returned to the 

ethnographic situations in an attempt to identify 

the archaeological findings unexplained by the 

model. Throughout, we worked with native 

informants to help us to interpret the data. 

Activities and activity areas 

The Chaw Lay subsistence strategy results in a 

range of activities for extraction, processing and 

136 



Economic 

Activities 

Analysis ~ 

I ------_. Ethnographic Phase 

--m~ 

Activities 

Pattems of 

Activity Areas + Structures + Surface Alteration + Deposition 1\ 

Ethno-archaeological 

Phase 

Sub-Surface 

Investigations 

Formulation of Predictive 

Model of Archaeological 1--------•... Model Formulation 

Expectations 

Tested by 

Excavation 

Archaeological 

Testing 

Site 

Reconstruction 

Evaluation of 

the Model as 

Predictive Tool 

. 

Evaluation Phase 

Implications for the 

Archaeology of Southeast 

Asian Coastal Sites 

Figure 3 Schema illustrating the study method used to analyze the deposition and recovery of archaeological 

material. 



HOUSE 

0 METAL BOARD 1 

0 BUCKET 1 

0 BASKET 2 

~ 3.4 

~DEBRIS SCATTER 

J) SHELL 3 

(!) STONE 2 ' 5 

yUIZl1lJ BOARD 5 

,£) PLASTIC BAG 3 

Figure 4 A diagramme illustrating the tools and 

materials used in shellfish processing and the 

deposition of these and the biproducts of the activity. 

Key: I. Removed from activity area; 2. Stored nearby 

for future use; 3. Cleaned up and put in a midden; 4. 

Bits left in situ; 5. Left in the area for future use. 

consumption of resources from their 

environment. Those activities which occur onsite 

and therefore have potential impact on the 

archaeological record have been analyzed in 

detail. The aim of this analysis is to follow each 

activity from the event to the final product, 

charting the tools and materials used, associated 

discard, deposition and impact on the activity 

locus. As an example, Figure 4 illustrates the 

tools and materials used in shellfish processing 

with their ultimate deposition indicated and 

impacts on the area marked. 

After studying the corpus of Chaw Lay 

activities, we were able to hypothesize, with 

some degree of certainty, that the remains of 

individual activities would not be directly 

retrievable where they took place. This is a 

result of post-depositional factors, overlap of 

activities and repeated mixing of the resulting 

byproducts of the activities (Brooks and Yellen 

1987). However, certain areas of a Chaw Lay 

settlement are the loci of certain types of repeated 

activities, creating a pattern of archaeological 

impact and retrievable site modification. These 

distributions of activities create a pattern of 

activity areas; examples of each of the following 

types of areas were excavated for subsurface 

evidence of alteration. 

House complexes 

Houses act as the centres of activity areas 

representing almost the entire spectrum of 

Chaw Lay activity. Under the house area a 

pattern can be identified of debris which 

clearly were the by-products and therefore 

diagnostic of the activities taking place in the 

house above (Figure 5). Under the kitchen 

area of the house is found evidence of 

packaging, stove remains and their contents, 

food and some small evidence of the utensils 

used to prepare and cook it. Under the 

entrance/sitting areas of a house we can expect 

to find a low proportion of food consumption 

remains, but no remains of food preparation. 

There is a preponderance of packaging remains 

compared to under the kitchen, and no stove 

remains at all. Food remains will be found in 

association with evidence of socializing, such 

as betel, cigarettes and playing cards. Under 

the areas of the house used for storage and 

sleeping are found some food remains, 

packaging and artefacts associated with sleep 

and relaxation, such as cloth, combs, sandals 

and batteries, but with the additional context 

of objects in storage. There is a very strong 

association between storage and sleeping areas 

of a house: the former above, and storage 

areas below. Under this part of the house we 

never find the organic remains associated with 

other under-house areas. 

The other areas that cluster around the houses 

include outdoor kitchen space, areas for water 

collection and use, sitting platforms and 

generalized activity loci. Not all houses have 

these associated areas, some have more than 

one and some are used communally. The impact 

left in these areas will be an accumulation related 

to the activities carried out there; no discrete 

evidence reflecting specific activities but rather 

a mish-mash of evidence reflecting the multipurpose 

nature of the area. 

Trees 

Trees are the focus for processing, 

manufacturing and storage, as well as eating 

and socializing. A sitting platform or board is 

often associated with these activities and located 

at the foot of the tree. The debris that remains 

from these activities forms a dense, concentrated 

ring around the base of the tree. 

138 


The ethnoarchaeo/ogy of Southeast Asian coastal sites 

Figure 5 View of the area under a Chaw Lay house with vari ations in debris distribution. 

Figure 6 A fl attened shell mound with shell fish processing taking pl ace on top of it. 



Open areas 

These large open areas typically in the centre of 

a site, support a wide range of communal 

activities requiring open space. Activity debris 

tends to be dispersed and scattered over the area 

and the areas are typically swept after use. 

Flattened shell mounds 

These flat-topped deposits are the focus of 

processing activities in particular (Figure 6). 

They continue to function as growing shell 

mounds but are kept spatially restrained, in so 

far as possible. The debris associated with these 

activities is dropped on the mound and not 

altered. 

Well or water areas 

The activities taking place at a well or freshwater 

location, include water collection, bathing 

and washing and socializing. The debris from 

these activities cannot be swept up because of 

the wetness of the surface. Often it is picked up 

and tossed into debris baskets nearby for later 

redeposition. A certain amount of material is 

trampled into the mud and or wet sand. 

Peripheral areas 

These areas form a ring of activity around the 

outside of a settlement, along the beach front 

and rear lagoon edge. They are the focus of 

secondary midden deposition and processing of 

organic material with quantities of waste byproducts. 

Intertidal 

The intertidal area is used widely, in an overall 

and uniformly dispersed fashion, for shellfish 

gathering, beachcombing, boat anchorage and 

as a toilet. 

Post-depositional forces on activity areas 

The activity areas discussed above are all subject 

to post-depositional alteration and natural 

taphonomic rather than taphonic processes which 

effect the likelihood of evidence entering the 

archaeological record (Schiffer 1987). The 

following post -depositional forces were recorded 

as having significant effects on the depositional 

remains resulting from activities undertaken by 

Chaw Lay at their campsites. 

Human forces 

Sweeping and redeposition in secondary 

middens: resulting in the removal of all but the 

tiniest bits from the activity area, and in the 

redeposition of the material, often after burning, 

into the midden. 

• Picking up and tossing objects: individual 

objects or pieces of debris tossed out of 

context. 

• Dismantling and moving of structures: 

activity areas associated with structures are 

disassociated when the structure is moved 

and the surface area intentionally re-surfaced. 

• Recycling and re-use of objects for varied 

activities: multi-purpose artefacts are 

removed from one area to another for a series 

of different activities. 

• Trampling of waste material into the surface 

of the activity area: all but large or sharp 

materials, such as some shell types, are 

trampled before sweeping and in areas that 

are not swept. Loose sand, wet and clayish 

surfaces are particularly affected. 

Animal forces 

• Scavenging of organic material: chickens in 

particular consume organic material and in 

the process loosen and sieve the sediment. 

• Chickens and dogs dig depressions in the 

sand where they sit and pit the surface. 

Natural forces 

• Tidal action: redistribution and removal of 

material 

• Rain action: exerting downward wash and 

redistribution during heavy rains. 

• Decomposition: the rotting of all organic 

material into the sediment. 

In the course of our research we focussed 

on a range of diagnostic activity-created 

surfaces, and on their survival in the 

archaeological record. Individual activities were 

studied through the act, through the impact on 

the ground and on to the impact below the 

surface. Emphasis was placed on the kinds of 

cleaning and maintenance activities that 

regularly took place after the event. From our 

study it is clear that most debris associated 

with activity areas is removed as part of the 

area's routine maintenance; areas are swept, 

140 



debris is collected and either dumped elsewhere 

or burnt on the activity area. This constant 

sweeping and burning cycle effects the surface 

and makes it identifiable with careful 

excavation. 

1. Maintained open area surfaces (Figure 

7a) 

The large, flat activity surface at Tukay 

has been in use for many years. The 

entire surface is hard-packed with a 

crisp, brittle top layer. The surface is 

dark and filled with charcoal bits. At 

the time of the study five debris-burning 

fires were in process on it. Portions of 

the surface are green tinged from algae; 

this seems to have the effect of 

increasing the hardness. This area is 

known to have been used repeatedly 

for shellfish processing, trap 

construction, sleep and play during the 

period of the study and yet no specific 

evidence of any of these activities 

remained. 

2. Fire-effected surfaces (Figure 7b) 

If fire is a basic element of an activity, 

it has very notable effects on the activity 

area sediment. A closer look at the five 

debris-burning fires mentioned above 

clarified the process by which fires 

become deposits. An attempt was made 

to put the five fires in temporal sequence 

based on the assumptions that : 

• Ash deposits on the surface of a fire 

will in time be blown and/or washed 

away. 

• Stratigraphy of a fire will lose 

distinction with the passage of time, 

the effects of trampling and 

sweeping. 

• The items in a fire will lose their 

segregatation over time. 

On the basis of these assumptions the 

five fires were seriated and this was 

verified by the villager who had built 

them. When the ash is gone from a fire, 

a packed and mottled deposit in the 

colour region of 10 YR 3/3 seems to be 

diagnostic of the presence of fire. If the 

fire was associated with fish smoking 

or cooking the mottled deposit has a 

sticky consistency. Another diagnostic 

feature of fires in sand is a red-orange 

oxidized layer (7.5 YR 4/6-7/2). 

3. Water-affected surfaces (Figure 7c) 

Likewise, repeated saturation from 

water-related activities such as bathing 

and water collection at the side of a 

house, has predictable impact on the 

sediments of a site. For example, a water 

jar was recorded resting on a board 

behind the kitchen area of a house. The 

uppermost surface of the sand below 

was green and mottled and hard 

compacted. Below this a damp and 

clayish layer of pressed and leached 

sediment was found . 

4. Trampled surfaces (Figure 7d) 

The effects of continuous trampling 

result in changes in sediment and 

deposits and the moving of material 

within the deposit. In a matrix of shell, 

or shell mixed with sand, a 

characteristic pattern of breakage 

occurs. Paths at Sapam are pressed into 

a shellmound deposit (Figure 5e); at 

Rawai into a matrix of sand with 

quantities of shell Figure 5d). Below 

the deposits of loose surface debris, a 

layer of shells is pressed firmly into the 

top of the midden, generally concaveside 

down. Below is a deposit of more 

lightly pressed whole shells. From a 

depth of approximately 8 to 18 em is a 

zone of finely crushed shell; even heavy 

oyster shells are crushed in this level, 

and mixed with sand. Below this lies 

the dark mound proper. 

In other words, the breakage from 

continuous trampling occurs not on the 

top surface, in direct contact with traffic, 

but at a sub-surface level. Rates of 

breakage are determined by the species 

of the shells: oysters, which constitute 

the bulk of mounds, have a low rate 

while mussels crush easily. There is 

insufficient data to give estimates for 

the depths of downward and horizontal 

displacement of artefacts caused by 

trampling. A general trend was noted 

for smaller objects to be more mobile 

than larger, and for objects in general 

to move downwards not upwards. 


141


Q.. 

. 

~- . . Crisp, brittle top layer with green algae patches 

. 

~ Charcoal filled, compacted sand ( 10YR 313) 

I ~ Hard1lf'8Sses sand, loosening downwards I I I 

b. ·.- .-:---.-.. -. ·.-- 

Loose 

ash, charcoal and unbumt fuel in sand (10YR 6/1) 

. ~ Loose charcoal in sand (10YR 413) 

'-- 

Packed, mottled and sticky later (10YR 313) 

4-- Dense, but not packed; still discolourd (10YR 313) 

c. .....-- 

r-:==-- 

"'- 

~~ 

Unaltered sand 

~'Green mossy layer 

~ roark damp, pressed and clayish (10YR 312) 

d. 

"- 

""'- 

Lighter pressed layer, still damp but slighUy more sandy (10YR 516- 

7/2) 

Unaltered sand 

4--- Hard-pressed sand (10YR 312) 

') 

..... ") 

u (J 4-- Hard-pressed or compacted (10YR 312) with shell bits 

,Q a 

D. n +---- 

Loose sand (10YR 5/4 with 313), some crushed shell 

v '") r'\ ~ 

Loose grey sand (10YR 613) with shell fragments, lightening 

...) downwards 

--------, Unaltered sand 

fl, 

:::::.---- 

~ Loose surface debris 

- ,J 

I ') -/"1 c 

f.- Hard-pressed shell pieces 

(. 

{A ) c. 

.0. 

'- 

' 

~ 

,.. .... \ .... \ 

_, \ r ~ Finely crushed shall in sand (10YR %) 

J 1.. 

.... " - 

~ 

1.. ... ) 

' 

~ 

lr 

~ 

Lightly pressed whole and fragmentary shell 

Very dark mature shell mound (10YR 2/1) 

Figure 7 The stratigraphy of activity areas within a Chaw Lay settlement: a. Maintained open area, b. Fire, 

c. Water-affected area, d. Trampled surface at Rawai, e. Trampled surface at Sapam. 



A. SURFACE 

scattered scales and a wooden chopping 

block. When this area was excavated at 

a later date the kitchen debris had been 

swept away and the wooden block 

removed. The sediment in the area was 

loose and dark, still damp and 

containing only as few scales, charcoal 

fragments and a small fish bone. 

Artefact survival 

B. Scm BELOW 

SURFACE 

Figure 8 Remains of fish scaling at the corner of a 

house, before and after cleaning up: A = an area of 

loose and dark, damp organic sand ( 10 YR 211 ) to a 

depth of 10 em; above loose unaltered sand ( 1 0 YR 

5/3 ). B= firm, pressed sand ( 10 YR 5/3). 

5. Under-house surfaces (Figure 8) 

Some areas of a Chaw Lay site are 

altered by the addition of large 

quantities of organic material dropped 

from the kitchens of houses. The deposit 

is sometimes cleaned by sweeping and 

all but tiny pieces and slop removed. 

Sometimes fresh sand is poured over 

the soiled area. Often however, the daily 

scavenging by animals is enough to 

dispose of any garbage. In the process 

these scavengers loosen and chum the 

deposit further. The result is a loose, 

wet sand, very dark in colour and 

containing small fragments of organic 

material. 

One example of this process can be 

seen under the kitchen of a house at 

Rawai. On the surface, under the 

kitchen, was a deposit of fruit pips, 

rice, vegetable peel, charcoal, coconut 

husk, paper and eggshell. Overlapping 

the drop area was recorded a fishscaling 

activity with associated 

If we look at the list of diagnostic subsistence 

activities and their by-products and consider the 

influence of post-depositional forces, it is 

possible to see that the artefactual evidence left 

in activity areas will be minimal. It is clear that 

these forces will bias the nature and quantity of 

primary evidence that might enter the 

archaeological record. All the above forces were 

recorded working upon the activity area evidence 

as it was being deposited on the site. 

Given that the preservation of shell, coral, 

bone, fish and organic remains is subject to 

local soil chemistry, and that the Chaw Lay are 

not ceramic producers, it is clear that stone 

artefacts are the most potentially retrievable 

artefact types within the traditional Chaw Lay 

material culture and are therefore deserving of 

some comment. Stones are the basic Chaw Lay 

tool, used primarily in their natural state or with 

minimum modification. They are not technically 

artefacts, but rather 'utilized stones'. Often a 

stone will be casually picked up from the beach, 

selected for some inherent quality, used and 

then tossed away. Frequently, however, they 

are curated for generations. Material is collected 

during outings for other purposes to various 

islands, often from specific beaches or stream 

beds. 

Utilized stones have the following recorded 

uses: 

1. As cracking platforms on which to 

break open shells or nuts. 

2. As hammerstones for cracking open 

shells or nuts. 

3. As whetstones for sharpening metal, 

stone or bamboo blades. 

4. As firestones for supporting cooking 

vessels. 

5. As pounding stones for processing food 

and betel. 


143


4 

• • 

• 

• • • 

• •*. 

• • 

*• • ••• ~ *• • • 

• • • • 

• • • 

• • • • • 

• • • 

• *• 

; • • 

•• •• 

• • 

..., •· ~ 

• • 

. 

•*·· 

• ..,:• 

• -* 

. 

i: 

·-.~ 

• 

. * 

• • 

••• • • ~ 

• • 

• • 

• •• • • 

.,. 

• • • 

*. • • 

• 

~ •* 

• • *• • • • 

••• 

••••*• • 

• •• 

0 '!"~ 

• POST 

* STONE 

Figure 9 Plan illustrating the spatial distribution of stones and house posts; data from a transect through the 

settlement of Tukay. 



Figure 10 View of stones in storage around the post of a house structure. 

6. As supports for posts, piles or vessels. 

7. As bathing or scrubbing stones. 

When the various Chaw Lay sites were 

mapped and recorded, counts of stones were 

made and their spatial distribution noted. A 

number of generalizations can be made from 

this study concerning stone behaviour in this 

context. First! y, stones of all types are most 

commonly found in association with structures; 

in particular they exhibit a strong spatial affinity 

for house posts (Figure 9 and 1 0). 

The second strongest association is between 

stones and fires , because of their use as vessel 

supports. When found in association with 

activity areas, including shell mounds, stones in 

the ethnographic context are either in use or 

temporarily in storage for future use. Finally, 

when associated with secondary midden 

deposits, stones are either around the edge of 

the midden where they function as retainers or 

discarded in the midden as broken debris. 

Fires are another part of the minimalist Chaw 

Lay material cu lture, the remains of which occur 

all over Chaw Lay sites and persist into the 

archaeological record. Like more conventional 

artefacts they can be grouped and typed and 

form diagnostic features of Chaw Lay life. Like 

stones and boats they can be made portable. 

Types of fires recorded are set out in Table 2. 

Certain generalizations were observed 

concerning fire behaviour in the Chaw Lay 

context: 

Table 1 presents the statistical relationship between stone and house post occurrence at 

settlements 

Number found within O.Sm of a post 

Tukay 

Rawai 

Sa pam 

Laem La 

233 out of a total of 338 = 




69% 

73% 

80% 

74% 


145


Table 2 Fires found in Chaw Lay contexts and their archaeologically retrievable components 

Cooking Fires 

FIRE TYPE 

Fires to ward off mosquitoes 

ASSOCIATED ITEMS 

3 or 4 stones in diagnostic 

arrangements fuel, grills, 

vessels, food 

no stones, metal sheets or 

branches. fuel 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL 

VISffiiLITY 

likely to be left for re-use 

because dirty to remove and 

store. Stones tossed out when 

cracked 

moveable, put under sleeping 

areas or sitting platforms 

Fires for drying and smoking no stones, fuel, food associated posts of rack 

Fires for burning rubbish no stones, little or no fuel remains removed to a midden 

Scrub clearance fires no stones, additional fuel burnt organic material remains 

Fire to heat boat caulk 

no stones, 

materials 

boat, tools, 

glassy melted caulk on the 

ground stone boat supports 

• Fire based activities and those not involving 

fire are never spatially associated. 

• If fire remains are found under a house they 

are either the remains of a mosquito fire, or 

the inverted contents of a stove dumped from 

the house above. 

• Fire at the edge of a midden will likely be 

for burning debris or clearing brush. 

• A fire very close to a house is most likely a 

cooking fire. 

• Fires in open shared areas are for debris 

burning. 

• Fires in middens are often associated with 

smoking racks. 

Patterns of discard 

As we have seen, deposits swept and collected 

from under houses and other activity areas on 

the site make their way into secondary deposits 

on middens and mounds. These contain shell, 

debris removed from the site, debris dropped 

from activity on the deposition, tidal deposit 

and materials stored on the midden in various 

proportions. Some deposits are almost 100 

percent shell of a single species; others can be 

a homogenous mix of all categories. The 

econiche of the site and the economic activities 

carried out there play a decisive role in 

determining contents. These secondary deposits 

occur along the periphery of the site (Figure 

11), especially at: 

• The tide line or beach front. 

• The lagoon edge or back of the site. 

• Scrub areas at the edges of a site. 

• The edges of streams or waterways. 

• At areas of what we call the 'floating 

periphery', such as mounds around trees 

in the main area of the site; areas where 

several houses back onto each other 

creating a space for deposition buildup 

and islands of dead space created by the 

splitting and joining of paths. 

The exact pattern of these depositions and 

their content is determined by site-specific 

factors. Following are brief descriptions of the 

patterns of deposition at the main Chaw Lay 

sites studied. 

Tokay (Figure 12) 

The settlement of Tokay is a strand site with 

mangrove lagoon behind it and paths. The 

deposit is three to four metres wide and up to 

one and a half metres deep. It has scrub 

covered hills at both ends. The primary 

146 



.,.... 

L. - .. ~ ~ ' .. ~~- 

~· 

. .... .. ... 

..:::·~~ 't. 

Figure 11 Area of secondary deposition along the back of the site at Tukay 

TUKAY 

~~ DEPOSITION 

U OPEN AREA 

D THAI AREA 

:tt1 SPARSE STRUCTURES 

ttt MEDIUM 

a MEDIUM DENSE 

Figure 12 Schematic map of Tukay, illustrating the spatial patterning of structures, depositi ons, open 

activity areas and paths. 



economic activities are fishing and shellfish 

collection. 

There are almost continuous shell mounds 

and some debris along the beach front, broken 

only for access. This deposit contains 99 percent 

shell plus mixed debris that has been tidally 

deposited, and some items placed on the mounds 

for storage and drying. Tidal action is eating 

away and eroding the mound face on one side 

while the other side is regularly swept to contain 

it. 

An almost continuous shell mound and some 

debris run along the rear of the site, extending 

into the mangrove area. The deposit is maximum 

8 m wide and 1.4 m deep and contains 85 percent 

shell plus mixed debris. The debris tends to be 

tipped over on to the mangrove side and then 

redeposited by tidal seepage. Tidal action here 

does not eat away at the midden, as mangrove 

tides seep rather than wash. Discrete dumps are 

identifiable until time mixes them together. Also 

in the midden is debris from activities taking 

place on or beside it, such as drying, smoking, 

coops and toilets and items in storage on the 

midden. 

Large amounts of shells are found around 

and between trees. They are composed of 100 

percent shell and are usually of only one species 

(Figure 5). They measure up to 9m in diameter 

and over 2m in depth. They are restrained from 

spreading into other areas and also serve as 

storage areas for wood, baskets and mats. 

Sapam (Figure 13) 

Sapam is situated on both sides of a river leading 

from estuarine mudflats into a tidal lagoon. 

The primary economic activity is shellfish 

gathering. 

SAP AM 

o 

20m 

N .. ~---- 

CHANNEL 

DEPOSITION 

OPEN AREA 

THAI AREA 

--- DEEP MIDDEN 

t:=tJ SPARSE STRUCTURES 

tt1 MEDIUM 

ttl DENSE 

tt:i:l VERY DENSE 

Figure 13 Schematic map of Sapam, illustrating the spatial patterning of structures, depositions, open 




The entire site of Sapam is a shell mound 

with a pattern of household and activity area 

deposition on top. The mound cannot be swept, 

therefore debris is buried by yet more shell. 

Non-organic house debris gets washed about by 

the tides and augmented by further droppings 

from the stilted houses in the intertidal. 

At Sapam there are no clear spatial 

distinctions between deposits and no distinctions 

on the basis of content. The example of Sapam 

is of a community at the end of the evolutionary 

cycle. It shows that when a site is limited in 

size, the shell mounds will in time grow to 

occupy all available space. Discrete mounds, 

middens, peripheral and tidal deposits all 

combine in a single process and primary and 

secondary distinctions are blurred. A site in this 

condition can be said to have reached a state of 

environmental overload, its carrying capacity 

exceeded and population out-migration to other 

suitable sites is the next inevitable step in the 

cycle. In fact, as we studied Sapam, the 

population was in the process of moving to a 

new site across the river, referred to as Sapam 

South. 

Rawai (Figure 14) 

Rawai is a beach site with lagoon behind; a 

sand spur extends back across the lagoon to 

another beach. The edges of the village are scrub, 

with a road to the west. The primary economic 

activity is fishing. 

At Rawai the pattern of deposition along the 

front of the site is atypical because the land is 

owned by non-Chaw Lay and access is limited. 

However, at the rear of the site a large but not 

continuous deposit runs along the edge of the 

low area. The midden is approximately 10m 

long and 7 .5m wide and 2.5m deep. The contents 

are mixed: shell, wood and food debris, 

vegetable matter, fabric, plastic, metal fragments, 

paper, baskets and glass. The material is caught 

in the vegetation bordering the edge of the 

mangrove. 90 percent of the material is a 

homogenous mix of tossed material, the 

remaining 10 percent being segregated dumps 

of material such as baskets of coconut husks, 

log piles and piles of shell. 

Five large mixed middens are found towards 

the front of the site, on the village side of the 

road, and up against non-Chaw Lay structures. 

The contents are the same as the rear middens. 

It appears that the edge of the non-Chaw Lay 

areas is seen as equivalent to the periphery of 

the site in terms of the activities that take place 

there. Small mixed depositions are found around 

some trees. There are no shell mounds found at 

Rawai. 

Laem La (Figure15) 

Laem La is a beach site facing on to the mudflats 

to the east and the open Phuket Channel to the 

north. The primary subsistence activity is fishing, 

with limited shellfish exploitation. 

There is a single large midden at the rear of 

the site, backing on to the wall of a non-Chaw 

Lay structure. The midden measures 9m x 7m 

and is 1.5m deep. It is composed of 30 percent 

shell, 20 percent debris from sweeping, 20 

percent coconut husks and mixed deposition. 

The midden is contained by the fence, paths and 

sweeping action. 

Small shell mounds are found around many 

trees; there are numerous small shell deposits 

rather than a few larger ones. Because of the 

lack of peripheral space available for use as 

activity areas, 'floating periphery' is created by 

the flattening of and then sweeping over of old 

shell deposits, and thus creating new surfaces. 

Post-depositional modifications 

Middens and mounds are subject to a variety of 

forces that result in modification and alterations 

of the deposits and effect greatly the 

archaeolological survival of their contents. In a 

Chaw Lay context these forces include: 

• Activities taking place on the midden or 

mound surface which create additional 

debris, such as smoking fires, toilets, drying 

racks, storage and fish processing. 

• Animal scavenging and burrowing resulting 

in the sorting and rearranging of material. 

• Traffic along the edges of deposits which 

wears down the edges and crushes material. 

• The re-cycling of objects with re-use 

potential that are stored on the midden, such 

as boards, poles, baskets and stones. 

• The addition of material by walk-by tosses. 

• The repeated burning of collected debris and 

activity area sweepings on the midden 

surface. 


149


RAW AI 

LAGOON 

@OPEN SPACE 

D THAI AREA 

.:tf=_MEDIUM DENSITY 

, DEPOSITION 

tl 

m 

SPARSE STRUCTURES 

DENSE STRUCTURES 

Figure 14 Schematic map of Rawai, illustrating the spatial patterning of structures, depositions, open 



~ 

;:: 

l 

~ 

lr 

~ 

~ 

1;;" 

9 

< 

g. 

00 

9' 

~ 

"' 

Ro 

N 

MUD 

FLAT 

t 

N 

.. DEPOSITION 

oOCU 0 

w SPARSE 

D 

6 d 

STRUCTURES 

LAEM LA 

D 

-1 -.) 

0 

0 

SEA 

~ 

 

 

;:;. 

g 

g. 

I:> 

~ 

g 

~ 

~ 

;:: 

;:;. 

~ 

;:r:.. 

"' §" 

~ 

§: 

"' ~- 

([/)OPEN SPACE 

0THAIAREA 

- 

-Ul 

Figure 15 Schematic map of Laem La, illustrating the spatial patterning of structures, depositions, open activity areas and paths. 

0 20 

L...--.....L...---lm


• Edge maintenance to control the spread of 

the deposit, using boards, large stones, 

sweeping etc. 

• Tidal wash and mangrove ooze displacing 

and rearranging material 

• Cumulative natural forces of rain, wind, 

weight of the contents and decomposition. 

What remains in Chaw Lay garbage is in 

fact only a partial sample of the material 

consumed by the community, and the sample 

that enters the archaeological record will be 

smaller still. Recycling is the most significant 

factor that effects object survival rates, and is 

the most difficult to interpret correctly. Virtually 

every item which passes through the hands of 

the Chaw Lay is used, re-used, re-cycled for 

another purpose and then another until it is 

literally used up or broken into fragments too 

tiny to be manipulated. 

Patterns of construction 

The third pattern-forming activity in Chaw Lay 

sites is construction. The basic unit of the Chaw 

Lay built environment is the rack, a table-like 

structure of bamboo slats on supports. This rack 

unit develops by the addition of roof, walls, 

openings and partitions to adapt to a range of 

uses. The primary functions are storage of tools, 

materials and people, protection from the elements 

and as a raised activity surface. Most activities, 

however, such as food preparation, mat and basket 

manufacture and fish processing, take place 

outside of structures, or as in the case of sleeping, 

cooking and sex, as often outside as inside. 

The main feature of all Chaw Lay structures 

is their pre-fabrication and re-usable 

construction. Entire structures or parts of them, 

can be easily dismantled and moved within the 

site or by boat to another site. Components such 

as mangrove logs, split bamboo and thatch are 

easily bundled and transported, well suited to a 

mobile lifestyle. 

The mobile and degradable nature of all 

Chaw Lay construction materials means that 

evidence on site is limited to a pattern of 

postholes and driplines. 

Postholes 

The number of posts at each Chaw Lay 

settlement were recorded and mapped. The 

distribution of postholes shows some spatial 

patterning, as shown in Table 3 

Analysis of this data shows that the centres 

of sites are notably free of posts and that the 

rear of sites are more densely built up than the 

front of sites. The site which least fulfils these 

expectations is Sapam North. The very high 

density of posts in the centre of the site represents 

site saturation and is an indicator of imminent 

site collapse. 

All postholes found in the ethnographic 

context, resulting from the dismantling and 

removal of structures or individual posts were 

recorded. There were no documented examples 

of the use of footings or packings, nor of posts 

burnt or rotten in situ. The form of the 

archaeological remains is very much effected 

by the way in which the post was removed from 

the ground. As the post is moved to and fro to 

loosen it, the edges of the hole are compacted 

on one side and broken down on the other. 

Often the Chaw Lay dig around the post slightly 

when removing it; the sediment removed is piled 

up at the edge of the hole forming a patch of 

reverse stratigraphy. Both actions lead to a hole 

Table 3 The density of postholes in different sections of a Chaw Lay 

settlement is shown as an indicator of site saturation 

TUKAY RAW AI LAEMLA SAPAMN. SAPAMS. 

No. of posts 4609 2580 1144 851 380 

Posts per 10m sq. 0.7 0.7 0.5 111.1 6.0 

Rear density 125 69 18 10 7 

Middle density 205 75 44 86 65 

Front density 98 27 56 64 18 

Central10 m sq. 0.0 1 0.0 66 22 



Figure 16 View of a posthole after removal with sand and debris fill. 

Figure 17 Closeup of the debris fragments collected in a dripline. 



much bigger at the upper levels than the post 

itself. The real dimensions appear only at the 

lowest levels. 

After removal of the post the area of the 

dismantled structure is thoroughly swept. This 

neutralizes the site, leaving little evidence of 

the structure's form or use. All that remains of 

the postholes is a generalized fill of sand, 

pebbles, shell fragments, organic material and 

possibly charcoal (Figure 16). 

Drip lines 

When tropical rains repeatedly run off the roofs 

of the irregularly thatched Chaw Lay structures, 

they etch lines in the sandy matrix below. These 

depressions fill with tiny bits of debris left behind 

when the area is swept. The lines show the limit 

of the structure and its under-house activity area 

and also show the orientation of the structure. 

When carefully excavated driplines appear as 

a series of irregular shaped spots and softer areas 

in a light, thin and brittle surface crust (Figure 

17). Analysis of these micro-deposits can help to 

identify the surface debris at the times the rain 

occurred, even though the parent debris has long 

been swept off the adjacent surfaces. 

The predictive model 

The observations made above are some of the 

many made during the study. Translated into 

behavioural predictions, they form the basis of 

a model of Chaw Lay site formation and use. 

This can be abstracted into a conceptual or 

archetypal site, suggesting what will be found 

in the archaeological record, in what frequencies 

and in what spatial patterning. The interplay of 

activity areas, secondary depositions and post 

holes, driplines and circumstantial artefactual 

evidence should allow us to identify and 

reconstruct a Chaw Lay archaeological site. 

The test programme 

To test this hypothesis we designed a programme 

of investigations at five abandoned, 

archaeological Chaw Lay sites (Figure 2): 

• Phap Pha, on the Phuket mainland 

• La Eo, on the island of Ko He 

• Haad Yao, on the island of Ko Bon 

• Haad Hin Khaw, on the island of Ko Lon 

• Ao W ai Daeng, on the island of Ko Lon 

Space allows the presentation of only two of 

these sites: one of which we interpret as having 

been a major base habitation; the other a casually 

visited fishing camp. 

Phap Pha (Figure 18) 

Phap Pha is a shady raised beach between two 

headlands; it is separated from the mainland of 

Phuket by a mangrove swamp and bordered on 

both sides by the sea. The site was occupied for 

more than ninety years, and was abandoned in 

the early 1960s, twenty years before our study. 

We know from our informants that the primary 

factor leading to its abandonment was 

overcrowding leading to over exploitation of 

the shellfish resources and environmental 

degradation to the point where the site could no 

longer supply the baseline emergency needs of 

its inhabitants. 

Our study methodology at Phap Pha 

included: 

• One hundred percent surface mapping 

• Detailed mapping of three transects through 

the site 

• Excavation of specific areas within the 

transects 

• Study of the intertidal area 

• Catchment area mapping and identification 

of biota 

The site at Phap Pha has large quantities of 

shell, which lie in a complex arrangement of 

overlapping mounds, lengthwise across the site. 

The mounds at Phap Pha are more than 90 

percent shell, frequently deposited in discrete 

lenses by species. Although post-depositional 

forces have scattered and spread the deposit, it 

is of note that the species segregation was still 

clearly discemable when the layer of surface 

disturbance was removed. 

Secondary middens were found in 

concentrations along the back of the site where 

the contour of the raised beach dips at the base of 

the hill slope. Many of these deposits were charred 

by debris-burning fires. The artefactual material 

surviving in secondary depositions included 

chunks of coral, metal fragments, rope and net 

pieces, plastic, glass and pottery fragments. 

The other form of midden at this site is built 

up at the base of trees. These are characterized 

by minimal shell content and frequent artefacts 

154 



0 

.... .... 

w 

::E: 

U) 

c( 

• 

% 

a. 

a. 

c( 

% 

a. 

z 

i • 

• 

LL 

~.,. 

* 

~ 

c( 

w 

w IX 

c( 

u 

c( 

z 

w IX Q. 

:::» 0 

U) 

z 

0 

t- 

c( 

IX 

t- 

'Z 

w 

u 

z 

0 

u 

.... 

w 

::E: 

U) 

0 (Q)' 

.,j 

f 

§' 

..s:: 

j:l., 

.... 

0 

-~ 


in storage, in particular whetstones and cracking 

platforms. 

The archaeological map of Phap Pha shows 

the large number of activity areas. Sixty-two flat, 

compressed surfaces occupy the site area, pressed 

into sand, sediment and shell mound. The majority 

were the slightly raised and compacted areas of 

the type associated ethnographically with underhouse 

activity areas. Several soft, under-kitchen 

deposits were identified in associated with them, 

forming house complexes. 

Open activity areas occur at several places 

along the front of the site and under large 

tamarind trees at the rear of the site. The surfaces 

of these areas are hard, dark with charcoal bits 

and shell fragments pressed into them. A number 

of activity areas were recorded with associated 

fires, shell fragments and stones in temporary 

storage. 

Peripheral activity areas were also 

identified at the far west end of the site; a 

butchering area in the brush at the edge of the 

site, and an ancestral spirit-house area on the 

hill nearby. 

Haad Hin Khaw, Ko Lon (Figure 19) 

Ko Lon is a large island off the southwest of 

Phuket Island, but reachable from the Phuket 

Island sites by rowing or sailing within a few 

hours. The site of Haad Hin Khaw itself is a 

small raised beach, 70m long, on the southeast 

comer of the island, near the path of passing 

schools of fish (Figure 19). Foothills rise at 

either end, while behind the raised beach a 

mangrove lagoon area extends some distance 

back. From our ethnographic informants we 

know that Haad Hin Khaw has a long history of 

intermittent use as a seasonal fishing camp. 

HAAD HIN KHAW 

* 

TREE 

:=?~:;: •..... SURFACE ~ 

0 DEPOSITION 

• 

• STONE 

I 

' / 

~ 

// /. 

~, 

/ 

/. 

/ 

~ 

• / 

Figure 19 Schematic map of the archaeological site of Haad Hin Khaw, Ko Lon. 



Because of its small size, we were able to 

map and investigate archaeologically 100 

percent of the site. We found it comprised a 

single hard pressed area near the centre of the 

raised beach, which by analogy confirmed by 

our informants, was the central communal area 

of a small campsite. Beside it, a gully or dry 

stream bed ran from the low lagoon behind to 

the sea. On the other side of this gully, behind 

the pressed surface area were remains of a 

secondary midden deposit. At the far eastern 

end of the site, there is a small headland some 

metres above sea level. On it was a flat and 

compacted activity area surface at the foot of a 

tree. Associated with it were five fire-charred 

stones, shell fragments and a midden deposit to 

the rear. This association of debris in such a 

location indicated a multi-purpose activity area 

associated with fish processing. 

Findings and implications 

Although these data from the test programme 

have been presented in abbreviated form, it is 

possible to make some specific points 

concerning the findings and the implications 

for archaeology of similar sites. 

Alteration to soil and sediments 

A pattern of environmental impact reflected by 

transformations of soil and depositional 

sediments covers the entire surface of a Chaw 

Lay site. In situations where artefact recovery 

can be expected to be low, circumstantial and 

consisting largely of utilized stones, the soil 

transformations form the primary archaeological 

record. For this reason, considerably more 

concentration on discovery and classification of 

these soil variations is required, in particular in 

relation to sand and intertidal mud matrices. 

The colour readings collected over all the 

sites lead us to believe that the range is in fact 

very narrow. The variations from this narrow 

field are the red sediments and those that are 

extremely dark and mottled sediments. Further 

analysis of colour variations may show ways in 

which they may prove more informative, in 

particular in conjunction with other sediment 

variables (Schiffer 1987: 288). 

It was found in the course of excavation that 

vertical stratigraphy supplied an incomplete 

record of depositional vanat10ns visible in 

horizontal plan. In a sandy matrix stratigraphy 

proves a less specific tool for the interpretation 

of a site than in other environments. For this 

reason, more emphasis should be placed on 

recording in plan to complement stratigraphic 

data. 

In general, evidence for the presence of fire 

is very shallow, no more than 6-9cm deep, and 

consists of colour variation, sometimes in 

conjunction with a sticky consistency, in the 

case of fish-smoking fires, or stones in the case 

of cooking fires. Ash and charcoal are not 

features of fires in the archaeological record; 

instead the charcoal and ash are found in 

secondary refuse deposits. As a result, recording 

of fires depends on the recognition of thin lenses 

of colour variation as opposed to substantial 

deposits of charred material. 

The post-depositional activities of the Chaw 

Lay, such as trampling, sweeping, debris burning 

and the action of animals and children, are 

instrumental in the formation of soil variation 

recoverable archaeologically. Therefore, it is 

important that more attention focus on the range 

and nature of these activities and their exact 

impact on the archaeological environment. 

Identification of activity areas 

The model was found effective in predicting the 

spatial distribution and identity of the range of 

activity areas. Test excavation supported the 

model's contention that it is rarely possible to 

identify specific activities within communal 

activity areas. It illustrated that unless there is 

direct evidence to the contrary, debris found 

should be assumed to be in secondary deposition 

and therefore not to reflect a direct spatial 

relationship with the activity of which it is a byproduct. 

We suggest therefore that attention 

should be paid initially to the identification of 

communal activity areas. 

In a situation where artefactual and other 

types of evidence are primarily found in 

secondary depositions, it is clear that all aspects 

of discard require detailed study to avoid errors 

of mistaken interpretation and false association. 

Subsistence and the environment 

Regarding evidence of Chaw Lay economic 

emphasis, the question to ask is, how clearly 


157


does the recorded data of an occupation site 

reflect the Chaw Lay's over-riding dependence 

on the two off-site activities of fishing and 

shellfish gathering? Shellfish collection and 

processing leave behind in the archaeological 

record large quantities of shell remains and 

occasionally discarded tools. Evidence of fishing 

and fish processing, however, is more difficult 

to recover. The tools of the trade are more often 

lost at sea and the recovery of organic remains 

depends entirely on local soil chemistry. Even 

if fish remains survive, excavation requires 

concentration on methods capable of retrieving 

this sort of microscale evidence. Sites suspected 

of reflecting a maritime economic base 

particularly require systematic use of sieving 

and flotation. 

Material culture 

In a mobile adaptation, the tool-kit is 

streamlined, multi-purpose and designed to be 

carried away. Combined with the Chaw Lay 

emphasis on curation, sharing and recycling, it 

means that few objects from their way of life 

enter the archaeological record. A possible 

exception to this caveat is the large range of 

stone artefacts found on Chaw Lay sites. Because 

of their weight and size they are often left behind 

in temporary storage for return use. Their 

frequency, durability and wide, often multipurpose 

usage makes them deserving of special 

study. As has been pointed out previously, Chaw 

Lay stone artefacts are utilized stones with little 

or no working, but with compound use wear. 

Particular attention should be paid to the 

relationship between stones and posts. It was 

found that in the Chaw Lay context stones are 

strongly correlated with house posts. If it could 

be statistically verified, this could provide a 

useful tool for the detection of postholes in the 

archaeological context. 

A certain number of re-usable objects are 

left as 'site furniture' (Binford 1979: 264) for 

use when the group and/or other groups return 

to the site. There is no evidence for buried 

caches; instead material is stored temporarily 

on secondary refuse deposits or under or around 

houses. 

Virtually all artefactual evidence at Phap 

Pha and Ko He was found in the form of 

deposition. Artefacts rarely if ever reflected 

directly their systemic context. In addition, the 

range of artefact types was a very small fraction 

of the number of types known to be functioning 

in a Chaw Lay community. Comparison of the 

items involved in activities with those found in 

the archaeological context shows this clearly. 

This point served to remind us of the futility of 

an artefact-centred approach to site analysis. 

Final comments 

In the course of this paper we have attempted 

to track the ethnographic evidence of 

subsistence activities of maritime-based 

communities as far back as possible in the 

archaeological record. In addition to the detailed 

ethnographic study of material culture, the 

methodology included surface investigation, 

analysis of a range of post-depositional forces 

and excavation. On the basis of this research, a 

model of maritime-adapted site formation under 

tropical Southeast Asian conditions has been 

formulated. Survey and test excavation of the 

test sites have shown that the model is a 

serviceable tool, albeit needing refinement in 

some points. It is hoped that this model will 

help to predict some of the cultural and 

environmental transforms affecting Southeast 

Asian coastal sites and to aid with their 

'readability' in the archaeological record. 

Note 

This paper was presented at the !CANAS 

Conference, in Hong Kong, August 1993, and 

has been revised. Since first writing of the paper, 

the authors have presented a number of other 

papers (Engelhardt & Rogers 1995, 1997 and 

1998) which are listed in the References. 

References 

Binford, L. R. 1979. Organization and formation 

processes: looking at curated technologies. 

Journal of Anthropological Research 35: 255- 

73. 

Brooks, A. and Yellen J. 1987. The preservation of 

activity areas in the archaeological record, In 

Method and Theory for Activity Area Research 

(ed S. Kent ) New York: Columbia University 

Press, pp.63-106. 

158 



Engelhardt, R. A. 1989. Forest-Gatherers and Strand 

Loopers, In Culture and Environment in Thailand. 

Bangkok: The Siam Society, pp. 125-41. 

Engelhart, R. A. and Rogers, P.R. 1997. Maritime 

adaptive strategies in Post-Pleistocene Southeast 

Asia: An ethnoarchaeological model for the nature 

and distribution of archaeological sites. Bulletin 

of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 16, 

(Chiang Mai Papers, Volume 3): 177-92. 

Engelhardt, R. A. and Rogers, P.R. 1995. 'Treats' or 

'Traits' ? Units of archaeological study: the 

example of maritime-adapted cultures in 

Southeast Asia, In Archaeology in Southeast Asia 

( eds C. T. Yeung and W. L. B. Li). Hong Kong: 

University Museum and Art Gallery, University 

of Hong Kong, pp. 305-15. 

Engelhardt, R. A. and Rogers, P.R. 1998. The Phuket 

Project revisited: the ethnoarchaeology through 

time of maritime-adapted communities in 

Southeast Asia. Journal of the Siam Society 85 (1 

& 2): 17-33. 

Hogan, D. W. 1972. Men of the sea: coastal tribes of 

South Thailand's west coast. Journal of the Siam 

Society 60 (1): 205-35. 

Schiffer, M. B. 1987. Formation Processes of the 

Archaeological Record. Albuquerque: University 

of New Mexico Press. 

Sopher, D. E. 1977. The Sea Nomads. Singapore: 

National Museum. 

Yesner, D. R. 1980. Maritime Hunter-Gatherers: 

ecology and prehistory. Current Anthropology 

21(6): 727-35. 

KEYWORDS-ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY, 

MARITIME-ADAPTATION, MARITIME 

HUNTER-GATHERERS, MIDDENS, 

THAILAND, SEA NOMADS, FISHING, 

MOLLUSCS, CHAW LAY 


159

RECENT MANI SETTLEMENTS IN SATUN PROVINCE, 

SOUTHERN THAILAND 

Gerd Albrecht* 

and 

Johannes Moser** 

Abstract 

The Mani people are hunter-gatherers living in the western part of peninsular 

Thailand, north of the Malaysian border. During field campaigns in 1995 and 

1996 the occupation of ten rock shelters and nine forest camps were recorded. 

All these belong to the present-day system of up to one hundred different 

living sites, inhabited by Mani groups during one year in the forested region 

of Trang, Satun and Phatthalung Provinces. Most of the camps studied could 

be assigned to a specific Mani group, and it was even possible to tell individual 

housing habits apart. Beside documentation of the camps, the authors were 

able to construct kinship structures for 179 persons, belonging to six generations 

for the Mani. In addition, four prehistoric sites, related to the Hoabinhian and/ 

or the Neolithic, were discovered. 

Research on the Manil 

The Mani are the northernmost group of the 

Semang, or Orang Asli, of the forest areas of 

the Thai-Malaysian Peninsula. The dense, and 

previously well preserved, forests of Trang, 

Satun and Phatthalung provinces were, and 

indeed still are, the home for hunter-gatherer 

groups of the Mani (mani, meaning 'we people', 

is the term they use to name themselves, as 

opposed to hami, meaning 'the others' used for 

Thai and other communities). Until the start of 

intensive logging which began only twelve years 

ago Mani life was relatively unaffected by 

outside communities. 

The first written record of the Mani is found 

in the writings of King Rama V, who visited 

them in 1907. In the 1920s, the renowned 

Austrian ethnologist, Paul Schebesta, whose 

main scientific work was on the Semang of 

Malaya (Schebesta 1952,1954 & 1957), met a 

small band of Mani in Phatthalung Province 

(Schebesta 1925). The Mani of Satun Province 

were also visited by the ethnologist Hugo 

Bernatzik (1962). Significant information on 

Mani life has recently published by Suwat 

Thonghom (1995) with the help of the Trang 

provincial authorities. These publications are 

the main source of data on the Mani groups of 

southern Thailand. 

Today, the Mani number just over 140 

individuals, nearly the same number as 60 years 

ago, as recorded by Bernatzik. They live in a 

virtually inaccessible area of large limestone 

karst outcrops, comprising steep cliffs, narrow 

valleys, and small basins. These unapproachable 

land formations are one of the reasons that the 

Mani have been able to sustain their traditional 

forest lifestyle, despite the presence of large 

farming communities in the vicinity. 

Numerous caves and rock shelters in the 

karst towers serve as habitation sites for the 

Mani groups. As sedimentary traps, the caves 

• Faculty of Archaeology, Royal University of Fine 

Arts, Phnom Penh, Cambodia 

•• Institut flir Ur- und Frtihgeschichte, Universitiit 

Tiibingen, Germany. 


161


have accumulated substantial soil deposits, 

containing the remains of sub-recent 

settlements and prehistoric occupation. The 

first excavations at Sakai Cave, Trang 

Province in 1991 (Figure 1, site 21) exposed 

hunter-gatherer occupation as far back as 

10,000 BP, as well as neolithic burials 

(Pookajorn 1991; Albrecht et al. 1994). 

The Mani today 

Mani society is undergoing radical change from 

ever-increasing contact with the Thai population 

over the last ten years. Since the disappearance 

of the guerrilla groups of the 1970s-80s, the 

traditional settlement area of the Mani has been 

heavily disturbed by the intensification of 

logging and rubber plantations making greater 

contact with outside groups inevitable. 

Development in the upper Langu River region 

ran relatively smoothly up to the early 1990s. In 

1993, the Bueng group of Mani were relatively 

undisturbed, living a typical forest lifestyle. 

Traditional camps and indigenous tools were 

still in use; contacts with farmers were restricted 

to work as labourers on the winter rice harvest. 

Although proclaimed as a Thai National 

Park, there appears to be no halting the 

progressive destruction of the rain forest in this 

region because of powerful economical 

interests. Nutrition has recently become a major 

problem; with the forest and its wildlife which 

had sustained them disappearing, the Mani are 

forced to spend more time working in the fields, 

or living from public welfare such as at Nam 

Tok Mae Taeng near the Phatthalung dam. 

Although there is still wild honey to be found, 

the Mani, excepting the L6 group in the 

southeast of Satun Province, are obliged to sell 

it cheaply to farmers rather than using it as a 

nutritional supplement. 

From February 1995, and even more in 1996, 

significant changes were observed. The former 

large band had split into several smaller units, 

whose leadership had been taken over by men, 

the presence of a male leader being more 

acceptable to Thai society. In a few years, there 

will be no space left for these forest dwellers. 

The Mani are being forced to change their 

traditional way of life, and are beginning to 

work as labourers on the local farms and 

plantations. Those who have money are 

beginning to learn about consumer society and 

becoming dependant upon wages and the goods 

they provide. 

For ethnographic research, there is but 

limited time to record data on Mani society 

before it loses all recognizable connection with 

its ancient lifestyle. It is recognition of this time 

constraint, that the Tiibingen/Bangkok joint 

venture was initiated immediately following the 

establishment of co-operation between the 

universities ofTiibingen and Silpakorn. In 1993 

initial research was conducted in Trang province 

and then in Satun province. This field work 

determined that the most promising area, that 

least disturbed, was located at the convergence 

of three provinces: Trang, Satun and 

Phatthalung. Research indicated that further 

investigations would be most profitably 

concentrated in this area. 

The fieldwork2 

Following earlier ethno-archaeological 

fieldwork in the mountain area of Trang province 

(Pookajorn 1991; Albrecht et al. 1994) and in 

the upper Langu River Area in Satun Province 

(Albrecht 1994), field campaigns were carried 

out in the forest of northeastern Satun province, 

from 23rd February to 22nd March 1995, and 

from the 27th January to 8th February 1996. 

These latest investigations centred on the 

occupied and recently abandoned camps of the 

Mani (Sakai) in this region. 

Seven occupied rock shelters and six forest 

camps were carefully recorded and mapped. 

Several other living ~as in rock shelters and in 

the forest were also noted and sketched. All 

these occupations are part of a system of up to 

one hundred different living sites currently 

inhabited by Mani groups during a single year 

spread through the forested region of Trang, 

Satun and Phatthalung provinces (Figure 1). 

Most of the camps studied could be assigned to 

a specific Mani group. 

Since detailed topographical maps were not 

available orientation and mapping in this rugged 

wilderness was made possible by the use of the 

global positioning system3• The co-ordinates 

noted after the site names are given regardless 

of their divergence from existing maps. 

162 


~ 

1:: 

3 

~ 

~ 

s. 

C'.! "' 

s· 

:3 

~ 

~ 

1;;• 

9 

< 

?!- 

00 

9' 

'"C 

~ 

"' ..... 

!


LEGEND 

® 

BAMBOO TWEEZERS ® DART CONTAINER AND/OR BLOWPIPE 

® ENAMEL BOWL @ BAMBOO WATER CONTAINER 

© TIED UP BUNDLE ® OTHER REMAINS 

@ REMAINS OF BLOWPIPE AND/OR DART FABRICATION 

® CLOTH RAG 

• 

® ANIMAL BONE REMAINS FIRE PLACE FOR COOKING I WARMING 

@ WOVEN BASKET 5 UNIT No. 

® HUMAN HAIR 

COOKING STANDS FOR BAMBOO TUBES 

® KNIFE OR PART OF IT BAMBOO SLEEPING PLATFORM 

~ 

(Q METAWC SPOON c~~:) 

PROJECTION OF PALM LEAVES SHELTER 

® BAMBOO MUG @ft 

LAYERS OF DRY LEAVES 

® HONEYCOMB ... ," ....... ! ROCK OVERHANGING 

@ COCONUT BOWL 

Ill 

® AWL 

* 

SHELTER OF PALM LEAVES 

ROCKPAINTINGS/WOODENGRA~NGS 

® 

SHELLS AND/OR SNAILS 1110 ENTRANCE OF SHELTER, MAX. HEIGHT 

® BAMBOO COOKING TUBE ~ TREE 

® BAMBOO CONTAINER t!lf1J'fo- UMESTONE ROCK I STALACTITE 

Figure 2 Key for following plans of rock shelter and forest camp sites 

In the following text, only camps of known 

Mani groups are described. When possible, the 

names of the inhabitants of each camp are given, 

together with the number allotted to them in the 

Mani genealogy in Tables 1 and 2. 

The sites 

La Yuan Pueng-07° 04' 50" N; 99° 56' 11'' 

E, (Figure 1, Site 1) 

This rock shelter was first examined in 1994, 

has been published (Albrecht 1994) and is listed 

here to complete the information. The most 

recent occupation of this site was from late 

1993 to the beginning of February 1994, with 

25 people of the Bueng group living here. The 

most impressive features are the rock paintings 

along the walls of the rock shelter. In the same 

period the Bueng group also utilised the nearby 

cave, Tam Nong Nien, one km away, in the 

same limestone outcrop. 

Tam Nong Nien Rock shelter-07° 05' 05" 

N; 99° 55' 50" E, (Figure 1, Site 9 and Figure 

3) 

This site was recorded on 6th March 1995. 

Information about the former inhabitants was 

given by Kleo Boonrung, a local farmer, who 

employed this Mani group during the rice harvest. 

The site was occupied from late 1993 to early 

1994. Nine groups of sleeping platforms were 

identified at the entrance of the cave. These 

groups only approximate to family units. 

Unit 3 could be recognized as the place of the 

old woman Bueng (3l. Until1994, she was the 

kepala, the head of this entire group (Schebesta 

1925: 24 ). After 1994 the group split into smaller 

units. Bueng's platform is the only full length 

one. All other sleeping platforms served only for 

the upper parts of the body, with a layer ofleaves 

lower down, as preserved in units 2 and 8. This is 

in contrast to the sleeping structures in La Yuan 

Pueng, where most of the platforms consist of 

two parts, forming an obtuse angle adequate for 

the whole body (Albrecht 1994:201). Units 1, 2, 

4 and 6 consist of pairs of platforms at right 

angles to each other, with two persons sharing 

the same leaf layer for their legs. 

One fireplace located between the angle of 

the sleeping platforms, in the rectangular 

patterned structures, appears typical. To hold 

the platform off the ground at one end, the fork 

of a branch was generally utilized. In units 4 

and 8 stone slabs instead of branches served as 

164 


Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Southern Thailand 

E 

l{) 

lr) 

0\ 

0\ 

··. 

,_ 

1-< 

Q) 

....., 

0 

..c: 

:: 

(.) 

0 

1-< 

c::: 

Q) 

z 

OJ) 

c::: 

0 

z 

E 

ro 

E-< 

~ 

Q,) 

... 

:= 

Oil 

~ 


165


a base. The platforms of units 1 and 2, near the 

drip line of the cave, were protected from rain 

and sun by sloping roofs of palm leaves, as in 

La Yuan Pueng. Unit 9, being in a poor state of 

preservation could be remains from an earlier 

phase of occupation. 

In unit 7, the remains of dart manufacture 

were found, including the handle of a knife 

utilized in that process. In unit 3, a bamboo mug 

was found. It belonged to the old woman Bueng, 

and was used for serving liquid drugs (personal 

communication from Kleo Boonrung). 

Of interest is the apparent 'hidden' deposit 

of two containers, or ladles, found in a cavity of 

the limestone wall, at the south end of the site. 

The handles are made from branches, with the 

'cup' being formed by large leaves. 

A splinter of plain glass was found, under a 

layer of leaves, at the extreme rear of the cave. 

A tuft of hair was found in another niche, a few 

meters away. Questions remain of whether they 

are intentional depositions, and/or if the deposits 

are somehow linked. 

The best parallel to La Yuan Pueng, except 

for the painted frieze at La 'Dschaem' rock 

shelter (Figure 11 ), comes from the charcoal 

drawings on the northern wall of the cave. 

However, unlike at La Yuan Pueng, there are 

no human figures. The drawings display different 

signs, among them the igan, a fresh water fish 

(personal communication Tao Sang (36), head 

of a Mani group, in Trang Province). 

The site was revisited on 31st January 

1996, having been briefly occupied for three 

or four nights in December 1995, according 

to Kleo Boonrung, by part of the Sen group, 

including Yao (58) and his wife Prang (57) 

and between eleven to fifteen persons in seven 

units. Some changes in the pattern of 

occupation were noted. 

With the exception of the back part of the 

cave, the same area at the mouth of the cave 

was used, as in the winter 1993/1994. Even 

some of the platforms looked just like the old 

ones. And as two years previously, stone slabs 

were used to support the platforms. The utilised 

area was extended to the north, along the wall 

of the rock shelter and on a sloping surface, but 

inside the drip line. The change in level was 

better compensated for than during the last 

occupation, by a careful step-like construction 

of wooden bars. Bueng's bamboo mug was still 

in the rock shelter. 

Tam Jet Kot I Rock shelter--07° 06' 12" N; 

99° 56' 18" E, (Figure 1 site 2 and Figure 4) 

This was recorded on 26 February 1995. 

Information about the former inhabitants was 

given by local farmers who told us that it had 

been occupied in December 1994. 

This site is situated at the foot of a steep 

cliff; outside the rock shelter there is an earthen 

mound, the surface of which slopes down to the 

back wall of the rock shelter. The sleeping 

platforms are located on this slope, being well 

hidden and hardly recognizable from the outside. 

Eleven groups of sleeping platforms were 

identified. In units 9 and 10, the platforms consist 

of two parts, comparable to the structures found 

in La Yuan Pueng. No angled platforms were 

found with fireplaces between the angles, as in 

Tam Nong Nien. Most of the platforms serve 

only the upper part of the body, a person's legs 

being placed on leaf layers, as in Tam Nong 

Nien. As the site had only been recently been 

abandoned, the leaf layers and the other 

structures were all well preserved. As at La 

Yuan Pueng and Tam Nong Nien, the platforms 

in the area of the drip line are sheltered by 

sloping palm leaf roofs. 

In unit 1, the sleeping area contains only a 

layer of leaves, and is situated slightly apart, at 

the southern end of the inhabited area. By 

comparing this arrangement with the sites of 

Tong Nong Nien, Kao Nam Ta and Tam Na 

Daeng this should denote the sleeping place of 

the old man Sing (25). 

Unique to a forest occupation is a small 

table-like construction in unit 3, attached to the 

wall, giving the impression of a bedside table. 

Features like this are known from Mani 

occupation in the rubber plantations, as in the 

one near Tschong Nap, a village in the Thung 

W a district, where they serve to store kitchen 

goods. 

Apart from some cloth rags, this occupation 

is not rich in the remains of special activities. 

Two enamel plates were found at the foot of the 

limestone wall, at the north end of the site. In a 

niche behind unit 5, a bunch of bananas were 

found. It appears as though the site was 

abandoned suddenly, as a large number of 

166 



' 

' 

\ ' 

( 

I 

' ') 

\ j 

X 

'. 

I 

\ \ I 

I 

I 

I 

\ 

h ·~ . 

• 

. \ \ \ 

' ' 

' 

' 

I ' ' ,_ ' ' ' 

I 

\ 

' 

I 

I ~ 

., 

I 

I 

I . 

\ 

I 

. \ 

I 

I 

\ I 

I 

' 

...... __ - "' / I 

I 

I 

I 

I 

I 

: 

I 

I 

I 

l 

\ 

·,. 

I 

i 

I 

! 

I 

I 

I 

I 

I 

' I 

' 

I 

i. 

I 

I 

j 

I 

I 

! 

I 

I 

I 

I 

I ' 

I 

I 

j j 

1 ! 

I I 

I 

I 

E 

10 

L-------------------------------------------------------------~ ~ 

i 

I 

I 

I 

\ 

0 

~ 

... 

0.0 = 



unused bamboo containers and collected 

firewood, were found. This, together with the 

partially burnt wood in the fireplaces of units 2, 

5, 7, 9 and 11, support this speculation. A large 

number of red cloths were also found, red being 

the favourite clothing colour of the Mani. 

No rock paintings were found, which might 

indicate that the site was occupied for only a 

short time. Leaving Tam Jet Kot I, this Mani 

group moved to Tong Nong Nien, three km 

away. Although no sleeping platform in Tam 

Jet Kot I could be identified as belonging to the 

old woman Bueng and, from this time onwards 

she seems not to have been with this Mani 

group, although the local farmers named the 

Mani here at this site as the 'Bueng' group. As 

of the beginning of 1996, this rock shelter had 

not been reoccupied. 

Tong Nong Nien Forest Camp-07° 05' 19" 

N; 99° 55' 25" E. (Figure 1, Site 8 and Figures 

5 and 6) 

This site was recorded on 7 March 1995 and, 

according to information given by the local 

farmer, Kleo Boonrung, it was occupied in 

January 1995. 

Of all the sites observed during the 1995 

field campaign, Tong Nong Nien is outstanding. 

First, it is a large camp, with 15 groups of 

sleeping platforms. Second, these platforms are 

connected to each other with gangways, and 

floors of split bamboo. The investment of time, 

materials, and energy gives the impression of a 

more permanent occupation. 

A special type of combined platform can be 

noted in units 5 and 15. It consists of a two-part 

platform for an adult and another at right angles 

to these, which are perhaps sleeping places for 

children. Kleo Boonrung related that unit 15 

was utilised by Jaa (76) and her two children 

Puk ( 141 ), of two years, and the new-born Baen 

(142). 

This type of structure, with two short 

platforms at right angles to each other, and a 

fireplace in between, is common in Tam Nong 

Nien and can be seen in units 4 and 6. In one 

case, unit 9, this structure has been modified, 

using a base of sticks to serve the legs of the 

sleeping individual, instead of a layer of leaves. 

Unit 1 was the sleeping place of Sing (25). It 

consisted simply of a roof of palm leaves, tied 

to a tree and two poles, and a small fire place. 

Unit 3 was the single platform of Re (24). Both 

men are the husbands of Dschai (79). Unit 2, 

located between Sing and Re, was occupied by 

Dschai and her four children, Thong (143), Lorn 

(144), Lap (145) and Don (146). This 'family' 

was spatially separated from the other 

inhabitants, and from the bamboo floor. 

Unit 14 was occupied by Kai (75), the husband 

of Jaa (76), who occupied unit 15. Unit 9 is the 

largest of the shelters, connected with the central 

bamboo floor by a long gangway, leading directly 

under the roof. The Sen family lived here, perhaps 

with Sen's (6) daughter Sap (23), who, after the 

departure of Bueng, seemed to have been the 

strongest member of this Mani group. 

Unit 10 was occupied by the Kwaan (27) 

family. Also a large shelter, it is located 'next 

door' to the Sen family. There is only vague 

information about the inhabitants of the other 

units. Unit 5 could belong to the Gam (82) 

family, and unit 11 to Tsem (?),whose wife and 

children lived in unit 12. The Loo family stayed 

in unit 4 or 6 and Dek (or Daed), together with a 

child in unit 13. 

As is typical in forest camps, all the structures 

were covered by sloping palm leaf roofs. The 

entrances of shelters 4 through 13 inclusive, are 

oriented toward the central split bamboo floor. 

This site was rich in kitchen equipment with 

many bamboo cooking tubes, bamboo tweezers 

and a bamboo mug, found in unit 5; a bone awl, 

used to open special seeds in unit 6, and a 

woven basket, was found in front of unit 12. In 

unit 7, there were the remains of blowpipe dart 

fabrication. Behind unit 5, human hair had been 

placed near a large tree trunk, and cloth rags 

were found in units 5, 10 and 11. In the small 

unit 13 a bamboo container concealed in the 

roof contained poison for darts. 

In unit 14, the sleeping place of Kai, and 

concealed in the roof in the same way, another 

bamboo container was found. This one contained 

grease of a mu din (hog badger). The burrow of 

such an animal was still to be seen in a small 

mound at the centre of the occupation. According 

to the information of Kleo Boonrung, the Mani 

rub this grease onto their bodies before dancing, 

and going into a trance. 

The Tong Nong Nien forest camp was most 

probably used for an annual meeting of members 

168 



9 · .. 

co 

D· ·· · · ····· ·· ·• ········ • 

.. b; 

0 

.. ~ .. 

~ 

.. . ·· ·· · ~ o·. 

~· !~ 

N 

' 

- 

LJ/fjJ ~ • 

\ 'b - --~·-o····· 

..• .. •• 

.. ........ .. ... ~~ 

\ 

E 

10 

•... 

' 

0 

_ ... o 

.ci 

· ···········- ···············o······················· 

~ - 

i' 

·._,_ '··... 

~~-· -. 

"4 

0 

"' ~ 

2 

c: 

(\.) 

i 

bl) 

c: 

0 

z 

bl) 

c: 

0 

f-< 


169

.• 

" ' . 

· -~ ~ 

·~" 

0 

W' ·~-~.. 

0 • 


• 

... 

@ 

""' 

Iii 

I 

0 

~ 

~ 

0 

11. 

• 

~1\.&i® 

~ 

~j 

~ 

~~· ,- 

E 

It) 

0 

\0 

0\ 

0\ 

-p.. 

e 


of the former Bueng group. Perhaps this site 

also functioned as a ceremonial location as more 

than 30 people, including children, gathered 

here. After a meeting in January, most of the 

Mani left this area in a north-easterly direction 

(via Tam Sap or Kai Ki Ma, see below). Only 

the families of Sing IRe I Dschai, Kai I Jaa and 

Som Priau (= Dschaem, 22) I Run (50) I Maen 

(51) I Na'e (52) remained in the region during 

our 1995 fieldwork. 

The site was revisited on 28 January 1996 

(Figure 6). One year having passed, the Tong 

Nong Nien camp appeared undisturbed, all the 

structures having rotted. Previously hidden, two 

pits were now visible below the central platform; 

one of which yielded a bamboo container. The 

specific function of these pits is unclear, other 

than that they served as hiding places. 

Tam Na Daeng Rock shelter-07° 08' 57" N; 

99° 56' 17" E, Figure 1, Site 4) 

This site was first visited on 26th February 1995. 

No mapping was done the first day, but much 

information was received through interviews 

with the Mani who were at the site. When the 

camp was revisited on 28 February, it had been 

burnt to the ground. It is possible that the camp 

was destroyed by loggers for, according to 

rumour, our presence here and our contact with 

· the Mani groups, was not appreciated. 

In February 1995, the Sing I Re I Dschai 

family, with four children, and the Kai I Jaa 

family, with two children, moved to this rock 

shelter. This site is situated around seven km 

north of Tong Nong Nien, uphill, at an altitude 

of 200 m above sea level. All sites previous to 

this had been situated approximately at river 

level which is only a few meters above sea 

level. 

On 27th February 1995, the two families 

had moved to the forest camp of Kao Nam Ta, 

about one km away, and situated at an elevation 

of 300 m above sea level. At this forest camp, 

they met up with the Som Priau I Run I Maen I 

Na'e family. 

Kao Nam Taa Forest Camp-about one km 

NW of07o 09' 21" N; 99° 56' 34" E, (Figure 1, 

Site 10 and Figure 7) 

This site was visited on 4th March 1995, and 

recorded the following day. The mapping could 

only be roughly accomplished, as it was 

presently being occupied by the Mani. This site 

was found with the assistance of the Mani 

themselves, and was unknown to the local 

farmers. The Mani arrived on 27th February 

1995 and left before 20 March 1995 

Under big trees, and adjacent to huge 

limestone boulders, five units stretch northsouth, 

situated on a small plateau, on a hillside. 

Unit 1 is a large shelter with a palm leaf roof. 

Three short platforms, with an extended layer 

of leaves in the back, serve for the three women 

Run (50), Maen (51) and Na'e (52), along with 

their twelve children. The platform of their 

husband Som Priau (= Dschaem, 22) was 

unidentifiable, and he was not seen. Stone slabs 

are used as the platform base for units 4 and 8, 

as in Tam Nong Nien. 

Unit 2 belonged to Jaa and her two children, 

who used the larger of the platforms, with her 

husband Kai occupying the smaller. In this unit, 

the palm leaf roof is quite steep, not protecting 

the whole sleeping area. 

Units 3, 4 and 5, are arranged in the same 

pattern as in Tong Nong Niem. Dschai (79), 

with her four children were in unit 3, the children 

in the middle, on a two-part platform. The older 

husband Sing (25) was in the rough shelter of 

unit 4, under a single palm leaf roof, sleeping 

on the bare floor. Unit 5 has Re (24) on a 

sheltered leaf layer. 

As this was not an abandoned camp, like the 

other sites, all items recorded remained 

undisturbed for the Mani' s further utilisation. 

In the rear of unit 1, a dart container, a 

woven basket and red cloth were placed in the 

sloping roof. At the north end of the shelter, a 

bamboo water container, clothes and a basket 

were hanging from the roof. In the rear of unit 2 

were placed a blow pipe, dart container and a 

woven basket. 

Unit 3 contained some clothes and a bamboo 

water container. Only a dart container was 

observed in the rough shelter of unit 4; while 

walking around the site, Sing kept his blow pipe 

with him. In unit 5, a single bamboo cooking 

tube was observed. Re, like Som Priau, was 

absent from the camp. 

Between units 2 and 3, there was a fresh 

engraving one meter up the trunk of a tree. No 

explanation could be elicited for this complicated 


171


+ N 

I 

~·· ···· ···· 

E 

It) 

./ 0 

0. 

E 

"' u 

~ 

"'


sign. Although the sign had no parallels from 

other camps observed on this fieldwork there 

are similar signs made by the Mani at their 

camp near the Sakai Cave, Trang Province. 

The Mani had contacted us personally, and 

invited us to visit this site. They were willing to 

give us a great deal of information, and, after 

some time, communication was possible even 

with the women. This site was exceedingly 

difficult to find. in the forest and without the 

guidance of the Mani themselves it is 

questionable whether it could be found by the 

local Thai farmers. 

Kwaan Forest Camp-07° 06' 59" N; 100° 

00' 27" E, (Figure 1, Site 5 and Figure 8) 

This site, occupied in 1993 or 1994 according 

to local farmers, was recorded on 2nd March 

1995. Unfortunately, because of restricted time, 

only a rough sketch could be made. 

Containing sixteen sheltered units, this was 

quite a large camp, comparable in size to Tong 

Nong Nien, and perhaps used by the same 

people. Some of the structures had been burnt, 

but why or by whom was unknown. 

Units 3, 4 and 13, have the typical two-part 

platforms, with unit 2 laid out in a rectangular 

pattern. Most of the units consist of short 

platforms, possibly with a leaf layer, as in unit 7. 

All the shelters were arranged to form a 

large oval, with the openings to the centre. Units 

10 and 11, were located slightly apart from the 

other units, unit 10 being the only one without 

traces of a platform. In unit 11, a base of sticks 

was utilised to serve the legs, instead of a leaf 

layer, also as observed in Tong Nong Nien, unit 

9. In unit 6, an enamel bowl was found, and in 

unit 16, two bamboo water tubes. There was 

unfortunately little time for more detailed 

observation. 

Due to the year or two which had lapsed 

since the Mani last used this camp, the structures 

were in a poor state of preservation, really quite 

rotten. After six months, the platforms in a forest 

camp cannot be reused: one year for a rock 

shelter. 

Tam Sap Rock shelter-300 m NE of 07° 07' 

57'' N; 100° 00' 33" E, (Figure 1, Site 6) 

This site was visited for a short time on 1st 

March 1995. Though attempts were made on 

4th March, to relocate this site, they proved 

unsuccessful. A sketch, but not a detailed map 

was made. It had been occupied in the Winter 

of 1994-95. 

The Tam Sap rock shelter extends 

approximately 10 m in a north-south direction, 

with the opening facing to the east. Six 

platforms were constructed on a small terrace 

overlooking a steep slope. Five single 

sleeping platforms were observed, with the 

typical leaf layer to serve the legs. Two palm 

leaf shelters had been erected over the 

southernmost and the northernmost platforms. 

Close to the sleeping platforms, four 

fireplaces were noted along with two bamboo 

tubes. A tortoise shell was found in the rear 

of the rock shelter. 

The Tam Sap rock shelter is located in the 

environs of Kai Ki Ma and K waan forest camps. 

According to information from our guide, the 

site had been inhabited by eight individuals, 

possibly a single family (Sap, 23, and Kiat, 5, 

?). There is no more information about this 

relatively small site. 

Qu'ham Mo Biyae Rock shelter-Or 08' 07" 

N; 100° 00' 25" E, (Figure 1, Site 14, and 

Figure 9) 

This site, close to a small ravine also has a Thai 

name La Klok Kloi ('rock with trunk of Iiana') 

and was visited on 30th January 1996. A great 

deal of useful information was received from 

Yao (58), the son of Qu'an (21), along with his 

second wife Maen (51), who accompanied the 

team. It had been occupied for two nights at the 

end of December 1995 to the beginning of 

January 1996. 

The wall of the rock shelter faces west. The 

structures cover a distance of more than 20m in 

a north-south direction. All nine units of the last 

occupation can be found along the wall inside 

the drip-line of the shelter. In one area, the drip 

line extends out giving a dry space for unit 3 on 

a small mound some meters away from the 

wall. 

The shelter was inhabited by 22 members of 

the Yao, a subgroup of the Sen group. Typical 

for this site are simple platforms with leaf layers 

serving the lower part of the body. In two units, 

2 and 9, the sleeping place for a man consisted 

only of a leaf layer. Units 1 and 5 were protected 


173

Gerd Albrecht an d Johannes Moser 

0 

...... 

E 

10 

0 

174 

Journa L oJ •~"the · Siam Socte · ty ' Vol. 86 , Parts 1 & 2


; . 

0 

:' 

. 

----~ 

~'~ 

···~@) 

··f.~....•: 

~ 

I 

• 

;- 

! 

-·· 

;;- ····~- ··\ ~ 

L-----------------------------~------------------------------------~ ~ 

j 

"' 

~ 

~ 

>. 

~ 

0 

::E 

~ 

& 

~ 



I ' 

' 

I 

l:?yj; 

@ 

@) 

t 

Gl 

0 

.. 

c: 

:::: 

c: 

Gl 

2 

0) 

..c: 

CJ) 

.!


by a palm leaf shelter. The occupants were as 

fo llows: 

Unit 1: Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22) with hi s 

wife Maen (5 1) and children, Tui (59) and Piaen 

(60) 

Unit 2: Hi (male, 56) 

Unit 3: Dschid (male, 65, at this place not 

yet together with Jap, 6 1) 

Unit 4: wi fe Kung (29) and children, Tom 

(83) and Loh (84) 

Unit 5: Pon (male, 67) 

Unit 6: Yao (58) with hi s wi fe Prang (57) 

Unit 7 : Dsched (69) with hi s wife Daeng 

(68) and children, Dschaed ( 136), Pan ( 137) 

and Dschom ( 138) 

Unit 8: Dam (72) with his wife Dschim (7 1) 

and children, Dob ( 139) and Bonn ( 140) 

Unit 9 : Daeng (male, 62) 

Traces of an older occupation could be fo und 

in side and outside the shelter, eight meters from 

the back wall and undisturbed by the more recent 

occupation. 

T hree monkey skulls were found in units 5 

and 8 and in the refuse area to the south of the 

shelter. The remains of a varanid li zard, together 

wi th a rattan trap in unit 7, indicate some of the 

acti vities of the Mani during their short stay 

here. An empty fish can and broken chinaware 

testify to the increasing contact between the 

Mani and Thai farmers, the closest small shop 

being about three hours distant. 

Qu' ham Mo Biyae was used as a stop-over 

in the north-south route. The ni ght before the 

Yao group slept here, they had occupied a forest 

camp called Huai Sai. Upon leaving thi s rock 

shelter, they walked one day south to the Manang 

fo rest camp to meet the Re group. 

La Dschaem Rock shelter-Or 06' 08" N; 

99° 56' 35" E, (Figure I, Site 15 and Figure I 0) 

Thi s site had been occupied in mj ddle of January 

1996, for a few days and was visited on 3 1st 

Janu ary 1996. The area was shown by the local 

farmer Sawaang, who gave us all the information 

at hi s disposal. 

Located on the same cliff as Tam Jet Kot 

II, this huge rock shelter faces the north, not 

far from a river. Sixteen sleepin g places are 

concentrated in a small area to the eastern side. 

Thirteen of these consist of simple platforms 

with leaf layers, the other three beds showed 

on ly leaves. One of these leaf beds was situated 

close to the wall , beside which the re is a free 

space, about 3m wide in front of the wall. T hi s 

mi ght be due to the fact th at the wall is full of 

paintings. 

Figure 11 Drawings in La Dschaem, photo 


177


Exceptionally at this site, the three fireplaces 

have wooden 'carving' forks fixed into the 

ground (Figure 10, A), one still holding the 

scapula of a small animal. 

This camp was occupied for a few days by a 

group of sixteen to eighteen Mani; this included 

Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22), who probably 

stayed with his wife(s) and children in the large 

sleeping area in the north. The names of other 

members of the group are unknown, but are 

believed to include some of the Sen group from 

Tam Jet Kot II. 

The outstanding importance of this site is 

the extensive wall painting covering about seven 

meters of the vertical limestone at the back of 

the shelter (Figure 11). Here is not the place to 

describe the numerous pictures and signs, but 

Sawaang regarded the production of these 

paintings as 'a work of children'. When queried 

that some of the pictures were two meters above 

the ground, he replied that young men had 

shouldered children to reach the height. This 

impressive frieze needs careful analysis. 

It appears that the site was abandoned in 

great haste. Close to each fireplace wood had 

been stockpiled (Figure 10, X). A complete bush 

knife (X1), a smaller knife (X2) and a significant 

amount of cloth (E) appears left behind. Even a 

packet of tobacco was observed, including the 

cigarette papers. Concerning the flight, Sawaang 

related the following story. 

At the beginning of January, the Sen group 

occupied Tam Jet Kot IT. Some Thai boys visited 

the camp and asked for some arrow poison. 

When the Mani refused to give the poison, the 

boys threatened to return with pistols. The Mani 

then left Tam Jet Kot II and split into different 

groups, the largest group staying for some days 

nearby in La Dschaem and the apparent sudden 

abandonment of La Dschaem could be related 

to this incident. 

Tam Jet Kot II Rock shelter-07° 06' 29" N; 

99° 56' 43" E, (Figure 1, Site 3 and Figures 12 

and 13) 

This site, occupied in 1992 and/or 1993, was 

first recorded on 25 February 1995. The site 

was described by Sawaang, although no 

information was available about the inhabitants. 

This large rock shelter measures 60m along 

the cliff and the remains could belong to different 

periods of occupation. Up to ten years ago, this 

rock shelter was utilised by guerrilla groups to 

mill rice. Today, this is evidenced by thick layers 

of rice hulls, built up in the northern side of the 

site. Additionally, patches of elongated leaves 

were noticed, scattered about the rock shelter. 

The platforms are concentrated on the 

southern and northern edges of the rock shelter. 

On the southern side, there were two units 

(Figure 12). Unit 1 exhibits only one rotted 

platform, but contains three fireplaces, indicating 

a more intensive utilisation. Unit 2 has two 

fireplaces, with the remains of cooking stands 

and bamboo cooking tubes. Many bones, snails, 

and a piece of honeycomb were also found. A 

black painting in the rock overhang nearby could 

be a rough Thai inscription. 

In the centre of the rock shelter, there are ten 

fireplaces, patterned into four distinct occupation 

areas. Between these areas, enamel bowls and 

metal spoons were found, two coconut bowls, 

one between two fireplaces in a layer of leaves, 

as well as bamboo cooking tubes. There was 

also a concentration of seeds, deposited near to 

where the rice-hull layer intruded into the centre 

area. 

On the northern side of the rock shelter, the 

features are better preserved, perhaps belonging 

to more recent occupation. Unit 3 consists of a 

short platform and a fireplace with water 

containers and a cooking 'tube found nearby. 

Some dark shadows, possibly drawings of 

human figures were observed on the limestone 

wall near the platform. Unit 4 is similar in 

construction to unit 3, with cooking tubes found 

nearby. Fragments of honeycomb were also 

found on this side of the rock shelter. 

Due to the poor condition of the structures 

in this rock shelter, the settlement patterns 

remain unclear. Which features had been made 

by the Mani, by the guerrilla groups, or by local 

farmers visiting the site, is difficult to 

differentiate. The layers of elongated leaves 

could well be a natural phenomena. It was related 

that the Mani ceased using this site two years 

ago, following the construction of a farmhouse 

on the other side of a nearby river. 

The Tam Jet Kot II site was revisited on 31 

January 1996, and recorded that day (Figure 

13). A new occupation had occurred in the 

beginning of January, just three weeks earlier. 

178 



] 

... -. -~ 

~ J ,~, 

~., 

;, 

' '/ 

j 

I 

E 

"' 

0 


179


f...>.y•" 

~ 

m 

Ll'l 

·- 

~(~---·······r 

• . 9 

: -~ 

:. : 

: .. ·· ... · •.. 

~ 

. . o-;.~·-·;· 

. 

· ~ 

. . 

. . 

.: ....•. ·. ~· 

e 

10 

~ .. 

,, 

.t.'ii' 

............ 

. 

.' 

..,;;····/ ...... 

II 

..-- 

-~ 

0 

180 



Sawaang again gave us information about the 

site, this time including remarks about the 

inhabitants who belonged to the Sen group 

Only the middle of the rock shelter was 

utilised, with thirteen units housing up to 25 

persons. Three units, 4, 12 and 13, as observed 

in La Dschaem, consisted of only leaf layers 

and may have been used by the same persons 

who had occupied that location (?). Simple 

platforms had been constructed with layers of 

leaves serving the lower part of the body. One 

exception was in unit 5, with a sleeping place of 

two platforms lying at a slight angle to each 

other. 

In units 4 and 11 stone slabs were used as a 

base for the sleeping platforms, as in Tam Nong 

Nien one year earlier, and in Kao Nam Taa. The 

sleeping places in units 3, 5-11 were protected 

by a palm leaf shelters. 

The occupants of the camp units were as 

follows: 

Unit 1: Long (30) with his wife Kung (29) 

and children Tom (83) and Loh (84) 

Unit 2: Run (female, 50) and three children 

Unit 3: Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22) with his 

wife Maen (51) 

Unit 4: children of Maen and Run 

Unit 5: Yao (male, 55) 

Unit 6: Yao (58) with his wife Prang (57) 

Unit 7: children 

Unit 8: children 

Unit 9: Dsched (male, 69 ?) 

Unit 10: Sen (6) with his wife Aet (= Baen, 

7 ??) 

Unit 11: Waang (64) with his wife S6 (63) 

Unit 12: Daeng (male, 62) 

Unit 13:? 

There were rock paintings on the ceiling of 

the rock overhang, some 90-130cm above the 

ground. They showed only signs. Interestingly, 

a small image of an erect penis was found carved 

in wood (X 1 ). The contents of a nearby 'hidden' 

bundle of leaves (X2) remain unknown, as it 

was left untouched. In unit 6 there was a bamboo 

mug. 

For the background to this site, see remarks 

for La Dschaem above. 

Sawaang related another short story. During 

this stay in Tam Jet Kot II, Waang (64) asked 

Daeng (62) for his wife S6 (63); Daeng 

apparently agreeing. However, another source, 

Yao, stated that Daeng was already single at the 

end of December 1995, during his stay in the 

Qu'ham Mo Biyae. 

La Sawaang Rock shelter-07° 05' 35" N; 

99° 57' 38" E, (Figure 1, Site 16) 

This site which had been occupied for a few 

days at the end of December 1995 was visited 

on 4th February, and recorded on 6 February 

1996. Information about the site was given by 

Sawaang, for whose assistance this site was 

named. 

The La Sawaang rock shelter (Figure 14) 

extends about 25m in a north-west-southeast 

direction, the surface of the shelter descending 

sharply, south to north. A large cave-like niche 

intrudes approximately 10m into the rock face, 

located at the middle of the rock shelter. In the 

back of this niche, the remains of older 

occupations were preserved. 

Of nine units with simple sleeping platforms 

and leave layers, units 1, 4, 5, 8 and 9 were 

constructed on small terraces, with wooden bars 

employed to compensate for the difference in 

level, as in Tam Nong Nien and in the Tam Jet 

Kot I. Only unit 9 was protected by a roof of 

palm leaves. 

The site had been inhabited by fourteen to 

eighteen people belonging to the Yao subgroup, 

including Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22). Perhaps 

La Sawaang had been occupied by the Mani 

while on their way south from Qu'ham Mo 

Biyae. But a stay here before the Qu'ham Mo 

Biyae is also possible. 

This is the only site where more than twenty 

wooden sticks (Figure 15) and one forked stick 

(Figure 16) were observed. They were up to 

80cm long and around 3cm thick, covered with 

parallel markings (X2), decorations or scratches, 

and having an intense smell infused into them. 

For clarification of their purpose two of these 

sticks were shown to L6, the head of a Mani 

group, located in the south-east of Satun 

province. He described the sticks as being part 

of a grill, utilised in the roasting of mu din (hog 

badger), the smell deriving from this. There is 

an accumulation of grease on the sticks, which 

is later removed by scraping with a scale as 

used for grinding the wild yams. 

Known from Tong Nong Nien, grease from 

the mu din plays an important role in Mani life, 


181


~/ 

7 

7 

7 

::> 

> 

> 

::> 

~~ 

"\. ~ 

; 

.... 

E 

..c: "' 

..:.:: "' 

u 

0 

'- 

oo 

c:: 

"' :3: 

C/J "' 

.....l "' 

...... 

""' 

"' r.. 

= ell 

~ 

182 

Journal ofrhe Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts J & 2


Figure 15 Decorated wooden stick, La Sawaang 



' 

Figure 16 Decorated wooden fork, La Sawaang 

being rubbed into the body before dancing, and 

a medicine. Bones of the mu din (Figure 14, F) 

were found scattered about, with a concentration 

in the north of the site, where an isolated 

fireplace might have been used for roasting. 

After more than a month, the smell of the grease 

remained intense. The great importance of the 

mu din to the Mani warrants further 

investigation. Many questions remain regarding 

ceremonial and symbolic practises, the removal 

of the grease and the resulting 'decorated' sticks. 

At the entrance to the camp, a young tree 

was carved with lines and signs, from the bottom 

to a height of 180cm. 

Pa Pon Forest Camp---07° 05' 36" N; 99° 59' 

44" E, (Figure 1 site 18 and Figure 17 

This site, which had been occupied for a few 

days in the middle of January 1996, was visited 

on 28 January 1996, and recorded in detail the 

next day. An additional visit, accompanied by 

Yao, was undertaken on 30 January. Information 

was related by Yao and a local farmer, Porn. 

Stretching over 30m up a slight south to north 

slope, fourteen units are arranged in two rows, 

accommodating 44 people. Many kinds of 

sleeping places were observed, from only leaf 

layers, in units 4, 8, 12 and 13, simple platforms 

with leaf layers, to two aligned partial platforms 

(unit 6) or angled (unit 5). Unit 8, interestingly, 

had the leaf layers surrounded by wooden bars. 

As is usual in forest camps, all of the shelters 

were protected by roofs of palm leaves. 

This site could be divided into a northern 

and southern part, the entirety utilised by an 

enlarged Sen grouping. At the northern edge of 

the settlement traces of older structures could 

be observed (X3). 

The following list was compiled from Yao's 

information: 

Unit 1: Dschid (65) with his wife Jap (61) 

and her daughter Pa (128) 

184 



E 

"' 

0. 

E 

0:: 

u 

·-.· 

Journal oft he Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts I & 2 

185


Figure 18 Toy, Pa Pon 


Unit 3: Dam (72) with his wife Dschim (71) 

and children Dob (139) and Bonn (140) 


Unit 5: Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22) with his 

wife Maen (51) and children Tui (59) and Piaen 

(60) 

Unit 6: Kai (75) with his wife Jaa (76) and 

children Puk (141) and Baen (142) 

Unit 7: Kai (male, 66) 

Unit 8: Hi (male, 56), Daen (male, 135), 

Daeng (male, 62, temporarily: see unit 2) and 

Dsched (male, 69, temporarily ?: see unit 11) 

Unit 9: Si (129) with her husbands Hoe 

(131) and Dschaa (130), together with Kung 

(29) and her children Tom (83) and Loh (84) 

Unit l 0: Yao (58) with his wife Prang (57) 

Unit 1l:Dsched (69) with his wife Daeng 

(68) and children Dschaed (I 36) and Dschom 

(138) 

Unit 12: Kam (male, 70) 

Unit 13: Dik (male, 127) 

Unit 14: Sen (6) with his wife Aet (= Baen, 

7 ?) 

The most remarkable find at this site are the 

toys (X2), found in units 5 and 11. They were 

rough copies of pickup trucks, made from banana 

trunks and palm panicles, to a scale of 

approximately 1: l 0 (Figure 18). Remains of 

blowpipe fabrication were observed on unit 8 

(D). 

Scattered about the site were many consumer 

goods (Xl), such as empty cans and instant noodle 

soup packages. Between units 3 and 12, there 

was a concentration of refuse, such as Nescafe 

bags, and a milk carton. This marks the camping 

area of the teacher Suwat Thonghom (1995), who 

visited here for one night. He had donated a sack 

of rice to the Mani, which was found empty 

behind unit 10. Yao related that during Suwat 

Thonghom's short visit none of the Mani slept, 

being afraid of the hami ('other people'). 

Nam Tok Mae Taeng Forest Camp (Nam 

Tok = waterfall)-07" 10' 17" N; 100° 04' OS" 

E, (Figure 1, Site 19) 

This site (Figure 19), had been occupied from 

the middle of January to the beginning of 

February 1996, was visited on 29th and 30th 

January 1996. Only the positions of the platforms 

were recorded in a rough sketch. 

The Mani were present during this visit, so a 

detailed record of the Nam Tok Mae Taeng site 

was not possible. This forest camp is located in 

Phatthalung Province, uphill, not far from the 

site of a new dam project, on the river Pa Bon. 

186 



.~\~ 

' ' 

. . 

r-·----·. 

'lqlllP : 

I 

I r.n 

L. _;;.i 


When the construction is complete, the resulting 

reservoir will flood a certain forest valley which 

the Mani traverse from north and south, thus 

forming a barrier to their movement. 

With 22 units this was the largest Mani camp 

yet visited. Two semi-circle like groups of 

shelters were attached to each other, slightly 

displaced. In the open space between the groups 

three small sleeping platforms, units 6, 7 and 11 

served three young men. 

In this huge camp many different types of 

platforms were utilised, simple ones with leaf 

layers and two-part platforms, arranged in line 

or at an angle to each other. Although a detailed 

inspection of the site was not possible, the names 

of all the inhabitants, as well as pronunciation, 

were identified. 

Unit 1: Sen (6) with his wife Aet (= Baen, 7 

?) 

Unit 2: Dik (127) with his wife Sa' (126). At 

Pa Pon, just a few days earlier, Dik stayed alone 

Unit 3: Dschid (65) with his wife Jap (61) 

and her daughter Pa (128) 

Unit 4: Dam (72) with his wife Dschim (71) 

and children Dob (139) and Bonn (140) 

Unit 5: Dsched (69) with his wife Daeng 

(68) and children Dschaed (136), Dschom (138) 

and Pan (137). There is a high probability that 

Pan stayed with his family in Pa Pon, unit 11, 

although he had not been named by Yao. 

Unit 6: Kai (male, 66) 

Unit 7: Kam (male, 70) 

Unit 8: Yao (58) with his wife Prang (57) 


UnitlO: Qu'an (21) with his third wife Na'e 

(52) and son Loh (125) 

Unit 11: Ja (male, 56) 

Unit 12: Jat (20) and her son Pat (124) 

Unit 13: Yao (55) with his wife Thurn (54) 

Unit 14: old lady Bueng (3) 

Unit 15: Kwaan (27) with his wife Bau (26) 

Unit 16: Dschaem (= Som Priau, 22) with 

his wife Maen (51) and children Tui (59) and 

Piaen (60) 

Unit 17: Daeng (male, 62) and Dsched (69, 

temporarily ? see unit 5) 

Unit 18: Daen (male, 135) 

Unit 19: Kung (29) and her children Tom 

(83) and Loh (84) 

Unit 20: Si (129) with her husbands Dschaa 

(130) and Hoe (131) 

Unit 21: Kai (75) with his wife Jaa (76) arid 

children Puk (141) and Baen (142) 


The site was visited not more than ten days 

after the group settled there, yet already the 

Mani had collected all the food this forest had 

to offer. The camp was too big and the Mani 

stayed too long. It appears that the Phatthalung 

Dam authorities were supporting the Mani group 

daily with rice and other food stuffs. The state 

of the health in Nam Tok Mae Taeng was poor, 

with most of the children suffering from colds. 

L6 Forest Camp-06° 46' 25'' N; 1 ooo 09' 

13"E (Thale Ban, Figure 20) 

The site was visited on 7th February 1996. It is 

situated in the Thale Ban National Park near the 

Malay border, east of the city of Satun and is 

not located on Figure 1. The camp was inhabited 

from November 1995 up to our visit and 

mapping could only be roughly accomplished. 

The group was planning to leave shortly after 

our visit. This site had been inhabited for a long 

time. It was therefore not surprising to find the 

shelters constructed in a more solid and complex 

fashion. 

The camp housed only one family. Unit 4 

was the shelter ofWaa and her second husband 

Nam Ron and contained two platforms, one 

simple and the other of two parts. Arranged in a 

semi-circle in front of unit 4 were the sleeping 

areas of Waa's unmarried children. Of these, 

units 1, 3 and 5, were protected by sloping palm 

leaf roofs, supported by posts in all four corners. 

This is quite different to the usual windscreen 

supported on only one side, resulting in these 

shelters being open on all four sides. In unit 3, a 

woven fibre mat, possibly palm leaf, had been 

constructed to close in and protect one side of 

the shelter. 

Units 2, 3 and 5 had simple platforms, unit 6 

had a platform and a leaf layer, and unit ~ was a 

large, two-part platform. Each unit served only 

one person. On account of the length of 

occupation the fireplaces were large, 60-80 em 

in diameter and showed intensive burning. From 

an ethno-archaeological perspective, the size of 

fireplaces can help in estimating the duration of 

occupation at a prehistoric site. 

The units at the L6 Camp were occupied as 

follows: 

188 


Recent Mani settlements in Satun Province, Southern Th ailand 

3 

entrance 

t 

N 

I 

c '. 

~ 

150 

p ---- --~ 

entrance -··> 

··'( . """ 

1!Xl 

·1'1, 

0 ~ 

- 

24{) 

.. a-------- --' 

4 

ca. 0 5m 

--====---===-- 

Figure 20 L6 forest camp 

1 

:o 

160 

I 

·~1[4~~:> 

5 

6 

Unit 1: Dschena, a daughter ofWaa and her 

first husband, the late Hejo 

Unit 2: Prang, a son of Waa and her second 

husband, Nam Ron 

Unit 3: Enui, a son of Waa and Nam Ron 

Unit 4: Waa with her husband Nam Ron; 

occasionally shared with their daughter Ej6 and 

her child Tscharia, visiting from a Thai village 

not far away 

Unit 5: Nam Ron, a son of Waa and Nam 

Ron 

Unit 6: L6, a son of Waa and Hejo, who 

call ed himself the leader of the group 

In comparison to the Mani camps in the 

Ban thad mountains, this site contain ed vastl y 

more commercial goods, obtained from Thai 

shops in the area: e.g. canned food, cookin g 

pots, knives, hoes, c loth (X2) and 

wristwatches. L6 explained this abundance 

of goods by the Mani selling wild honey and 

wi ld beans to Thai villagers. L6 receives credit 

from the Thai shop owners, of whi ch he is 

quite proud. L6 regularly travels to Hat Yai 

by bus twice per month to spend an evening 

with prostitutes. 

Of note was a tree in the middle of the 

camp, that had been covered with engravings 

(Figure 21). A second tree, in front of L6's 

shelter, was fitted with fixed steps (Xl), and, 

according to L6 used to teach climbing 

techniques. 

Figure 21 Engraved tree, L6 camp 

Journal of the Siam Society, VoL 86, Parts I & 2 189


Four blow guns were observed, but only the 

one belonging to L6 was constructed of two 

bamboo sections, as seen with the Mani to the 

north. The other three blow guns had the two 

long sections plus a third shorter section 

attached, IOcm to 30cm in length, which served 

as the mouth piece. The knives in the camp 

were the same as utilised by the Mani to the 

north, having a bent handle. 

L6 related the recent history of this Mani 

group. Previous to L6, Loi was the head of the 

group (see Mani Genealogy). Ten years ago, 

this group had been living in the mountains 

20krn to the north. Because of the shortage of 

wild yams, Loi decided to move the group to 

the south. The shortage had been caused from 

an increase in the number of mu din, which fed 

on the wild yams, and which, according to L6, 

this Mani group did not hunt because of the mu 

din's intense unpleasant smell. 

The area surrounding the L6 group had been 

settled by Muslim farmers. To the Muslims of 

southern Thailand, the wild 'ground pig', mu 

din, is, along with pork, prohibited. For more 

than two generations, the Loi/L6 group has been 

in intimate contact with the Muslim farmers; 

three of L6's sisters have married into Muslim 

farming families and themselves converted to 

Islam. It is interesting that, in L6's opinion, the 

aversion to mu din is a Mani tradition. 

Camps of unknown groups 

No further details, although recorded, are given 

here. The visited sites are just listed. 

Kai Ki Ma Forest Camp, inhabited January 

1995--07° 08' 18'' N; 100° 00' 12" E, (Figure 

1, Site 7). 

Kuan Din Dam Forest Camp, inhabited 

December 1995 or January 1996-07° 03' 35" 

N; 99° 59' 41" E, (Figure 1, Site 20). 

Naitra (Camps in the area of Naitra, Figure 

1, area at upper left) 

There are many Mani stories about Naitra 

which is not so much a site, rather, a large 

basin, 4krn across, at an altitude of 250m. Within 

the basin are large limestone outcrops, many 

rivers and streams, and the soil is fertile. The 

Mani stories portray this basin as lush, a rich 

source for food such as fish, honey, durian, and 

a preferred region in which to live. Yet locating 

the legendary basin was problematic; clues 

towards finding Naitra were contradictory. The 

area was first visited on 6th and 7th February 

1996 5 • 

Plantations, predominantly rubber, were 

established over thirty years ago but this region 

has seen little further development. With no 

roads to this remote basin, products and supplies 

are carried in and out by packs. Primary forest 

has been preserved only around the limestone 

outcrops and steep slopes of the surrounding 

ridge, all other land is in some state of 

cultivation. Regardless, traces of recent Mani 

sites were easy to find. The farmers were helpful 

in offering what they knew about the Mani. In 

our opinion, Naitra could serve as an excellent 

retreat area for the Mani. Especially, were the 

marginal farming presence reduced, a remote 

sanctuary would easily and naturally emerge, 

protecting and preserving the traditional Mani 

way of live. 

Kao Noi Cave and Rock shelter (small 

mountain)--Or 14' 32" N; 99° 55' 38" E. This 

was inhabited between August and November 

1995 by a small Mani group 

Nai Ban Forest Camp--07° 13' 47" N; 99° 

55' 46'' E, inhabited in August 1995, possibly, 

by Re (24) and his family 

Kao Lam Lien Cave--07° 13' 00" N; 99° 

55' 16" E. The entrance facing the river was 

inhabited in August 1995, probably, by Sing 

(25) and his family, numbering seventeen 

persons 

Summary of ethnographic surveys 

Our field research of 1995 and 1996 in the 

provinces of Trang, Satun and Phatthalung, is 

but a beginning. It is necessary to continue and 

expand this work, compiling more data for the 

ethnography of Mani groups and ethnoarchaeology 

of hunters and gatherers in 

Southeast Asia in general. 

In addition to the basic information and 

occupational patterns presented in this paper, 

one other important discovery ought to be 

emphasised. When the fieldwork first began in 

Satun Province, the background information was 

on the Sang group, from data collected by Surin 

Pookajorn and Suwat Thonghom. One particular 

focus was on the mobility of the Mani, the initial 

model portraying each Mani group as utilising 

190 



twenty to thirty different camps per year. After 

the research of these two seasons, and many 

hours of interviews with the Mani, particularly 

with Yao (58), Re (24), Sing (25), the original 

model appears in need of modification. 

When one chronicles the sojourn of Yao and 

his wife, Prang (57), for thirty days, from the end 

of December 1995 to January 20, 1996, and their 

arrival in Nam Tok Mae Taeng (Figure 1, Site 9), 

a total of nine camps were utilised, with a stay at 

each camp of one to four nights. From the forest 

camp ofHuai Sai, they travelled south to Qu 'Ham 

Mo Biyae, then southwest via La Sawaang' and 

Manang to Tam Jet Kot II ( Site 3). After a few . 

days, they moved on to the east, via La Dschaem 

(Site 15) to Pa Pon (Site 18). Then, in the middle 

of January, they continued east via three forest 

camps, Tam Lod (near Kuan Din Dam), Bo Ri 

Sat, and a third near the village of San Daeng, 

before returning to Nam Tok Mae Taeng (Site 

9). The individuals occupying each camp cb,anged 

nearly every time! 

Over one year, more than 100 camps appe~ 

to be utilised by any one individual Mani. 

Whether this is traditional behaviour or the result 

of changing conditions, specifically the reduction 

of forest areas, remains to be determined. 

Mani Genealogy 

Working from the extensive data base collected 

by Suwat Thonghom from Trang, and from 

intensive fieldwork in 1995 and 1996, the 

authors were able to construct complex kinship 

systems for the Mani in the provinces Trang 

and Satun 6 • 

The membership of six Mani groups is more 

or less completely identified: the Bueng, Si and 

L6 groups in Satun Province and the Ba, Kai 

and So groups in Trang Province. A seventh 

group, Yam, has been partially documented: 

only four names have been recorded, and their 

dwelling place is unknown. 

The L6 group has not been linked through 

intermarriage to the others for two generations. 

In total, 179 persons, belonging to six 

generations, are known by name (see Tables 1 

and 2). There is some question whether twenty 

of these individuals are still alive, and according 

to Kleo Boonrung the old lady Bueng (3) died 

in the summer of 1997. 

Most of these groups still live in the forest, 

although for some time the Si group has been 

staying on the rubber plantation of Mr Wui, 

near Tschong Nap village, in Thung W a district. 

The Ba group is attempting to construct a 

permanent settlement, and has begun to plant 

crops. The L6 group still lives an independent 

life in the forest, but trades with local farmers. 

Furthermore, their young women are engaged 

to Thai farmers. 

The genealogy diagrams require some 

comments.lt was confusing for the researchers 

to find that the Mani often have both Mani 

and Thai names, which they sometimes alter. 

As an example, Som Priau (22) is now named 

Dschaem. Apparently his former name was 

Loi, from the time he was engaged with Na'e 

(52). Her name at that time may have been 

Ban. This information is based on having 

been given two different sets of parents for 

Dschid (65); one informant called them 

'G'Loi 'li'Kim 'li'Sabu 

San 

(Viii~ 

IL...-1_. h_u....,sb.-an_d_....JI '-1 _2_. h_u_sb.-a_nd_....JI 

'ii'Seng 

'li'Pa 

I 

I 

I 

'ii'Kiai 'ii'Hejo Waa Namron 

._,_I___ 

1_. _hu_sb_a_nd________.l I 2. h~sband I 

~--~---r : 

~--~--~~~~~--~ 

Moi Dschenna L6 

I 

Pimon Namron Enui Prang Ej6 Daeng Wang 

(Vill'--jg_er_) ----,---------'' 

I I I 

Kame Musa Yussuf Sat6 Dscharia 

Table 1: Genealogy of the L6 Group 

I 

'--'__ 

10 

N 

Nokeo 

2 

Kung 

Bueng Group 

Bueng 

4 

Daed 

, I , 7 

Kial 

Sen Baen 

8 

Mahad 

' Cl 

::: 

;i 

f:?_ 

~ 

s- 

(1) 

V:l 

~ ., 

[ 

~ 

;:;:. 

V) "' 

5• 

3 

g> 

~- 

S! "' 

< 

!2. 

00 

a, 

'U 

;::;. 

"' 

"' 

?:> 

N 

--- 

12 Nang 

13 rschu 

Ba Group 

36 1 

Sang 

89 I 90 I 

~,. Pin FaLtm Ju Baen Cem Loam 

H 

~7 

~ Tae 

14 15 

Na Saonui 

1 

38 1 39 I 

Kai Hleng 

Kai Group 

r ~ 

4 o I -_;;-r.·,l 

Oaeng Kjflt le 

So Group 

:1 

43 1 

Am 

L 

16 

T" 

17 

I-:J 

I 

, I , 93 04 1 os I " I ~ ~ 97 1· 98 I " I 100 l 1o1 I,., I 103 I 104 1 1osl 1001 tori 1081 1091 110 I 111 I ml m I 114 I \ 1ts, _r;;;Tm T 1r8 T 1t9 1 L! 

1 1 

1 a W~ng Kea Pat Nu Yang Oschl Oschla Tong Hoo Sam Bou Ba _L Klao Wong Wal Kwaan Maen Lj"" Jr Peon J~rt 

"3 ~ , J 11 :.[ I Meo 

I ~~- . 

I 

147 148 149 I 150 1 151 I 152 I 153 ~ 155 15 .~ 

Ong Li Watans Wandi Radri Sakda Ytg Dek Loa Ktano Yang 

L I . 

.___ 

'(.am~ruppe 

Rung Yam 

l . 

,. r .. 1 

Biag 

Dschai 

::0 

""' 

"' :::s 

~ 

., ~ 

:::s 

"' 

~ 

~ 

~ 

:::s 


Dschaem (22) and Na'e (52), another named 

them Loi and Ban. 

The Mani, both men and women, are used to 

changing their partners several times during their 

lifetimes. The children they identify as their 

own are sometimes not their biological ones. 

For example, Yao (58) is called son of Maen 

(51) and Ban= Na'e (52)! 

Mani women give birth to remarkably many 

children: Na'e (52) has seven children, all still 

living, while Dschai (79) and Yuun (50) each 

have six. Four children per woman are common. 

It is thought that this may be a development of 

recent decades, and a result of more intensive 

contact with farmers, with concomitant changes 

in nutrition. 

The relationship between the families 

requires further investigation. The information 

in this study will, hopefully provide a base for 

urgently needed ethnographic studies of the 

Mani. This work, which should be done by 

highly trained specialists, is rendered urgent by 

the precarious situation in which the Mani find 

themselves. 

The Mani need assistance to find their place 

in the Thai landscape, without losing their ethnic 

identity. 

Archaeology 

During our research, we received fortuitous 

information about two neolithic burial sites 

in caves of the region, Tam Yao (07° 07' 00'' 

N; 99° 59' 50"E, Figure 1, Site 12) and Tam 

Hoi ( 07° 05' 39'' N; 99° 55' 05'' E, (Figure 1 

Site 11). 

Some very good cord-marked-vessels and 

bowls are kept in the nearby monastery ofBaan 

Pathana. Remains of at least two burials can be 

seen, in a hidden small chamber, far back from 

the present-day cave entrance, close to the 

opening to another valley. The widely ramified 

cave system is not so far completely explored. 

No destructive intrusions, such as digging for 

fertiliser, could be observed. An archaeological 

excavation would be worth while. There is even 

a chance of finding settlement structures, in the 

deep, undisturbed, soils at the opening to the 

other valley. 

Cord-marked potsherds, typical of the 

Neolithic period in Southeast Asia, are kept in 

the monastery of Tam La Kang Tong. Many 

similar pieces can be found in an upper chamber 

of the Tam Hoi cave system, near an opening in 

a limestone cliff. The site is heavily disturbed 

by farmers, who have dug for fertiliser in that 

part of the cave. There are no undisturbed layers 

remaining to provide any stratigraphical control. 

Scientific analysis can therefore only be based 

on the typology of the findings. However, many 

archaeological objects are left in the cave and 

should be fully recorded and collected. Both 

these sites, as well as the material preserved in 

monasteries, are worthy of attention by Thai 

archaeologists. 

The ceramics from Tam Hoi and Tam Yao 

caves are relatively coarse in texture and are 

typically decorated with cord markings, and can 

be related to known finds in southern Thailand, 

and northern Malaysia. Similar material is found 

in Lang Rongrien Cave (Anderson 1990) and 

Moh-Khiew Cave (Pookajorn 1991) near Krabi, 

as well as in the Sakai Cave (Pookajorn 1991), 

near Trang. 

Malaysian sites, which are noteworthy in 

this regard,. include Gua Musang Cave (Tweedie 

1953), Gua Cha Cave (Adi 1985), both in 

Kelantan, as well as the site Tengku Lembu in 

Pedis (Tweedie 1953), Ulu Jepai, Lenggong in 

Perak and Gua Barna Cave in Pahang (Tweedie 

1953). As these sites are but a few hundred 

kilometres from the Thai finds in Satun province, 

the ornamental and formal correspondence 

between the two is hardly surprising. To what 

extent there was actual personal contact between 

the prehistoric cultures of the two localities must 

remain unknown. 

In addition to these two sites near 

monasteries, two other prehistoric sites were 

found by the authors, more or less by chance 

and without systematic research, while they were 

on their way to map Mani rock shelters in 1996. 

They are situated along a cliff, and yielded only 

lithic material, without pottery. 

Tam Kleo 1-07° 06' 43" N; 99° 56' 98" E, 

(Figure 1 and 22, Site 17) 

This site was undisturbed. From two small 

pits dug by villagers for fertiliser, Hoabinhian 

tools like sumatraliths, could be observed 

(Figures 22 and 23). No pottery was visible. 

The site appears worthy of excavation. 

194 



Tam Kleo 11-at the same cliff, around 50m to 

1OOm east of the above. 

All of this rock shelter is heavily disturbed, 

and most of the original stratification has been 

destroyed by farmers digging for fertiliser. In 

some places, ash layers and fireplaces could be 

seen in the profiles. In the rubble, some 

Hoabinhian tools and a neolithic (?) adze (Figure 

24 ), along with bones from big animals, but no 

potsherds were found. 

The artefacts of the Tam Kleo I and II are all 

manufactured from black schist. Sumatraliths, 

short axes, and chopper-like tools were found. 

This inventory can be compared with lithic 

material from nearby sites in southern Thailand 

(Moh-Khiew Cave) and in the province ofPerlis 

in northern Malaysia (Bukit Tengku Lembu and 

Gua Bintong: Bellwood 1985). These sites are 

less than lOOkm away. 

It is particularly to be noted that the sites 

Tam Kleo I and II yielded only stone tools 

while Tam Hoi and Tam Yao yielded only 

ceramic findings and shell ornaments. Generally, 

though, an association (perhaps neither 

coexistent nor contemporary) is noticeable 

between lithic and earthenware materials in 

caves and middens. Neolithic components are 

typically obtained from burials (Moh-Khiew, 

Sakai Cave, Gua Cha). 

A chronological framework with definite 

dates is so far not established for the Southeast 

Asian region. 

Video documentation 

As during our fieldwork in the Sakai Cave 

1993, a camera team accompanied us in 1995 

and 1996, and produced video documentation 

of the Mani groups, and of our work. Three 

Mani groups, Bueng, Ba and Si, were visited in 

different environments, and the Mani were 

interviewed on camera. This film is now 

complete. Copies are available from the authors. 


We would like to take this opportunity to 

express our gratitude to the Faculty of 

Archaeology at Silpakorn University, 

especially Dr Surin Pookajorn and colleagues, 

for their generous assistance, to the National 

Research Council of Thailand, for all their 

help and to Archaeologica Venatoria for their 

financial support. Further, we wish to thank 

Kleo Boonrung, a local farmer, Suwat 

Thonghom, a teacher in Trang, and Detlef 

Dirksen from Ko Samui. We would especially 

like to thank the Mani themselves, without 

whose patience during the interviews, 

especially Yao, the head of a small group, this 

report would be less complete. Without the 

help of these people our campaigns of 1995 

and 1996 would not have been a success. We 

are also grateful to the local monasteries of 

Baan Pathana and Tam La Kang Tong for 

their guidance to nearby prehistoric caves. 

Jeffery Parker and David Wood have spent a 

long time with the translation: Their 

contribution is very much appreciated. 

Notes 

1 The research described in this article is part of a 

co-operative project between the University of 

Tiibingen, Germany and Silpakorn University, 

Bangkok and was financed by the Scientific Society 

Archaeologia Venatoria e. V. Tiibingen. 

2 The Expedition team in 1995 and 1996 comprised 

Gerd Albrecht (archaeologist and Leader), Prasit 

Auetrakulvit (student), Harald Beutel (social 

anthropologist and cameraman), Kurt Langguth 

(student), Johannes Moser (archaeologist). In 1995 

only, participants also included Katrin Fudicar 

(student), Bjoern Seif (student); and in 1996 only, 

Martin Porr (student) took part in the work. 

3 To determine the camp locations a Magellan GPS 

NAV5000 was used in 1993 and in 1996 a Garmin 

45 GPS was added as a control. 

4 The numbers in brackets after personal names 

refer to the genealogies in Tables 1 and 2. 

5 A Thai Forestry Office was located at the northern 

entrance of the basin ( 07° 14' 32" N; 99o 55' 38'' E). 

There are eighty houses for the fifty Thai farming 

families settled here. 

6 The use of the real names in the genealogy is 

given with the concent of the Mani. 

References 

Adi, Haji Taha 1985. There-excavation of the rock 

shelter of Gua Cha, Ulu Kelantan, West Malaysia. 

Kuala Lumpur: Museum Department 


195

Cerci Albrecht and Johannes Moser 

., 

E 

"' 

0 

t 

"' 0 

c 

.. 

~ 

c 

196 


~ 

;:: 

~ 

~ 

So 

 

r 

~ 

C) 

ii;• 

9 

~ 

00 

.a- 

~ 

"' 

1 

N 

0 Scm 

~ 

~ 

::0 

 

~ 

;: 

... 

~ 

::. 

~ 

~ 

~ 

~ 

t:::' 

;;;· 

~ 

§ 

'"tl 

i:l 

~ 

;;;· 

C) 

. 

~ 

;:: 

rt 

~ 

~ 

l:l 

[ 

..... 

\0 

-...1 

" 

------:, 

·' 

Figure 23 Stone tools from Tam Kleo I : 1, sumatralith, unifacially completely retouched pebble; 2, chopper; 3, oval flake with pebble cortex, ventral circulating 

retouched; 4, short axe (?), fragmentary, ventral lateral retouched.

-\0 

00 

~ 

1:: 

l 

~ 

s. 

 

~ 

~- 

g 

~- 

~ 

00 

.01 

~ 

...... 

!


Albrecht, G. 1994. Das Abri La Yuan Pueng-ein 

Siedlungsplatz der Mani in der Satun Provinz/ 

Siidthailand. In: EAZ Ethnographisch 

Archiiologische Zeitschrift 35: 199-207. 

Heidelberg. 

Albrecht, G., Berke, H., Burger, D., Moser, J., 

Mueller-Beck, H., Pookajorn, S., Raehle, W. & 

Urban, B. 1994 Sakai Cave, Trang Province 

Southern Thailand. Report on the Field Work 

1993 to the NRCT, Bangkok. 

Anderson, D. D. 1990. Lang Rongrien Rockshelter: 

a Pleistocene-early Holocene Archaeological 

site from Krabi, Southwestern Thailand. 

Philadelphia: The University Museum 

Monograph 71. 

Bellwood, P. 1985. Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian 

Archipelago. Sydney: Academic Press. 

Bernatzik, H.A. 1962. Die Geister der gelben Blatter. 

Giitersloh. 

Pookajorn, S. 1991. Preliminary report of excavation 

at Moh-Khiew Cave, Krabi province, Sakai Cave, 

Trang province and Ethnoarchaeological 

research of hunter-gatherer group, so-called 

"Sakai" or "Semang" at Trang Province. 

Bangkok: Silpakorn University. 

Schebesta, P. 1925. The Semang of Patalung. Man 

1925: 23-6. 

Schebesta, P. 1952, 1954 & 1957. Die NegritoAsiens. 

Vol. 1-3. Moedling. 

Thonghom, S. 1995. Sakai. Trang: Provincial 

Authorities. 

Tweedie, M. W. F. 1953. The Stone Age in Malaya. 

Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal 

Asiatic Society 26 (2): 1-90. 

KEY WORDS-THAILAND, FOREST 

HUNTERS, ETHNO-ARCHAEOLOGY, 

HUNTERS AND GATHERERS, 

PREHISTORY 


199

A 10,600 YEAR POLLEN RECORD FROM 

NONG THALE SONG HONG, TRANG PROVINCE, 

SOUTH THAILAND 

Bernard K. Maloney* 

Abstract 

Although long occupancy of south Thailand has been recorded at Lang 

Rongrien rock shelter, little detailed palaeoenvironmental work has been 

published from the peninsula. This account begins to rectify the situation 

using palynology and microfossil charcoal analyses from a core extracted at 

Nong Thale Song Hong. Interpretation of the results is difficult, and there are 

unresolved inconsistencies in the radiocarbon dates. The fire record is longer 

than expected, given the latitude of the site, and the vegetation was never 

stable for long, probably due to hydrological changes, altering climate and 

soils, as well as human impact. The topography makes the site more useful for 

tracing local vegetation changes and lake level variations than oscillations in 

regional vegetation. 

Introduction: location and physical 

background 

Nong Thale Song Hong is a shallow bean-shaped 

lake located at 7° 52 N., 99° 28'50" E. (Figure 

1) north of Trang, south Thailand. The sediment 

core was collected by Dr Lisa Kealhofer (College 

of William & Mary, Virginia) and Dr Joyce 

White (University of Pennsylvania Museum) in 

December 1994. The site is at c. lOOm altitude 

and has no inflowing or outflowing streams and 

the core was extracted from the deepest part of 

the lake, but borings were not made to determine 

the spatial variations of the stratigraphy. The 

highest point in the nearby region is at about 

400m altitude, around 14 km south west of the 

lake. Nong Thale Song Hong is located in an 

area of acid to-moderately-acid shales, 

sandstones and sandy shales of the Kanchanaburi 

Series (Figure 2) which have often been 

metamorphosed to phyllites, argillites, quartzites 

and slates (National Resource Atlas 1969). The 

Kanchanaburi Series ranges in age from the 

Early Carboniferous to Devonian and Silurian. 

The soils near the site are red-yellow podzolics 

(Figure 1). Red yellow podzolics correlate 

roughly with the ferrugineous soils of French 

and Belgian soil classifications (Young 1976) 

and have some weatherable minerals remaining, 

so they are more chemically fertile than ferrallitic 

soils. They form under seasonally dry climatic 

conditions, while ferrallitic soils develop under 

ever-wet conditions. Red-yellow podzolic soils 

commonly occur under various types of wooded 

savanna vegetation whereas ferrallitic soils are 

characteristic of humid tropical rainforest areas. 

The 1:50,000 soil map for the area shows the 

site to be surrounded by the Fang Daeng soil 

series. To the north, in the hills, soils series 104, 

'slope complex' (colluvial soils) occurs, while 

the other soil series in the vicinity is the Kho 

Hong 'mottled association'. The fact that the 

Kho Hong association is mottled confirms that 

there has been drying out, with oxidising 

conditions replacing reducing conditions. 

• School of Archaeology and Palaeoecology. The 

Queen's University, Belfast BTI INN, Northern 

Ireland, UK 


201

Bernard K. Ma loney 

- I I 

' \ 

I - ' I .... 

I I 

\ 

CJ 13 

m 26 

§ 36 

~ 104 

Soil series 

f'L Escarpment 

~ Lake 

0 

~ 

Contour (m) 

1km 

Figure 1 Location map. 

D Quaternary alluvium + trace ~ 

• Tertiary Krabi series ~ 

~ Triassic + Jurassic Koral series \§ 

§23 Carb.(?) + Permian Rachaburi limestone 

I£ J Silurian Kanchanaburi limestone 

jg Ordovician(?) Thong Song limestone 

t~ Phuket series 

f- ..-1 

lngeous, mostly Cretaceous granite 

Figure 2 Geology. 


A 10,600 year pollen record from Nong Thale Song Hong, Trang Province, South Thailand 

Table 1 Rainfall and temperature records of the Trang recording station: 

1931-60, temperature 22 years 

J 

Rainfall 38.6 

Temperature 26.7 

F 

25.5 

27.7 

M 

64.2 

28.7 

A 

176.9 

29.1 

M J J A s 0 N D 

214.2 216.8 238 254.9 282.2 303.4 255.1 106.2 

28.2 27.6 27.2 27.2 27 26.7 26.7 27.5 

(from Donner 1978) 

The present climate is characterised by mean 

annual temperatures ranging between 26-28°C, 

a mean annual relative humidity above 80 per 

cent, due to the surrounding seas (Trang has a 

mean of 88.6 per cent for October), and a mean 

annual evaporation of between 800-1,000mm 

(Donner 1978). This is a region with variable 

mean annual rainfall. The east of the peninsula 

differs from the west, and extreme values have 

been recorded: Ranong, on the west coast, had 

6,699.5 mm in 1955 and Narathiwat, on the east 

coast, had 625.9 mm on the one day of2 January 

1995. Rain falls throughout the year and the 

Trang area has a Koppen type Am climate with 

heavy annual rainfall and a short drier season 

from January to March, so most rain falls in 

summer, from the south west monsoon. Trang 

had a mean annual total of 2,177. 7 between 

1931-60 (Table 1). The south west monsoon 

starts in April and reaches a maximum in 

October. Thereafter the north east monsoon 

begins to dominate. The east coast differs. It 

has moderate rainfall from January to September 

while most precipitation occurs during the period 

of the north east Monsoon in early winter (from 

October-December). Additionally, rainfall 

amounts tend to be lower on the east than the 

west coast. Higher west coast rainfall means 

lower losses through evaporation. 

The nearest hydrological station to the pollen 

site with long records is in the Trang-Satun 

catchment on the Khlong Na Ngu at Satun. This 

has its maximum discharge in November. A ten 

year record from the Mae Nam Trang at Ban 

Prude Tai also shows a November flow 

maximum and the difference between low and 

high water is 6m. Seasonal changes in lake 

levels have not been recorded. 

The natural vegetation of the area is said to 

be lowland tropical rainforest dominated by tall 

trees in the Dipterocarpaceae family (National 

Resource Atlas 1969; Donner 1978). Dominant 

species include Dipterocarpus alatus, D. 

gracilis, D. chartaceus, D. costatus, and D. 

grandiflorus, with Hopea odorata, various 

Shorea species, Lagerstroemia speciosa, Schima 

wallichii, etc. Lauraceae, Myrtaceae and 

Annonaceae are generally predominant in the 

lower levels and Acanthaceae and Rubiaceae 

are well represented as undergrowth shrubs. 

Bamboos are rare, except for climbing forms, 

but palms, canes and other monocotyledons are 

abundant. However, the only ecological study 

from the region (Ogawa et al. 1965) from Khao 

Chong, twenty two km east of Trang, on the 

western slopes of the central mountain range, 

shows that when the Dipterocarps are removed 

other taxa take over as dominants, e.g. Eugenia 

clarkeana, Alstonia spathulata, Padbruggea 

pubescens, Sterculia spp., etc. 

Where swamp forest occurs (Donner 1978) 

it consists of Lagerstroemia speciosa, 

Elaeocarpus spp., Fagraea fragrans, Alstonia 

spathulata, Eugenia spp., Saraca spp., and many 

types of canes. 

Human occupancy and land use 

The oldest archaeological site in the region is 

the Lang Rongrien rock shelter (Anderson 1997) 

which ranges in age from 3500 BP to greater 

than 43,000 BP. This is located at go 13'N., 98° 

53'E. (Anderson 1988). The site seems to have 

been a hunter camp before the last glacial 

maximum and chipped stone tools (mainly 

flakes) and stone debitage, as well as faunal 

remains, were found, while there were traces of 

camp fires. The cultural remains above these 

consisted of 1m of occupational midden, with 

implement assemblages resembling those 

labelled elsewhere as Hoabinhian, dating to the 

early Holocene. During late prehistoric times 

the site was used as a short term shelter and, 

between 4000-2500 years a~o, as a burial site. 


203


As at Hoabinhian sites in Peninsular Malaysia 

(Bellwood 1993), plant remains were absent, but 

Bulbeck (1985) suggested that teeth excavated 

from the Gua Cha, Kelantan, rock shelter 

indicated that the people had a well balanced 

diet with considerable fibrous, starchy vegetables, 

especially yams, and a relatively large proportion 

of sweet foods, e.g. fruits and honey. Phytolith 

analysis of sediments from Gua Chawas, another 

limestone cave in Kelantan (Bowdery n.d.) partly 

substantiates this (phytoliths are microscopic 

pieces of biogenic silica which assume the shape 

of the plant cells in which the silica is deposited). 

Unfortunately yam pollen has never been found 

as a fossil and that from fruit trees is not possible 

to identify to the species. 

Other sites in the Trang-Krabi area, which 

may date from 6000-5000 BP, include Khao 

Khanab Nam, Na Ching and Tham Phi Huato. 

The occupation of Khao Khanab Nam appears 

to relate to the period of high sea level from 

around 6000-5000 BP. The middle Holocene 

sites contain pottery (absent from the early levels 

at Lang Rongrien) and ground stone tools, 

especially adze/axe blades. These suggest that 

forest trees could be felled but whether or not 

they could be used to cut down large dipterocarps 

needs to be tested through experiment. No edge 

wear analyses have been carried out on these 

tools. Evans (1931) reported adze heads from 

Chong in the Trang-Phattalung hills. It is not 

clear from the literature if any lakeside 

occupation has been detected in the region. 

As for later times, Chinese sources indicate 

that several small coastal settlements in 

Peninsular Thailand had developed into 

something larger and more culturally elaborate 

by the third century AD (O'Connor (1986). 

However, the west coast has less natural 

harbours or rice plains than the east and the 

only important early settlements found so far 

are at Amphur Takuapa, Phanga Province, and 

Khuan Luk Pat, Krabi Province. Both of these 

sites are situated on river systems. Kuan Luk 

Pat, the less studied of the two, is the older and 

has yielded finds of small seals similar to those 

from Oc-Eo, which may date to the first-third 

centuries AD. Old, but undated, tin workings 

(Bourke 1905) occur in the Trang-Phuket region. 

These are largely in alluvial deposits. What are 

termed 'Indian' remains were also found, 

imprecisely dated, but probably from the 11th- 

12th century. Finds include unbaked clay tablets 

from the limestone caves of the Trang area, 

some with Buddhist texts in Sanskrit, which 

possibly also date to the eleventh century AD. 

There appears to be little other historical 

information from the Trang Province, but the 

Kra Isthmus was a very important trading point 

on the India-China route. Indian merchants 

(Donner 1978) used to call at Phuket to trade in 

tin (there are several deposits in the Mae Nam 

Trang valley), gold and spices while Chinese 

junks served ports on the east coast. There was 

a trade route from Trang across the peninsula to 

Phattalung in the east. 

The current occupants of the area are 

ethnically Malay but the Chinese operate the 

rubber plantations, plant pepper and mine tin. 

Mokens, Orang Laut, or sea gypsies, are found 

along the coast. They used to use materials 

from the forest to build their boats and to make 

implements and utensils. Brandt ( 1961) reported 

that orang asli were present in the Trang 

Phattalung area. They are commonly called the 

sakai in south Thailand. The Tonga group living 

in the Khau Banthat Range between changwat 

Trang and Phattalung were said to include some 

who lived in caves, to have had blowpipes, 

quivers, Jews' harps, and pandanus baskets, and 

to have spoken a Mon-Khmer language. They 

did not move erratically, but within a defined 

area, and only when food ran out. Their 

constructions consisted of bamboo sleeping 

platforms and windscreens of bamboo and thatch 

Other plant materials used by the orang asli 

include coconut shells for bowls, scrapers and 

belts of rattan, wooden cudgels, leaves as plates, 

bamboo to cook rice and vegetables and store 

water, bark cloth from an Artocarpus species 

and Antiaris toxic aria ( ipoh, also used to poison 

darts). No attempt was made to preserve food, 

e.g. by drying, or the use of salt. 

South Thailand is mainly an area of tree 

crops (Donner 1978), the foremost being rubber, 

which was introduced to Trang from Malaya in 

1901. Rice is the crop with the second largest 

cover in the province, followed by coconuts, 

maize, cassava and peanuts. Double cropping of 

rice is rarely practised. The minor crops include 

mung beans, sweet potatoes and sugar. There are 

the usual bananas, pineapples and water melons. 

204 



Perennial fruit trees are grown on upland soils 

more as forest than orchard, or they are grown in 

gardens or farmyards. The largest numbers of 

trees are various types of oranges, followed by 

the rambutan, limes and mango. There are about 

nine million areca palms and about one million 

kapok trees in south Thailand. 

Forest products include rattans, e.g. Calamus 

caesius, which is used to make cane seats, with 

its core used for reed furniture, and C. scipionum 

which is used to make walking sticks. 

Dipterocarpus spp., Anisoptera spp. and Shorea 

hypocha contain resins employed to make 

varnish, while Garcinia hanburyi has a bright 

yellow gum, called gamboge, which is of much 

commercial value. Palaquium obovatum 

produces gutta-percha, an insulating material. 

Dipterocarpus spp. yield wood oil for torches, 

caulking boats, varnishing, and water-proofing 

basket ware. Cardamom is derived from the 

fruits of Amomum crervanh,jelutong, a base for 

chewing gum, fromDyera costulae, and incense 

sticks from Mansonia gagei, Aquilaria crassna 

and A. agallocha. Hydnocarpus kurzii contains 

chaulmoogra oil which is used to counteract 

leprosy, corphya leaves from Corphya 

umbraculifera, an exotic palm (Smitinand 1980: 

94), are used to make hats and Phung-ta-lai 

fruits from (Scaphium macropodum) Sterculia 

lynchnophora are exported for confectionery . 1 

Evidence for past environmental changes 

from South Thailand 

The main evidence for past environmental 

changes in south Thailand comes from coastal 

geomorphology ( c.f. Tjia 1996). Much of the 

Sunda Shelf was dry land during the last glacial 

period, but sea level rose rapidly during the 

early Holocene, and was 4m higher than present 

between 6000-4800 BP, about 2m higher around 

4000 BP, 2m about 2500 BP and 1.5m about 

2000 BP with regressions in between these dates 

(Figure 3). 

Two pollen diagrams from the area have 

been published (Hastings 1983; Thanikaimoni, 

in Stargardt 1983, 1998) but both are from east 

of the mountain divide and extend back to no 

• 

• • 

• 

] 

i 

• 

~ 

Mean sea level • 

0 

9l 

c 

2 • • 

E 

lS 

.9 

• 

s • • • 

~ 

• 

=-= 0 -5 

• 

~ -6 

• • 

.§ 

-7 

• 

i -' -8 

• 

"' 

-9 

-10 

• 

• • SHELLS 

• • PEAT/WOOD 

Figure 3 Holocene sea-level curve. 

Time !Years B.P.) 



more than 4,000 BP. The Sathingphra core has 

not been directly dated, and as Allen (1988-89: 

169) has pointed out, the inferred age of the 

basal sample is incorrectly calculated, so there 

is no reason to accept the argument (Stargardt 

1983, repeated in Stargardt 1998) that forest 

clearance began 4000 years ago, while only one 

radiocarbon date (laboratory number not given) 

is available from Narathiwat. 

Where Borassus pollen is present in the 

upper part of the Sathingphra diagram it is safe 

to assume that wet rice cultivation was taking 

place as this introduced sugar palm is typically 

planted on rice field bunds. However, we know 

from the Lang Rongrien, Krabi, dates on 

charcoal that people have been using fire on the 

peninsula for at least 37,000 years and the 

possibility that natural forest fires occurred 

during drier periods, e.g. El Nino events, cannot 

be ruled out, especially for glacial times. 

Only ten samples from the Narathiwat core 

have been analysed and no indication is given 

of how many pollen grains were counted and it 

is not clear which taxa were used to derive the 

percentages. The lowermost sample was 

dominated by palm pollen, especially that of 

Areca. Only three species of Areca appear to 

have been reported from Thailand: A. catechu, 

the cultivar, A. laosensis and A. triandra 

(Smitinand 1980). A. laosensis seems to have a 

local name solely in Trat, and may be confined 

there, but A. catechu occurs widely. It is tempting 

to think that the Areca may have been cultivated, 

especially in view of the late date for the deposit. 

Areca pollen is also present at Sathingphra 

(Thanikaimoni 1983), in core KL 2 from Khok 

Phanom Di (Maloney 1991), as well as at Nong 

Thale Song Hong. Grass pollen was fairly 

abundant too, as was the possible forest clearance 

indicator, Macaranga. 

Further up the diagram, more mangrove and 

mangrove transition taxa occurred. The latter 

included Pandanus and Nipa. Hastings 

suggested that the conditions had become more 

brackish. This is certainly true, but well 

developed mangrove forest is not represented. 

Three possible explanations of the changes were 

put forward: that a minor marine transgression 

took place; that tidal inlet patterns changed due 

to siltation or marine transgression; or, simply, 

as a result of the mangroves moving landwards. 

It is difficult to disagree with any of these 

alternatives, or to choose among them. 

Continuing upwards, the variations are 

suggestive of vegetation succession within a 

freshwater swamp forest. Melaleuca in particular 

became better represented and Elaeocarpus, a 

taxon which can grow in a wide variety of 

ecological conditions, had high percentages 

throughout, indicating that it probably grew near 

the pollen accumulation site. The percentages 

of some low pollen producers, e.g. Dysoxylum 

and Aglaia, were large enough to suggest that 

they too were to be found locally. A reemergence 

of Hibiscus, a minor pollen taxon 

lower down, in the upper part of the diagram is 

also notable. This plant produces very large, 

distinctive, pollen grains which are unlikely to 

travel far. More important though is the 

appearance of Trema, a weed tree, which may 

indicate disturbance of the vegetation. A rise in 

palm pollen also took place, but closer 

identification of the palm pollen is needed to 

deduce what this means. Hastings interpreted 

this part of the diagram in terms of the first 

impact of man, using Trema and Lycopodium to 

do so, but Lycopodium can be a common wetland 

plant and has spores which are almost certainly 

only locally dispersed. The taxon may 

sometimes be identifiable to the species level, 

e.g. L. cemuum ( cf. Knox 1950; Huang 1972). 

The disappearance of Dipterocarpaceae is far 

more significant as the family includes taxa 

which yield excellent timber and because the 

pollen is usually under-represented in the pollen 

record. This is a better indicator of disturbance. 

Nong Thale Song Hong: field and laboratory 

methods 

The pollen core was extracted using a modified 

Livingstone piston sampler. This type of borer 

uses the barrel of the corer as the tube in which 

the sample is retained. Once a core section has 

been extracted, the top and shoe of the borer are 

removed, the barrel is stoppered at its top and 

bottom, labelled, and stored for transport back 

to the laboratory. It is then replaced by another 

barrel, and the process begins again. The 

disadvantage of this method is that it is only 

possible to know what type of sediment you are 

coring through by looking at what adheres to 

206 



the outside of the barrel, and to the shoe. 

Sediment characteristics cannot be recorded until 

the core is extruded in the laboratory. 

The samples upon which this research is 

based comprised two cubic centimetre subsamples 

taken at 5 em. intervals from the 5.5 to 

145.5 em levels of a 3m core. The material was 

all fine grained: clay, silt, to medium sized sand 

with clay predominating. Standard laboratory 

techniques were used in processing except that 

samples were left to disaggregate in cold 

hydrofluoric acid for a week to gently destroy 

as much silica as possible, then the process was 

speeded up by heating in a water bath for about 

five minutes. The subsequent preparation 

involved treatment with Calgon to deflocculate 

and disperse the clays. Five tablets containing a 

known number of marker Lycopodium clavatum 

spores (cf Stockrfl.arr 1971) were added to each 

sample to derive pollen-and rillcrofossil charcoal 

concentration fig~es. The pollen spectra have 

been interpreted using information concerning · 

the topography 0~ the . site, ecological and 

botanical literature and field work experience in 

other parts of Thailand. The author has not 

visited Nong Thale Song Hong. 

Radiocarbon dating 

Five AMS radiocarbon dates have been obtained 

from the core (Table 2). All the samples were 

pre-treated at the Beta Analytic laboratory and 

measured using the Oxford University 

accelerator. The dates from core sections 2TS 1, 

2TS2 and 2TS3 (Table 1), are consistent, but 

the two dates from section 2TS4, while 

consistent for that section of the core, do not fit 

in with the overlying sequence. 

It has been assumed here that the dates from 

2TS 1-3 are in a reliable sequence and that the 

base of the core is about 22,000 years old. This 

is being tested by measuring the 0 13 C values for 

several other samples from the cores and through 

phytolith analysis. Only one sample from 2TS4 

contained enough pollen to be countable and 

this suggested a duplication of core 2TS3. The 

pollen record from c. 10,650 upwards shows a 

coherent set of vegetation changes and it is 

difficult to see how either tectonic activity or 

inwash of old carbon from the slopes could 

explain the inversions and the lack of countable 

pollen in the other samples. 

The pollen and pteridophyte spore record 

Only core sections 2TS 1 and 2 will be considered 

here. Firstly, looking at the general changes in 

the pollen and pteridophyte concentrations 

(Figure 4), it appears as if there was greater 

deposition in the early period but these figures 

have been deri¥ed using just two radiocarbon 

dates and sedimentation rates may have varied 

quite considerably at different times during the 

Holocene. Using those same two dates to 

calculate pollen deposition/cc/yr indicates that 

the high pollen and pteridophyte concentration 

rate is more apparent than real (Figure 5) but 

the concentrations/cc and concentrations/cc/yr 

run largely parallel for the middle to later 

Holocene. The same is true for microfossil 

charcoal particle concentrations. The high value 

for the c. 10,300 BP level may not be real, but 

all the later ones are. A greater pollen and 

pteridophyte spore deposition in the early 

Holocene would imply wetter conditions than 

at present due to an intensification of the south 

west monsoon rainfall as the airmass passed 

over a larger expanse of sea as sea level 

continued to rise and was able to pick up more 

moisture. At this time the watertable may have 

Table 2 AMS dates from Nong Thale Song Hong, Trang 

Core Depth Radiocarbon age Laboratory 0 13 C, parts/mil Sediment-ation 

number (em) (uncalibr.) number rate (cm/yr) 

2TSI 84-90 6330±50 Beta-106539 -26.0 0.014 

2TS2 50-60 10,820±50 Beta-1 06537 -25.4 0,015 

2TS3 36-40 21,170±90 Beta-106538 -22.3 0.007 

2TS4 25-31 9,420±50 Beta-1 06540 -27.4 0.004 

2TS4 16,490±120 Beta-10 1966 -27.9 


G 715 1 Sj.ll3d '98 "]Of\ 'Ni71:JOS U/D1S dLfJfO f1JU.1110 { 

80Z 

~ 

ciQ" 

= '1 

Pollen and pteridophyte spores/cc. 

~ 

...... ...... ...... 

""" 

z 

0 

::l 

(JQ 0 

-l 

;:::r 

"' (b 

UJ 

0 

::l 

(/Q 

:r: 

0 

::l 

(!~ 

'0 

~ 

(b 

::l 

::l 

"' 

400 

764 

1128 

1492 

0. 

'0 1855 

~ 

0.: 2219 

0 

'0 

~ 2583 

~ 

V> 

-o 2917 

0 

(ti 

3311 

(") 

0 

::l 

(") 

3674 

(1) 

::l 

c; 

E. ~ 4038 

0 ~ 

::l 

V> ;· 4402 

"' 

~ 

"' 

§,., 

., 

() 

0 [ 

4766 

"' 5130 

~ 

'-< 

5493 

t:= 5857 

"o 

-:_.., 

6221 

6568 

6908 

7588 

7928 

8268 

8608 

8948 

9288 

9629 

9968 

10308 

10648 

""" 

1\) 

(j) OJ 0 1\) 

(j) OJ 

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

""" 

liJUOJIJf!V ")f p.1DU.Ii7[j

60Z: 

z: 7?1 I Sj.!Bd '98 "IOJ\ '!(J;J1:JOS WD?S 3tf1]0 JDU./110[ 

"'l 

~· 

= .., 

(!> 

til 

z 

0 

:::J 

(/Q 

>-3 

:r 

!:?. 

("0 

01 

0 

0 0 

0 

0 

0 

Palynomorphs and charcoal!cclyr 

1\:) 1\:) w w 

01 0 01 0 01 

0 0 0 0 0 

0 0 0 0 0 

~ 

0 

0 

0 

~ 

01 

0 

0 

(/) 

0 

?o 

::r: 

0 

:::J 

(JQ 

"0 

-< "' 

:::J 

0 

3 

0 ..., 

"0 

:r 

"' 

:0 

0 

("0 

:::J 

"' 

:::J 

0. 

"0 

..., 0 

0.: 

0 

"0 

:r 

'< 

0 tfl 

"0 "' ~ 

~ §" 

("0 Ill 

~ 

[ 

"' g_ 

Ill 

l1


been rising rapidly, and the rivers grading to 

new, higher, base levels as sea level rose. 

Vander Kaars (1990) attributed increases in 

pteridophyte spore frequencies in deep sea cores 

from eastern Indonesia to wetter conditions, and 

therefore an increase in fluvial transport. Fern 

spore concentrations at Nong Thale Song Hong 

are above 10,000/cc. around 10,300 BP, from c. 

7600-3300 BP and between c. 1900-760 BP. 

However, most types that could be identified 

with any precision are taxa of dry slopes 

(Tagawa and Iwatsuki 1979 a,b,c,d,e, 1985, 

1989) and the spores are likely to be of local 

origin. So, conditions in the lake basin may 

have been drier, not wetter, at these time periods. 

The highest pteridophyte spore concentrations 

occurred around 5100-4800 BP and in the recent 

period. The peaks do not show a consistent 

relationship with those for microfossil charcoal 

concentrations and the charcoal increases before 

c. 2900 BP, especially, appear to relate to 

edaphic conditions and not to regional climatic 

variations. With edaphic dryness on the slopes, 

a rise in the concentrations of tree taxa 

characteristic of mixed Dipterocarp forest might 

be expected. This does indeed occur, particularly 

between 7600-3300 BP but, again, the 

concentrations are not completely consistent 

with those for the pteridophytes. That the figures 

are much lower is not a surprise as the taxa 

concerned: Acacia/Albizzia, Combretaceae/ 

Melastomataceae and Lagerstroemia are poor 

pollen producers and the pollen is not likely to 

be well dispersed. The Dipterocarpaceae pollen 

concentrations (Dipterocarpus, Shorea and 

Hopea types) follow the general trend of the 

dry forest elements suggesting that mixed 

Dipterocarpaceae forest was represented on the 

slopes (Figure 6). 

Interpretation is further complicated by two 

factors: the strong fire record, which may be 

both of natural and human origin, and the 

possibility that the lake was surrounded by 

fringing forest. Trees which could occur in such 

a forest include the Fagaceae ( Castanopsisl 

Lithocarpus and Quercus), Elaeocarpus, 

Calophyllum, Carallia brachiata, Eugenia and 

flex. Unfortunately Carallia brachiata is the 

only one of these that has pollen which can be 

identified to the species. Ding Hou (1970: 13) 

indicates that this is a tree of evergreen or mixed 

forests but is sometimes found at the edges of 

freshwater swamp forests. 

It is possible that swamp forest existed for 

all of the 10,650 year continuous record and 

that grass dominated the water front vegetation. 

This grass could have included wild rice as 

pollen within the size range of rice occurs 

consistently throughout the record. 

Vegetation disturbance indicators 

Turning to the record of the disturbance 

indicators (Figure 7), these include Macaranga/ 

Mallotus, Celtis timorensis type, Myrica, 

Ardisia, Maesa, Trema, Urticaceae/Moraceae, 

and, possibly, Schima wallichii. The grasses 

cannot be regarded as completely reliable 

disturbance indicators since they can grow in 

such a wide range of ecological situations: on 

peats, dry land, and in the forests. The strongest 

records are those of Macaranga/Mallotus, 

Urticaceae/Moraceae and Schima wallichii 

which is the only taxon with pollen identifiable 

to the species. However, it can grow over a 

wide altitudinal range and in various ecological 

conditions. Its highest pollen concentrations 

occurred after the palm Borassodendron 

machadonis faded from the record around 4000 

BP and it persisted until c. 2900 BP suggesting 

that it might have been a regrowth tree. It was 

also important in a sample dating to c. 1100 BP. 

Borassodendron machadonis is very rare in 

Thailand and peninsular Malaysia today, but 

has a large, very distinctive pollen, cf. Ferguson 

et al. (1987), and could be a useful indicator 

type if more was known of its present day 

ecology.Smitinand(1976)founditat120-160m 

altitude in the Surin Islands, similar heights to 

those of the study region. 

Macaranga and Mallotus can grow in a wide 

variety of ecological situations, including 

fringing forest and evergreen rainforest, but are 

characteristic small trees of regrowth following 

natural and anthropogenic vegetation 

disturbance. Their record is surprisingly almost 

continuous over time, with absences only from 

two samples which may date to c. 10,650 and 

8600 BP. There is a peak at c. 10,000 BP which 

corresponds to one in the microfossil charcoal 

record and the dry forest concentration record 

and suggests that the vegetation on the slopes 

210 


liZ: 

Z "if [ S1.!Bd '98 ·ro A ' AJ31 :JOS WV?S 3lf1 jo ]1JU.1110[ 

"'l 

liQ" 

= "i 

... 

Q'l 

z 

0 

:::> 

(]Q 

....., 

;::,- 

(> "" 

(/) 

0 

~ 

::r: 

0 

:::> 

0'! 

v 

.a· 

.... 

~ 

'0 

S2.. 

(> 

:::> 

~ 

>< 

?' 

400 

764 

1128 

1492 

1855 

2219 

2583 

2917 

3311 

3674 

4038 

fi 

§" 4402 

I» 

it 

0.. 

4766 

I» 

(]Q 

... 

5130 

= 

::s ,., 

5493 

~ 

'< 

"i 

o= 

5857 

0 

Ul 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Pollen grains/cc 

Ul 

0 

0 

1\.) 

0 

0 

0 

1\.) 

Ul 

0 

0 

w 

0 

0 

0 

w 

Ul 

0 

0 

~ 622 1 

6568 

6908 

7588 

7928 

8268 

8608 

8948 

9288 

9629 

9968 

10308 

10648 

puvpmfL tf1110S 'a:J U!t\O.ld iluV.IL 'iJUOH iluos 37VtfL iJUON wo.ljp.iO:Ja.l uanod .mat( 009'0! V

z 78 1 SJ.iUd '98 ·1oi\ 't0a1:JOS WV1S attJ ]o tou.mor 

Z1Z 

~ 

liej' 

c 

Pollen grains/cc. 

., 

II> ...... 

-....! (]1 0 (]1 

z 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 0 

0 0 0 

~ 

>-l 

[ 

(1> 

[/) 

0 

::0 4 00 

OQ 

::r:: 

0 764 

::0 

OQ 

.. 

1128 

0.. 

c;;· 

2 ..., 1492 

0' 

"' ::0 

(') 1855 

(1> 

5 

0.. 2219 

;:; 

"' 0 2583 

~ 

2917 

3311 

3674 

trl 4038 

"' 

~ 4402 

llO 

.... 

8.. 4766 

llO 

(JQ 

(!) 

Q' 

... 

5130 

t:C 

5493 

:-c 

.., 

= ::s 5857 

~ 

-:_., 

6221 

1\) 1\) 

0 (]1 

0 0 

0 0 

0 0 

w 

0 

0 

0 

0 

6568 

6908 

7588 

7928 

8268 

8608 

8948 

9288 

9629 

9968 

10308 

10648 

~iJUOJVW ')J p .IVWiJ[j


around the site was disturbed, presumably by 

natural vegetation burning, but the possibility 

that human activities were responsible can 

neither be excluded or proven. Large trees in 

the Dipterocarpaceae family did not disappear, 

however. Urticaceae/Moraceae pollen 

concentrations were also high at this time period, 

particularly around 10,300 BP. It is tempting to 

think that a Younger Dryas climatic flip back to 

cooler, drier conditions might be represented 

but the pollen record becomes even more 

intriguing because grass pollen has some of its 

highest concentrations between 10,000-9600 BP 

while weedAltemanthera and Chenopodiaceae/ 

Amaranthaceae enter the record at c. 9600 BP. 

Alternanthera occurred continuously until 

around 8300 BP then disappeared entirely from 

the record. These occurrences could lead to 

speculation that some form of cultivation was 

practised. Such taxa can be weeds of lowland 

rice cultivation and of root crop cultivation, but 

the evidence is too tenuous for any support 

without detailed archaeological information 

from the region. Charcoal concentrations 

reached another peak around 8600 BP. 

Macaranga/Mallotus had concentrations 

above 4,000/cc. again between c. 5500-4800 

BP and Chenopodiaceae/ Amaranthaceae pollen 

was present, but not significant. Gramineae 

pollen had quite high concentrations but only 

those for a sample about 6200 years old 

approached those for the opening of the 

Holocene. The forest edge seemed to be nearby 

between 6900-6200 BP as Calamus, a climbing, 

rattan palm, entered the record for the first time. 

Urticaceae/Moraceae concentrations were 

moderate, but weed Smithia pollen appeared for 

the first time around 6200 BP. There was also a 

peak in charcoal concentration then, but it was 

not as high as earlier ones. 

Artocarpus type pollen entered the record 

for the ftrst time at c. 4000 BP and remained 

there until c. 3000 BP. There was another rise in 

Macaranga/Mallotus pollen concentrations at 

c. 3700 BP, matched by one of Urticaceae/ 

Moraceae, but grass pollen concentrations were 

moderate. However, Dipterocarpaceae had their 

highest concentrations so far (1,100/cc.) in the 

diagram. Piperaceae pollen similar to that of the 

Peperomia spp. illustrated on Pl. 115: 3,4 of 

Huang (1972) entered for the ftrst time. This is 

unlikely to be from Peperomia, an ornamental 

plant of tropical South American origin 

(Purseglove 1974), but probably from a Piper 

species. Historical sources indicate that pepper 

was grown in the area in the past and it would 

seem that people might have been responsible 

for these vegetation changes but could not, or 

did not want to, remove the large trees. Garcinia 

pollen made its only appearance at c. 3700 BP 

but my pollen reference collection does not 

include G. mangostana. The single pollen grain 

is triporate with upstanding pores and reticulate. 

It does not match any type illustrated in 

Seetharam (1987). 

Macaranga/Mallotus, Maesa and Saurauia 

(sometimes a forest edge tree) were significant 

around 3300 BP. There was also some weed 

Compositae pollen is the sample. The c. 2900 

BP level saw another peak in Macaranga/ 

Mallotus pollen concentration, and Mimosa 

pudica (the sensitive plant) occurred for the only 

time in the sequence, but Urticaceae/ Moraceae 

pollen concentrations were considerably lower 

than at c. 3700 BP, although they increased 

greatly in the sample dating to around 2600 BP 

where the Peperomia type pollen appeared again. 

Grass pollen concentrations remained moderate 

but regrowth Trema had its highest concentration 

in the diagram. Microfossil charcoal 

concentrations were high from c. 3700 BP until 

the top of the diagram. The decline in the 

pteridophyte spore concentrations between about 

2900-2200 BP suggest that the slopes around 

the lake were burnt. There is no indication of 

what, if anything, was cultivated but parallels 

with present day northern Thailand suggest that 

it was probably dry land rice. Macaranga regrew 

between 1900-1500 BP. 

The upper part of the diagram is also difficult 

to interpret but the frequency of charcoal suggests 

that some form of shifting cultivation could have 

been practised, although useful trees were 

probably conserved, e.g. Palaquium from c. 1100 

BP when charcoal concentrations decreased 

markedly from the very high values of 98- 

200,000/cc. which occurred between c. 1900- 

1100 BP. Indeed, Dipterocarpaceae 

concentrations reached their peak (3,300/cc.) in 

the diagram at c. 1500 BP. It seems possible that 

the frequency of shifting cultivation became less 

in the last few hundred years. Artocarpus type 


213


pollen reappeared around 760 BP, Peperomia 

type pollen was present in the c. 1100 and 760 

BP samples, Macaranga/ Mallotus was also 

common and Urticaceae/Moraceae had their 

highest concentration in the diagram at 760 BP. 

There was an isolated peak of Piper at 1500 BP 

and Areca, which was present in the c. 10,300 

BP sample, occurred more continuously from c. 

6600-4,000 BP, but had its peak in the uppermost 

two samples. It seems safe to assume that it was 

being planted by then, so too probably were 

Caryota, a sugar palm or ornamental, depending 

upon the species, and Corypha. Mangifera was 

present in the most recent sample. 

The pteridophyte spore record 

Other than indicating when the slopes were dry, 

the record of individual pteridophytes adds little 

to the story. Cyatheaceae (tree ferns) and 

Dicranopteris can be regrowth taxa and they 

occur sporadically between 5500-2600 BP. 

Dicranopteris is often among the ftrst weeds to 

re-enter following dry rice cultivation, as it 

regenerates from underground rootstocks, but 

the spore concentration ftgures and the frequency 

of occurrence would need to be greater to use 

its presence to argue for shifting cultivation of 

dry land rice. 

'flle forest epiphyte, Asplenium nidus, the 

bird' s nest fern, was only present once, around 

7900 BP, Selaginella, another everwet forest 

indicator occurred at c. 8900 BP, but there were 

no spores of the ftlmy ferns (Hymenophyllaceae) 

which are found exclusively under very wet 

forested conditions. Unfortunately a significant 

number of the pteridophytes could not be 

determined very closely as they had lost their 

outer coating, the perine, which is sometimes 

distinctive to the species level. 

Wet Land taxa 

The Lycopodiales are often indicative of wet 

conditions and Lycopodium cemuum, which has 

a very distinctive spore type, cf. Knox (1950) 

can grow on very wet bogs. If it was not growing 

on the dry slopes, it might be an indicator of 

locally wetter conditions between c. 6600--5500 

BP, around 3300 BP and 2600 BP and from 

1900 BP onwards. However, this conclusion is 

not supported by the records for the more 

certainly wet-indicating taxa (Figure 8). 

Cyperaceae had their highest concentration at c. 

10,300 BP and between 9600--8600 BP, aquatic 

Potamogeton between c. 10,000--9300 BP and 

floating leaved Nymphoides between 10,300-- 

7,600 BP when sea level and, presumably 

groundwater table level, was rising, at c. 6600 

BP, 4000 BP, 3300--1900 BP and around 760 

BP. Given that there are only two radiocarbon 

dates covering the last 11,000 years, that more 

are needed to establish the ages of samples 

reliably, and more samples would need to be 

counted to increase the resolution of the pollen 

diagram, there is a reasonable correlation 

between the Nymphoides data and the sea level 

curve but the later sea-level rises (Bishop pers. 

comm.) are a likely response to isostatic 

readjustment of the land rather than changing 

global sea levels. It is difficult to draw any ftrrn 

conclusions about regional climatic changes at 

this preliminary stage in the interpretation. 

Conclusions 

Evidence for climatic change is difficult to detect 

from the pollen diagram of which selected taxa 

are shown in Figures 4-8, but use of the TILIA 

computer program with its associated statistical 

package may lead to conclusions not apparent 

from visual inspection. The topography of the 

site is such that most of the pollen grains, and 

probably all of the pteridophyte spores, derive 

from within the lake basin. This leads to the 

conclusion that Nong Thale Song Hong is a 

superb site to use in trying to detect small, 

localised, vegetation changes, but the likely 

incidence of natural, dry season, ftres makes it 

difficult to unravel the impact of human usage 

of ftre from its natural occurrence. 

What is clear is that the vegetation has never 

been stable over the last 10,600 years. There are 

a series of possible forest destruction phases 

that predate 4000 BP. Thereafter the demise of 

Borassodendron machadonis could be due to 

human impact, changing soil conditions, climatic 

change or a combination of all of these factors, 

while the rise of Artocarpus type pollen could 

be used to argue that horticulture was practised, 

possibly associated with local scale shifting 

cultivation of dry land rice. Also, large trees 

214 


~TZ: 

z: "iJ 1 su ed '98 ·1oA 't:.Japos wms aLfJfo 1uu.mor 

., 

a'Q" 

c: ...., 

~ 

00 

z 

0 

::l 

ao 

>-l 

::;,- 

!::. 

(1) 

en 

0 

::l 

ao 

::r:: 

0 

::l 

()Q 

5'- 

(1) 

3 

~. 

::l 

~ 

~ 

::l 

"' 0.. 

50 

>< 

"' 

400 

1128 

1855 

2583 

3311 

m 

Ul 

-3" 4038 

Ill 

-(D 

c.. 

Ill 4766 

(Q 

(D 

:< .... 

OJ 5493 

:-a 

c: 

:::J 

6221 

0 

!!!.. 

..... 

6908 

..... 

0 

0 

0 

0 0 

1\) 

0 

0 

0 

0 

w 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Pollen grains/cc. 

.j:. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

(.]1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0> -..J CD 

0 0 0 

0 0 0 

0 0 0 

0 0 0 

z 

0 

z 

0 

~ 

~ 

tr:l 

r.n 

0 

z 

0 

:I: 

0 

z 

0 

7928 

8608 

9288 

9968 

10648 

0. 

z 

Q G) 

-o :0 '< 

m ~ -5 

()~ z 6 

~ ~ ~ 

pUVJ1DLf.L LfJ110S 'a:JU!tiO.Id ?JuU.l.L '8UOH ?Juos ;) ]IJLf.L 8UON UIO.t/ p.IO:Ja.t U;)I/Od .mal 009 '0[ \i


may have been conserved. The latest part of the 

diagram certainly suggests that some 

conservation was occurring and that useful 

plants, such as Areca, were being planted, but 

this is hardly surprising news. However, it is 

dangerous to use a palaeoecological record as 

proxy archaeology, particularly as the pollen of 

crop plants cannot be determined, and these 

conclusions must remain speculative. The 

situation at Khok Phanom Di was entirely 

different, and preferable, because 

palaeocological and archaeological findings 

could be correlated. 

The lack of Hymenophyllaceae (filmy fern) 

spores shows that the forest was never very wet 

but a number of the tree taxa which have been 

attributed here to swamp forest can also grow in 

tropical evergreen rainforest. There are 

indications oflocal hydrological changes which 

may relate to a rising watertable when rivers 

graded to a higher sea level but more radiocarbon 

dating and better sample resolution is necessary 

to correlate lake level and sea level changes. 

What has been demonstrated is that the 

vegetation of this part of southern Thailand has 

been long affected by fire and this is the first 

continuous record of Holocene vegetation 

change from a site between south Thailand and 

those (Maloney 1996) in the highlands of North 

Sumatra, one of which, Pea Bullok, extends 

back 30,000 years. 


This research was funded by National 

Geographic and fieldwork was conducted under 

the auspices of the National Research Council 

of Thailand. The author was unable to be 

involved in fieldwork for logistic reasons but 

thanks Dr Lisa Kealhofer, College of William 

and Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia, and Dr Joyce 

White, University of Pennsylvania Museum, for 

collecting the core and providing valuable 

background information, particularly Dr 

Kealhofer who has kept in constant touch by e 

mail during the course of the analyses. Research 

on the o 13 C record of the site is being carried out 

at the Palaeoecology Centre, The Queen's 

University, Belfast, under the direction of Dr 

F.G. McCormac. The comment on interpretation 

of the sea level curve was made by Prof. Paul 

Bishop, University of Glasgow, when the 

original version of this paper was delivered at 

the 16th Indo-Pacific Association Congress in 

Melaka, Malaysia, during July 1998. 

Note 

1 Some plant names have been mis-spelled in 

Donner (1978). The names used here follow 

Smitinand (1980). 

References 

Allen, J. 1988-89. Agriculture, hydraulics, and 

urbanism at Satingpra. Asian Perspectives 28 (2): 

163-77. 

Anderson, D.D. 1988. Excavations of a Pleistocene 

rockshelter in Krabi and the prehistory of southern 

Thailand. In P. Charoengwongsa and B. Bronson 

(eds), Prehistoric Studies: The Stone and Metal 

Ages in Thailand. Papers in Thai Antiquity, vol. 

1, pp. 43-57. Bangkok: Amarin Printing Group. 

Anderson, D.D. 1997. Cave archaeology in Southeast 

Asia. Geoarchaeology 12: 607-38. 

Bellwood, P. 1993. Cultural and biological 

differentiation in Peninsular Malaysia. Asian 

Perspectives 32 (1): 37-60. 

Bourke, W.W. 1905. Some archaeological notes on 

Monthon Phuket. The Journal of the Siam Society 

2(1): 49-62 (reprinted in O'Connor 1986). 

Bowdery, D. n.d .. Preliminary phytolith analysis from 

excavations in Southeast Asia and Papua New 

Guinea. Paper read at the 16th Indo-Pacific 

Prehistory Association Congress, Melaka, 

Malaysia, July 1998 

Bulbeck, D. 1985. The 1979 Gua Cha skeletal 

material. Adi Haji Taha 96-97 (cited in Bellwood 

1993). 

Brandt, J.H. 1961. The Negri to of peninsular Thailand. 

Journal of the Siam Society 49 (2): 123-58. 

Ding Hou 1970. Rhizophoraceae. Flora of Thailand 

2 (1): 5-15. 

Donner, W. 1978. The Five Faces of Thailand: an 

economic geography. London: Hurst & Co. 

Evans, I. H. N. 1931. Stone objects from Surat, 

peninsular Siam. The Journal of the Siam Society, 

24 (2): 203-5 (reprinted in O'Connor 1986). 

Ferguson, I. K., Harvard, A.J. and Dransfield, J. 1987. 

The pollen morphology of the tribe Borasseae 

(Palmae: Coryphoideae). Kew Bulletin 42( 2): 

405-22. 

216 



Hastings, P. 1983. Palynology and the vegetation 

development of a lowland peat swamp in 

Narathiwat, Thailand. InT. Thanasutipitak (ed.), 

Proceedings of the Annual Technical Meeting, 

1982. Chiang Mai, Chiang Mai University, 

Department of Geological Sciences, Special 

Publication No.4, 122-31. 

Huang, T- C. 1972. Pollen Flora ofTaiwan. Taiwan: 

National Taiwan University Department of 

Botany. 

Knox, E. M. 1950. The spores of Lycopodium, 

Phylloglossum, Selaginella and 1soetes, and their 

value in the study of microfossils of Palaeozoic 

age. Transactions of the Botanical Society, 

Edinburgh 35: 211-347. 

Maloney, B.K. 1991. Palaeoenvironments of Khok 

Phanom Di: the pollen, pteridophyte spore and 

microscopic charcoal record. In C.F.W. Higham 

and R. Bannanurag (eds), Excavation of Khok 

Phanom Di, Vol. 2 (Part 1) The Biological 

Remains, Society of Antiquaries of London, 

London, pp. 7-134. 

Maloney, B.K. 1996. Possible early dry-land and 

wet-land rice cultivation in highland North 

Sumatra. Asian Perspectives 35 (2): 165-92. 

O'Connor, S.J. 1986. Introduction. In S.J. O'Connor, 

The Archaeology of Peninsular Siam: collected 

articles from The Journal of the Siam Society 1905- 

1983, pp. 1-10. The Siam Society, Bangkok. 

Ogawa, H., Yoda, K., Kira, T., Ogino, K., Shidei, T., 

Ratanawongse, D. and Apasutaya, C. 1965. 

Comparative ecological study on three main types 

of forest vegetation in Tailand. I. Structure and 

floristic composition. Nature and Life in SE Asia 

4: 13-48. 

Purseglove, J.W. 1974. Tropical Crops: Dicotyledons. 

London: Longman. 

Royal Survey Department 1969. Thailand: National 

Resources Atlas. Bangkok. 

Seetharam, Y.N. 1987. Clusiaceae: Palynology and 

Systematics. Travaux de Ia Section Scientifique et 

Technique, Institut Francais de Pondichery, t. 21. 

Smitinand, T. 1976. A preliminary study of the 

vegetation of Surin Islands. Natural History 

Bulletin of the Siam Society 26: 227-46. 

Smitinand, T. 1980. Thai Plant Names (Botanical 

Names-Vernacular Names). Bangkok: Royal 

ForestHerbarium. 

Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 

International Series 158, B.A.R. 

Stargardt, J. 1998. Earth, rice, water: 'reading the 

landscape' as a record of the history of Satingpra, 

south Thailand. In Grove, R. H., Damodaran, V. 

and Sangwan, S. (eds), Nature and the Orient: the 

environmental history of South and Southeast Asia, 

pp. 127-83. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 

Stewart, L. 1994. A Guide to Palms and Cycads of 

the World. London: Cassell. 

Stockmarr, J. 1971. Tablets with spores used in 

absolute pollen analysis. Pollen et Spores 13: 

615-621. 

Tagawa, M. and lwatsuki, K. 1979a. Lycopodiaceae. 

Flora of Thailand 3 (1): 7-13. 

Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1979b. Gleicheniaceae. 


Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1979c. Schizeaceae. 


Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1979d. Cyatheaceae. 


Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1979e. 

Dennstaedtiaceae. Flora of Thailand (1): 111- 

27. 

Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1985. Pteridaceae. Flora 

ofThailand 3 (2): 231-60. 

Tagawa, M. and Iwatsuki, K. 1989. Polypodiaceae. 


Thanikaimoni, G. 1983. Pollen analysis. In Stargardt, 

J., Satingpra, I. The environmental and economic 

archaeology of South Thailand. British 

Archaeological Reports International Series 158, 

B.A.R., Oxford, pp. 51-8 and Appendix A. 

Tjia, H. D. 1996. Sea-level changes in the tectonically 

stable Malay-Thai Peninsula. Quaternary 

lntemational31: 95-101. 

van der Kaars, W. A. 1990. Late Quaternary 

vegetation and climate of Autralasia as reflected 

by the palynology of eastern Indonesian deepsea 

piston-cores. Unpublished PhD thesis, University 

of Amsterdam. 

Whitmore, T.C. 1978. Palms of Malaya. Kuala 

Lumpur: Oxford University Press. 

Young, A. 1976. Tropical Soils and Soil Survey. 

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 

KEYWORDS: HOLOCENE, POLLEN, 

PALYNOLOGY, CHARCOAL, HUMAN 

Stargardt, J. 1983. Satingpra, I. The environmental IMPACT, THAILAND, CLIMATE 

and economic archaeology of South Thailand. CHANGE 


THAI LITERATURE 

AS REFLECTED IN WESTERN REPORTS DURING 

THE 17TH TO THE 19TH CENTURIES 

Klaus Wenk* 

Abstract 

The paper explores the relative neglect of the many Thai literary forms by 

early visitors and scholars who were often perceptive recorders of many 

aspects of pre-modem culture. The relative brief stays in the kingdom by 

many of the visitors, lack of linguistic facility and sometimes the prejudiced 

nature of these travellers led them, for the most part to give a very superficial 

account of Thai literature. 

Introduction 

Of all forms of artistic expression, Thai literature 

has, for obvious reasons, been a field little 

opened up by research in the West. The socalled 

plastic arts such as painting, sculpture 

and architecture immediately disclose the 

content and meaning of the object represented 

to the receptive and trained eye. Appreciation 

of Thai literature, however, is possible only by 

a careful study of literary texts which quite 

often are difficult to comprehend for native and 

foreign speakers of Thai alike. It is, perhaps, 

surprising that, nevertheless, attempts have been 

made again and again to comment on or evaluate 

Thai literature in works describing the country 

in general. 

The following excerpts do not claim to be 

exhaustive. There may well be other remarks 

on the subject here and there, hidden in places 

unknown to me. 

LaLoubere 

In his voluminous, and in many respects detailed 

work, Du Royaume de Siam, La Loubere (1691: 

177 ff.) makes the following remarks in the first 

volume dealing with the description of the 

country 

L'un fut une Comedie Chinoise que j'eusse 

volontiers vOe jusqu' a Ia fin, mais on Ia fit cesser 

apres quelques Scenes, pour aller diner. Les 

Comediens Chinoise, que les Siamois aiment 

sans Ies entendre, s'egosillent en recitant. Tous 

leurs mots sont monosyllables, et je ne leur en 

ay pas entendu prononcer un seul, qu'avec un 

nouvel effort de poitrine: on diroit qu'on les 

egorge. 

Remotely connected with literature are also 

his remarks on page 179: 

Les Marionettes sont muettes a Siam, et celles 

qui viennent du Pais de Laos, sont encore plus 

estimees que les Siamoises. Ny les unes ny Ies 

autres n'ont rien, qui ne soit fort commun en ce 

Pais-cy.-Mais Ies Saltinbanques-Siamois sont 

excellens, et Ia Cour de Siam en donne souvent 

le divertissement au Roi, quand il arrive a Louvo. 

Elien [the Greek historian] rapporte 

qu' Alexandre eOt a ses Noces des Saltinbanques 

Indiens, et qu'ils fOrent estimez plus adroits que 

ceux des autres Nations ... 

' Chinesisches Seminar, Universitii.t Hamburg, Von 

Melle Park 6, Hamburg 20146, Germany 


219

Klaus Wenk 

It can be assumed that the aforementioned 

puppet and juggler shows were based probably 

on popular literary texts. What is to be 

understood by La Loubere's reference to 

'Chinese Comedy' is open to conjecture. 

J, Leyden 

A lengthy contribution was made by J, Leyden in 

1812 under the title, On the Languages and 

Literature of Indochinese Nations (1979: 158 tT.). 

The author, a medical doctor, remarks that 'the 

materials of this imperfect sketch were chiefly 

collected in the course of a voyage, which the 

state of my health caused me to take to the eastern 

islands in 1805 ••• ' 

Under reference Number 'X. Thay' a few 

remarks follow on pages 240 to 254 concerning 

the Thai language and literature. Obviously 

Leyden was a well-read traveller, for he quotes 

La Loubere at the head of the chapter. 

Remarks in this chapter which are of 

importance for literary history are quoted 

hereinafter. Leyden, whose diction and style 

are distinct from those of other reporters, puts 

his words as follows: 

All the intelligent Siamese, whom I have met 

... agree in asserting that the Siamese nation, 

properly so called, consists of two tribes, the 

Thay and the Thai-j'hay [= Thai Yai] ... of 

these the most ancient are the Thay-j'hay, 

formerly famous for their learning ... Many 

monuments of this ancient race exist in the 

kingdom of Siam, and I was informed, in 

particular, that in the vicinity ofLigor ... there 

are various ancient inscriptions, on stone ... 

which are attributed to the Thay-j 'hay, but which 

no person among the modern Thay is able to 

decipher. 

Leyden continues at some length with 

remarks about the Thai language, differentiating 

between Thai and the languages spoken by 

neighbouring peoples (Burmese, Malay). He 

goes on (ibid. 247), 

The first European who attempted to study the 

Siamese literature, was the learned Gervaise, 

but his lubrications have never been published. 

Their [Siamese] poems and songs are very 

numerous, as are their Cheritras, or historical 

and mythological fables. Many of the Siamese 

princes have been celebrated for their poetical 

powers, and several of their historical and moral 

compositions, are still preserved. In all their 

compositions, they either affect a plain simple 

narrative, or an unconnected and abrupt style of 

short, pithy sentences, of much meaning ... 

Both in sciences and poetry those who affect 

learning and elegance of compositions, sprinkle 

their style copiously with Bali ... The laws of 

Siam are celebrated all over the east ... The 

Siamese histories of the Thay dynasty, detail 

with much minuteness, and great exaggeration, 

the events which have occurred in Siam ... 

(ibid. 248). 

It is of special literary and historical interest 

that he goes on to mention individual titles (ibid. 

248 ff.) 

The Cheritras, or romantic fictions of the 

Siamese, are very numerous ... The following 

are some of the most popular among the Thay, 

several of which contain the same stories and 

incidents as those which are current among the 

Rukheng, Barma, and Malayu nations. 

The forty-one titles mentioned by Leyden 

are listed below in full. Low (1839) fully refers 

to these titles and his annotations are included 

in the list. 

1. Rama-kien. 

2. Radin (Raden), possibly an allusion to 

Inau. Likewise Low (1839: 339). 

3. Sum-mut-ta-ko-dom, concerning 

which see p. 250: 'S. is the history of 

Samanakodom abriged from Bali.' 

Low: 'S. is the history of Buddha in 

mortal shape. It is also termed 

Wetsandon, in Bali, Wessantara.' Low 

enumerates in detail the individual parts 

of the Vessantara Jiitaka (ibid. 339 ff). 

4. Wet-ja-sun-don. This can only be a 

corruption of Wetsandon; see 3 above. 

5. Worawong, possibly an allusion to the 

Worawong chiidok; see p. 250: 

'Worawong is the history of an 

unfortunate Rajah, who fell in love with 

a lady, and was slain by an enchanted 

spear which guarded her, one night as 

220 


Thai literature as reflected in Western reports during the 17th to the 19th Centuries 

he was climbing to the window of his 

mistress. This is also a subject of 

dramatic representation.' See Low (ibid. 

340) 'W. is a history in verse of a person 

of that name, and of a princess Nang 

Kharawi. His elder brother was Chetta 

Singhaha Rachasi .. .' 

6. Un-narut. See Pluang Na Nakhon, 

Prawat wanakhadi thai, pp. 240, 267, 

275. Low here adds a fairly long 

summary of the contents (ibid. 341). 

7. Mahosot, presumably a reference to a 

literary elaboration of the Mahiisot 

chiidok, Maha Ummagga Jiitaka No. 

546. (Likewise Low pp. 340 ff.). 

8. Melay, possibly Malai, alluding to the 

Malai-sut or Phra Malai kham luang 

of Cau Fa Thammathibet. (Likewise 

Low, p. 342). 

9. Chatri. About this see Low, p. 342: 'A 

drama in the rang Lakhan [possibly: 

rong lakhon] or Ligonean strain.' 

10. Chalawan. Certainly scenes from the 

bot lakhon Kraithong (Likewise Low, 

p. 342). 

11. Phum-hom. 'P. is the history of a 

princess of whom an elephant was 

enamoured, and her rescue.' On this 

see Low (1839: 342), 'The story of 

Phum-Haam or 'she with the fragrant 

locks,' the daughter of an elephant. She 

cuts off one of her ringlets and gives it 

to the winds. It is wafted across the 

ocean to the country of a certain king 

who finds it while bathing-being 

directed to where it lay by the perfume 

it spreads around. He consults 

soothsayers regarding the original 

wearer of the precious ringlet, and is 

directed by them to the residence of 

Phum-Haam. With her he elopes, 

followed by the elephant, which 

subsequently dies of grief, bequesting 

his tusks to Phum-Haam.' 

12. Pra-Thom. 'P. is a mythological 

account of the origin of the universe, 

according to the principles of the 

Buddhist sect.' See Low, p. 343: 'I find 

on examination that it is nearly a 

transcript of a Bali work. The contents 

may be briefly described .... ' The 

description that follows fills about one 

page. 

13. Suthon, possibly an allusion to the 

Suthon chiidok, a Panyiisa chiidok. 

14. Pok'ha-wa-di, concerning which 

Leyden remarks on page 250: 'P. is the 

history of Bhagavati.' (Likewise Low, 

p. 344). 

15. Teng-on. A little known bot lakhon 

about which see Worawet Phisit, 

Wannakhadi Thai, pp. 90 ff. 

16. Lin Thong. Bot lakhon Lin Thong; on 

this see Worawat Phisit, loc. cit. 

17. Hok k'hum. On this Leyden [1812] 

remarks on p. 250: 'N. is the 

mythological account of the celebrated 

hamsa.' (Low ibid. 344 merely refers 

to Leyden). 

18. P'ha-non-son-paya. See Leyden, p. 

250: 'P. contains the instructions of the 

sagacious ape P'hon.' Without doubt 

this refers to a version of the poem 

Phali son nong (Wenk 1980). 

19. Mak-kali-p'hon. See Leyden, p. 250: 

'M., the adventures of the son of a chief, 

who possessed a wonderful cow, 

resembling the Sanscrit Kamad'hem.' 

(Low endorses this, ibid. 345). 

20. Sum-p'hansit. Certainly a corrupted 

form of suphiisit no matter to which 

text it actually refers. 

21. Suan-na-hong. Corruption of 

Suvanahong, bot lakhon nok. On this 

see Damrong, Tamnan bot lakhon lnau 

(p.104). 

22. Prang-t'hong. About this Leyden 

remarks, p. 251: 'P. relates the 

adventures of the persons who went to 

the land of the Rakshasas in search of 

the fruit prang t'hong, for which a 

certain princess had longed when 

pregnant, the obtaining of the fruit on 

condition that the child of which the 

princess was pregnant should be 

presented to the Rakshsasa, the carrying 

off of the child by the Rakshasa and 

her return to her parents when grown 

up.' 

23. Nang-sip-song. See Low, p. 345: 'The 

twelve ladies. It is related in this book 

that twelve children were exposed and 


221

Klaus Wenk 

left in the forest to perish by their 

parents who were pressed by famine. A 

Yak finds them and educates them ... 

When grown up there those his proteges 

elope, and being pursued by him they 

enter the skin of a huge buffalo and lie 

concealed . . . and after various 

adventures reach the kingdom of Phra 

Tottasen-who takes the liberty of 

making all of them his wives ... ' A 

detailed summary of the contents of 

the story is given on the subsequent 

two pages (ibid. 346 ff). 

24. Rama. Which of the numerous texts 

from the corpus of the Riimakien is 

meant must be left open. 

25. Chumpa-t'hong. 

26. Luk-sua-ko. Presumably Sua Kho kham 

chan by Maha Ratchakhrii. 

27. Phim-swan. A bot lakhon nok, 

unprinted. On this see Worawet Phisit, 

and Rosenberg (1981: 40 ff.) 

28. Paja-p'hali. Possibly Phraya Phali, 

concerning the poems about the monkey 

ruler Phali. See W enk 1980 

29. T' haw-krung-son. 

30. Khun-p'hen. Bot lakhon Khun Chang 

KhunPhaen. 

31. Trai-wong. See Low, p. 349: 'The 

history of a prince who caught a white 

elephant.' 

32. Chin-narat. 

33. P'howit'hat. 

34. Su-t'hin. The Suthon or Subin Jiitaka? 

35. Hoi-sang. See Leyden, p. 251: 'H. 

relates the adventures of the prince who 

was born in a shank shell, and remained 

in it till he arrived at maturity,' to which 

Low refers on p. 349: 'The prince, 

however, came into the world, only 

along with a shank shell. He is exposed 

in the forest, is miraculously preserved, 

is adopted by a chief of the Nagas ... 

The Thevadas ... send him afterwards 

in a gold ship into the regions of the 

rakshas, a seven days passage beneath 

a mountain. He returns and goes 

through many adventures.' 

36. Sang-sin-chay. A little-known bot 

lakhon nok (see Worawet Phisit, loc. 

cit). 

37. Woranut. See Leyden, p. 251: 'W. 

relates the adventures of the twin 

brothers Woranut and Woranat.' 

38. Chitra-kan. 

39. Nang-u'thay. See Leyden, p. 251: 'N. 

relates the adventures of a Naga 

princess, who was carried off by a 

Rajah.' 

40. Maha-chinok. See Low, p. 350: 'M. is 

derived from the Bali history of a prince, 

one of the Avatars of Buddha.' 

41. Mlek-t'hong. See Low, p. 350: 'A 

history of a Yak princess.' 

Leyden's remarks on this enumerative list 

are on p. 349, 

In the general characteristics of style and manner, 

these Cheritras resemble those of the Ruken, 

Barma, and Malayu tribes, and exhibit the 

peculiar manners of the Indo-Chinese nations, 

as well as the peculiar features of their 

mythology. 

Leyden's comment on the prosody of Thai 

literature is incomplete. On p. 251 he writes, 

The Thay exhibits considerable variety of 

measures, and frequently introduces several of 

them in the same work ... The most frequent 

measure, however, among the Thay ... seems 

to be that denominated rap, which consists of 

four long syllables, but admits occasionally of 

one or more intercalary short ones: the Ja-ni 

which consists of five syllables, the Cho-bang 

of six, the Pat'hamang of seven, the Jesunta of 

eight are also frequently employed. 

It can be assumed that by rap reference is 

made in a very wide sense to kham rap, i.e. the 

rhyme-bearing word in Thai verse. The Jani 

(yiini) and Cho-bang (chabang) mentioned 

further on are kiip metres. The other two metres 

referred to are unknown to me. 

John Crawford 

Crawford's journal [1828] occupies a special 

place. As has been remarked elsewhere (W enk 

1980) in connection with his comments on the 

Thai legal system, his report is notorious for its 

222 



phraseology. On p. 335 ff. he phrases his ideas 

as follows: 

The literature of the Siamese is from all accounts 

meagre and uninteresting; and in point of 

imagination, invention, force, or correctness, is 

much below that of the Arabs, the Persians, or 

even [sic!] of the Hindoos. Their efforts seem 

scarcely indeed to rise beyond the rank of those 

of the tribes of the Indian islands; and judging 

from a few translations of what were said to be 

their best works, I have no hesitation in 

pronouncing them singularly puerile and jejune. 

In fact, things are not as simple as Crawfurd 

evidently believed them to be. He goes (ibid. 

337) on to expatiate on the subject matter in a 

few more pages of his report. The more 

remarkable of his findings are as follows: 

Siamese literature is divided into two groups, 

one profane, the other religious, the former 

composed in Thai, the latter in Pali. 

A great variety of different measures are said to 

be in use ... The style of Siamese composition 

is simple, and destitute of those strong metaphors 

and hyperbolical forms of expression which are 

commonly ascribed to Eastern languages. Brevity 

is affected by the Siamese ... but by no means 

precision or perspicuity ... Their ambition, in 

fact, is to mystify their ideas . . . Siamese 

compositions consist of songs, romances, and a 

few histories, or chronicles ... The romances 

are stated to be upon an equality with the other 

efforts of the Siamese intellect, destitute of 

ingenuity .. .' 

Among other titles Crawford mentions 'the 

history ofRama.' He rightly observes on p. 337 

that 'the Siamese have no dramatic 

compositions.' 

As his report continues he seizes every 

opportunity to comment disparagingly on the 

Thai people and their literature. 'The Siamese 

are said to have some historical compositions 

... but it cannot for a moment be imagined 

that they are capable, any more than other rude 

people, of writing a rational and connected 

narrative of their national story' (ibid. 337). 

With regard to religious literature Crawfurd 

is partially right in saying 'It is to sacred 

literature only that the Siamese attach any 

importance' (ibid 338). In his conclusion he 

writes on p. 339 that 'they [the Siamese] can 

read and write awkwardly and imperfectly.' 

Mgr. Bruyere 

In a letter addressed to his superior (vicairegeneral) 

Mgr. Bruyere (1831) describes the 

country and the customs of the Thai. 

A Siam, les sciences ne sont pas plus florissantes 

que les arts ... Aucun Siamois, pas meme Ies 

talapoins, ne s' occupent de literature ni 

d'histoire. Le seul ouvrage qui existe en ce genre, 

ce sont le Annales du Royaume .. .' (ibid. 

167-9). 

The Chinese Repository 

Cordier (1835: 505-10 and col. 860) published 

in the journal, The Chinese Repository, a 

'Siamese Romance, translated from the original 

Siamese by Mrs Gutzlaff while residing at 

Bangkok, the capital of the kingdom of Siam.' 

In the introduction to the English version it 

is said that the text is of the kind as usually read 

by monks to lay audiences. The story keeps 

well within the frame of Thai fairy tale literature. 

The glory of the kingdom Chambauk, ruled by 

Chambauk Ratchareteret, is described in 

fantastic language. Chambauk' s most beautiful 

wife, by name Cantahatawee, gives birth to a 

son named Chow-tee-ah-woo-ka-man who is 

endowed with the most outstanding virtues. At 

the same time there is a second kingdom named 

Bunchal ruled by King Bunchalrat and Queen 

Nunthatawi. They had many beautiful daughters 

before the queen became pregnant once again 

and gave birth to a daughter of indescribable 

beauty. The tidings of the birth were brought to 

King Chambauk Ratchareteret by hunters. He 

ordered them to try to get in touch with the 

princess. They eventually succeeded in their 

mission when the princess was taking a bath. 

The princess (whose name is not mentioned) 

has a vision of the prince of Chambauk in a 

dream. Here the translation comes to an abrupt 

end. 

May it be added here that the image of Thai 

literature is not improved by reprinting a text of 

such shallow quality. 


223

Klaus Wenk 

James Low 

Captain James Low's observations on Thai 

literature [1839] are of far greater weight. He 

published a 54 page survey of the literature which, 

was the most comprehensive study up to date. At 

the beginning of his study Low expressly refers 

to the article by Leyden (see above under 2) and 

proceeds to state his opinion about the forty-one 

titles listed by Leyden as was mentioned earlier 

in the present paper. Apart from the titles 

enumerated by Leyden, Low does not add any 

more. His study can be summarized as follows, 

Prose is amongst the Siamese confined almost 

entirely to treaties on law and physic, and to 

writings connected with the common detail of 

business ... They have a few fables in prose 

... (ibid. 350). 

On the subject of 'poetry and music,' Low 

correctly writes that owing to the monosyllabic 

structure of the Thai language the Thai had to 

modify the prosody adopted from India (ibid. 

350 ff). On p. 352 he continues that 'The Thai 

poetry is so supplied with rhythm that it might 

and frequently does exist without rhyme.' 

Low distinguishes between 'two prominent 

styles in the poetic works [of the Thai]-the 

epic and the dramatic.' Concerning 'epic,' he 

observes that they are 'called Nithan or Niyai 

and ru-ang rau.' He finally mentions Nangsusowt 

or 'heroic poems which resemble the 

Cheritras of India' (ibid. 352). 

The term Nangsu-sowt used by Low is, as 

far as I know, not used anywhere else in Thai 

literary studies. In my opinion there are two 

possible interpretations for sowt, namely suot 

or sawat (a). However, since Low has given to 

his term the meaning he thinks right, we can 

leave it at that. 

In another chapter of some 20 pages (ibid. 

353 ff.), Low deals with 'drama,' which he 

refers to as bot rang. This term is also unknown 

today. Bot rang should almost certainly read 

bot rong. Low translates it as 'a melodramatic 

opera' whose subjects are taken from the 

romantic. They are acted on many occasions of 

ceremony and at the great festivals ... ' 

The institutions of the theatre, the players, 

speakers and musicians, are extensively dealt 

with. Low appears to be keen on getting below 

the surface of Thai poetry 

The bot rang employs every variety of Siamese 

measure and the greatest attention has been paid 

to suit the language to the actions, feeling or 

subjects displayed. To each style also distinct 

and apposite musical airs are appropriate ... 

They have likewise Phleng or lyric verses and 

songs, namely Phleng na, pastorals, Phlengo, or 

elegiac verses and Phlenggot or lamentations. 

Low then proceeds to examine the prosody 

of some selected Thai literary texts which are 

unknown today. These texts are composed in 

kham klon, in kiip suriing khaniing, as well as 

kiip chabang metres. Low attempts here-under 

erroneous assumptions-to compare Thai 

prosody with European long and short vowel 

quantification of syllables. The attempted 

comparison may have been of some interest to 

nineteenth century readers. For the present-day 

reader, however, such comparison is erroneous 

and obsolete as, consequently, is the major part 

of Low's essay, (ibid. 345-73). The second part 

of his essay (ibid. 374-92), deals exclusively 

with 'Entertainment, Games and Amusements,' 

hence it is outside the frame of the present study. 

Mgr. Pallegoix 

A rather cursory contribution is contained in the 

work by Pallegoix [1854]. Basically Pallegoix 

merely enumerates facts in cue-word fashion, 

La collection des livres sacres des Thai s'appelle 

Trai pidok.(ibid. 399); Quant aux ouvrages de 

litterature profane, il y eu au environ deux cent 

cinquante dont plusieurs sont d'une haute 

importance . . . Les autres ouvrages sont des 

histoires, contes, romans, comedies, tragedies, 

poemes, epiques, chansons, etc. Les romans sont 

presque toujours en vers ... (ibid. 400). 

Under various, even non-literary, cuewords, 

Pallegoix gives a few short examples of 

texts: proverbes populaires, fable, petition 

adressee au roi, Acte d'accusation, Ecrit 

d'emprunt ... etc. Pallegoix winds up his short 

and meagre enumeration, quite unnecessarily, 

with a Thai version of the Lord's Prayer. 

224 



Sir John Bowring 

Not very much can be gathered either from 

Bowring's otherwise comprehensive book 

(1857). 'The first literary work in Siamese of 

which we have any knowledge is a book on war 

and military tactics, written in . . . AD 

1498 ... ' . For the rest Bowring fully refers to 

Pallegoix without making a further personal 

contribution to Thai literary studies. 

Adolf Bastian 

Bastian (1867) in a book otherwise renowned 

as a first class source of information, contributes 

only indirectly to our knowledge of Thai 

literature. He does not deal with the matter in a 

separate chapter but intersperses his views in 

various places of the report on his 'sojourn in 

Bangkok.' On the occasion of his visit to an 

unspecified Phra Alak (Royal Scribe), Bastian 

comments, 

... die Biicherschiitze ... Da waren die dicken 

Biinde der Geschichte Ayuthayas in eleganten 

und reinlichen Schriftziigen hingemalt, die alten 

Chroniken, so viele ihrer noch vorhanden, die 

iibersetzungen von Epen and Dramen, Romane, 

Miirchen und Fabeln ... (ibid. 86) 

Nur ging Ieider die Zeit meines Aufenthaltes 

rasch zu Ende, urn die so reichlich sprudelnden 

Quellen zu erschOpfen ... ' (ibid. 87). Bei den 

gelehrten Neigungen des Konigs herrscht im 

Palast vie! literarische Tiitigkeit ... Die 

siamesische Belletristik hat verschiedene 

iibersetzungen aus dem Chinesischen 

aufgenommen und zeigt auch in ihrem Stil von 

dorthin gekommene Einfliisse. Der ... Samkok 

ist mehrfach ins Siamesische iibertragen, 

besonders durch den chinesischen Gelehrten 

Hongsen ... Urn die BUcher der Hofastrologen 

kennen zu Iemen, besuchte ich den Hora-Thibod 

... (ibid. 89). 

In various places Bastian points to Buddhist 

literature. 

Encyclopedia Britannica 

The relevant entry in the Encyclopedia 

Britannica 1875 (vol. 21: 855 ff.) does not give 

more comprehensive information than that 

already contained in the sources mentioned 

above. The entry, however, does mention 'The 

inscription at Sukhothai' (presumably of Khun 

Ram Karnhaeng). 

... the few manuscript annals mentioned by 

Pallegoix have not yet been critically examined; 

but metrical compositions, containing legendary 

tales and romances abound ... The subjects 

are mostly taken from the Indian epics, as in the 

case of Rama-kiun, more rarely from Malay or 

Javanese legend, such as the drama I-nau. There 

is a great variety of metres ... In their romantic 

poetry the Siamese have a greater tendency to 

describe than to relate ... The great blemish of 

their poetry consists in tedious embellishments 

and a hankering after indecent and often gross 

allusions ... 

The entry also mentions the titles already 

contained in the Leyden essay. It goes on, 

The most popular of the religious books ... is 

called Somanakhodom ... which is identical 

with the Wessantara Jataka. In miscellaneous 

literature may be mentioned Suphasit, consisting 

of 222 elegant sayings in the accented metre 

called Klang ... The fable literature is of course 

largely represented ... 

Summary 

In order to become thoroughly familiar with 

Thai literature, an intensive study over several 

years is required. Even then, one feels like a 

mere beginner. The travellers in former times 

were keen to acquire scientific knowledge or to 

acquit themselves with diplomatic missions. In 

most cases they lacked the time and leisure 

necessary for an intensive study of the palmleaf 

or samut khoi manuscripts. It is, however, 

striking that even such authors as sojourned in 

Thailand for a prolonged period of time did not, 

in fact, get beyond certain isolated and, for us 

for the most part superficial, observations about 

the literature of the Thai. 

In none of the studies is mention made of 

one or the other Thai poets of the seventeenth, 

eighteenth, or nineteenth centuries who are 

so well known today. Almost all of what is 


225

Klaus Wenk 

known today of the 'classical' period of Thai 

poetry goes unmentioned. Neither are 

mentioned the kiip nem rua of Cau Fa 

Thammathibet, nor a single niriit of Sunthon 

Phi:i or Nem Klan, nor Si Mahosot or Maha 

Montri or Khun Phum. It is true that mention 

is made of the Riimakien and the bot lakhon 

Inau in various places. Khun Chiing Khun 

Phaen is also mentioned once marginally. 

None of those poems, the Riimakien in 

particular, is adequately appreciated, nor the 

influence recognized which they had on the 

further development of Thai literature. Quite 

obviously the literary informants of the 

aforementioned authors were themselves 

insufficiently acquainted with their own 

literature. What they brought to the knowledge 

of foreigners eager to acquire information 

were stones instead of bread; instead of 

existing classical texts they produced 

unimportant pieces of fairy tale narratives 

which are not known to present-day literary 

experts, not even by title. 

It cannot easily be assumed that the 

informants themselves believed that the pieces 

they offered belonged to the height of their 

literature. If they did, one would have to 

conclude that the renown of a poet already 

known well during his life time, as e.g., Sunthon 

Phii, was exclusively limited to a small circle 

within the sphere of the royal court without 

actually reaching a wider public. At the present 

time we are not yet in a position to assess the 

situation conclusively. For my part, I am inclined 

to assume that personal lack of competence of 

the informants accounts for the fact that the 

poems and poets famous in our day were then 

not mentioned, for we have proof today that 

already in the nineteenth century one poet knew 

the other (Wenk 1980). 

It is remarkable, however, that the area of 

research defined by Leyden was not extended 

by subsequent authors. The titles of second and 

third class literary productions, once mentioned 

by Leyden, have been adhered to and reproduced 

by all subsequent authors. All of them explicitly 

refer to Leyden and Low. Apparently such 

authors as Bowring and Pallegoix did not even 

endeavour personally to elicit new information 

about Thai literature. From the outset, they were 

content to refer to the works of their forerunners. 

In view of the foregoing facts, one is justified 

to suppose that no other pieces of literature had 

come to the knowledge of Crawfurd than those 

with which Leyden and Low were acquainted. 

In this case, it is of course partially 

understandable how Crawfurd came to 

pronounce such a devastating criticism of Thai 

literature. 

References 

Bastian, A. 1867. Reisen in Siam im Jahre 1863, 

Jena. 

Bowring, Sir John 1857. The Kingdom and the People 

of Siam . . . in 1855 , vol. I, London (Repr. 

London & New York 1969) 

Bruyere, Mgr. 1831. (No title) In Annates de 

['Association de la Propagation de la Foi. Tome 

ve Lyon et Paris, pp. 169-72. 

Cordier, 1835. The Chinese Repository, vol. ill, May 

1834 to Apri11835: 505-10, Canton. 

Crawfurd, J. [1828]. Journal of an Embassy to the 

Courts of Siam and Cochin China, London: (Repr. 

New York 1967). 

Leyden, J. [1812]. On the Languages and Literature 

of Indochinese Nations in Asiatic Researches, 

Vol. 10 (Reprinted by Cosmo Publications, New 

Delhi 1979). 

La Loubere, S.de 1691. Du Royaume de Siam, Tome 

1e, Paris. 

Low, J. 1839. On Siamese literature. Asiatic 

Researches 23 (Reprinted New Delhi, pp. 388- 

92). 

Pallegoix, Mgr. 1854. Description du Royaume Thai 

ou Siam, Tome premier, Paris. 

Rosenberg, K.1981. Neun unveroffent Iichte 

Theaterstii.cke (bot lakhon) aus dem alten 

Thailand, Nachrichten der Des. f. Natu- und 

Volkerkunde Ostasiens, Hamburg, pp.40 ff. 

Wenk, H. 1980. Phali Teaches the Young, A Literary 

and Sociological Analysis of the Thai Poem Phali 

sqn nong, Southeast Asia Paper No. 18, University 

of Hawaii. 

Wenk, H. 1987. Studien zur Literatur der Thai, Band 

/1/, Texte und lnterpretationen zur Literatur des 

19. Jahrhunderts, Nachrichten der Ges. f. Natuund 

Volkerkunde Ostasiens, Hamburg. 

KEYWORDS-THAILAND, SIAM, 

POETRY, LITERATURE, LANGUAGE, 

EARLY TRAVELLERS 

226 


ROUND-NUMBER RECKONING IN THAI FOR 

THE 5000 YEARS OF THE BUDDHA 

J C Eade* 

Abstract 

In the Thai record two distinct forms of reckoning can be found: civil dates 

reckoned in secular mode according to the luni-solar year; and religious dates 

elapsed reckoned in religious mode and according to the 5000 years of the 

Buddha. A variety of anomalies and variations in convention can be detected 

in this latter form of reckoning, though its use of round-number reckoning 

may be accounted for satisfactorily. 

There is a class of Thai inscription that not only 

presents the date being celebrated in luni-solar, 

secular, terms but also as so many years - month 

- days passed since the Buddha attained 

Enlightenment with so many years - month - 

days still to go, where the two sets of figures 

sum to 5000 years. It is easy to establish by 

inspection of these figures that the reckoning 

employs years of 12 months and months of 30 

days (i.e. years of 360 days). When calculating, 

relative to a particular calendar date, the 

equivalent past and future time in the 5000 years 

of the Era of the Buddha it was the Thai practice 

always to employ years of 12 months and months 

of 30 days (i.e. years of 360 days). 

Consider, for instance, the elaborate 

calculations of the Wat Phra Dhatu Chre Hreng 

inscription, dating to AD 1846. Here the time 

remaining in the Era of the Buddha at the date 

of the inscription is given as: 

Future 2610 years, 7830 seasons, 30320 months, 

60640 uposatha, 909600 days, 7276800 yam, 

436608000 nadi. (Prasert 2534: 80-l) 

Although there are some errors in the calculation, 

it is clear that the 360-day year is in operation. 1 

On the other hand, for secular purposes Thai 

astronomers, expert in their craft, always adopted 

a year length with a realistic astronomical value 

of365.25875 days and they have generated over 

many centuries very precise and accurate 

horoscopes and other astronomically-based 

records deriving from this value. 

One's reaction to the rounding of the year 

value to 360 days might be to suppose that in a 

religious context and by the authority of such 

works as The Three Worlds, a more harmonious 

number was felt to be appropriate. The circle as 

360 degrees, the circle as a symbol of 

perfection-the year as 360 days in order to be 

in harmony with the cosmos. 

However, a work produced in a very different 

context, Albiruni' s account of India in the 11th 

century, offers a precedent for this 'whole 

number' mode of reckoning. Albiruni remarks: 

A month has 30 lunar days, for this number is 

canonical, as the number of 360 is canonical for 

the number of days of a year. (Sachau 1910: i. 

350) 

In a forest of other numbers in which, for 

instance, the 'month' of Brahman consists of 60 

'kalpas' but extends in days to 14 digits 

(94,674,987,000,000 days) and the 'month' of 

Kha extends to 31 digits, we see in operation 

the curious Indian penchant for mathematically 

huge reckoning. No wonder the SouthEast Asian 

• Asian History Centre, Australian National 

University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia 


227

JC Eade 

system reduced the Indian yuga of 4,320,000 

years by a factor of 5400 and reckoned merely 

in cycles of 800 years. 

Having defined the canonical year as 

consisting of 360 days, Albiruni then makes his 

framework of reference clear. He then says that 

'the solar year has 365 [and] 827 13200 civil 

days [in it]', which is to say that the Indian 

Solar year of 360 days was in fact 365.25843475 

civil days long. Had Albiruni added only one 

more 32-thousandths of a day to his dividend 

and made it 828 parts, he would have given us 

828 I 3200 parts of a day, which would yield 

365.25875 days to a year-precisely the value 

that Southeast Asia adopted. 

The key to reading the Indian 360-system as 

recorded by Albiruni is to see that any calendrical 

quantity can be declared to have 360 parts in it 

when regarded in its own right, but that each of 

these quantities also permits conversion to a base 

determined by a different mode of reckoning. 

When the Thai adopted a 360-day year for 

the purposes of Buddha Era reckoning, they 

applied this 'round-number' thinking to a 

different purpose and in a different manner. For 

the Thai, the issue was to establish an efficient 

way of mapping the secular calendar against the 

religious one; i.e. to determine for any given 

secular calendrical date its equivalent in the 

5000 years of the Buddha Era. To this end, the 

first point of procedure was to determine the 

starting point in the Buddhist year of 360 days. 

This proves from many examples to have been 

Vaisakha Full Moon, the date on which 

traditionally all the main events of the Buddha's 

life took place. An inscription from Burma or 

from Central Thailand would notate this as 

falling on the 15th day of the 6th month of the 

year, as is implicit in the inscription on the 

Kyaikthanlan Bell: 

Two thousand and seventy years six months and 

twenty-two days after the demise of the Lord of 

the three worlds, on Friday the 7th waxing of 

the month of Nadaw ['mrikkasuiw']. (RSASB 

1939-40: 24) 

The calculation runs as follows: 

month 6 day 15 = Vaisakha 15 

plus 6 months 22 days elapsed from then: 

date = month 1 day 7 

which equates with Nadaw I Margasirsha 7 

waxing, as required. Here only the elapsed time 

from the demise of the Buddha is specified, but 

it was common to specify both halves of the 

equation, as did the author of the 1789 inscription 

of Wat Chae Haeng: 

CS 1151 .. mikasiramasa purnami . .. month 

3, Full Moon ... 2332y 8m 15d gone including 

today, and 2667y 3m 15d to go. (Prasert 2534: 

91) 

This gives a count: 

past, to date: 2332 y 8 m 15 d 

plus 2667 3 15 

equals 5000 0 0 

Here the total reaches the anticipated 5000 years, 

but one would have expected the fractional part 

of the reckoning, the period from Vaisakha Full 

Moon to Margasirsha Full Moon to have run as 

follows: 2 months days 

Vaisakha Full Moon 

15 waning 

Jyestha 1 

Ashadha 2 

Sravana 3 

Bhadrapada 4 

Asvina 5 

Karttika 6 

Margasirsha 

15 waxing 

total: 7 0 

The interval to Margasirsha Full Moon is only 

7 months even, not 8 months 15 days: a new 

point of departure has to be found. This point is 

easily determined by counting backwards 

through the year: 

months days 

Margasirsha Full Moon 15 

Karttika New Moon 8 

Asvina 7 

Bhadrapada 6 

Sravana 5 

Ashadha 4 

Jyestha 3 

Vaisakha 2 

Caitra New Moon 

In order to tally, the reckoning has here to take 

its origin at the start of Caitra. One can see a 

ready explanation for this heterodox, secular 

reckoning. Experts who drew up long-term 

calendars wished to avoid the complication of 

228 


Round-number reckoning in Thai for the 5000 years of the Buddha 

beginning a new page, a new 'year', with 

precisely the day of the astronomical New Year, 

since this could fluctuate between Caitra 6 

waxing and Vaisakha 5 waxing. To stay clear 

of this complication, they therefore began a 

new page always with Caitra 1 waxing, though 

there might be up to another 34 days before the 

New Year proper began. 3 Clearly the author of 

the Nan inscription had just such a document in 

mind. 

Some other Thai records also perform rather 

differently from what one would predict of 

them, even when their reckoning is plainly 

intended to originate in V aisakha Full Moon. 

An inscription from Phitsanulok (FAD inscr. 

98 of 1514 AD) records the date as 'month 1 

[Margasirsha] waxing 7' and also as '2057, 7 

months, 22 days'. 

How is this reckoning constituted ? A table 

will again assist in our assessment: 

months: 

Vaisakha 

Jyestha 

Ashadha 

Sravana 

Bhadrapada 

Asvina 

Karttika 

Margasirsha 

total: 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

days: 

15 

7 

22 

6 

Since the count begins from Vaisakha Full 

Moon, there must be 15 days left in that month. 

And the day 7 waxing of the target month will 

then bring the day total to 22 days, as given. By 

non-inclusive counting, however, the month 

interval is only 6 months, not 7 months. But 

from many other similar instances one finds 

that the practice of some experts was to count 

inclusively, so that the interval Vaisakha to 

Margasirsha, when told off on the fingers, 

yields 7 months, not 6. 

One other possibility suggests itself here, 

though it is one that creates a much greater 

difficulty than the one it might at first be thought 

to resolve. The year in question, CS 876, was 

in fact an adhikamasa year: one might therefore 

be tempted into supposing that the person doing 

the calculations over-conscientiously allowed 

the month of Ashadha to be counted twice as 

indeed it was in the secular I astronomical 

calendar. But if this had been the case, the 

author would have been doing no one a service. 

Inscriptions were intended to last in perpetuity 

(or at least until the 5000 years were completed) 

and those in subsequent generations would 

expect that no Buddha Era year would have 13 

months in it. Although this secular year had 

384 lunar days in it, it would in fact have been 

an utter solecism to allow an extra month to the 

religious year and would have brought its entire 

round-number reckoning to a halt. If any one 

Buddha Era year was allowed to have an extra 

month in it, then it would be necessary to 

establish which of all the other 4999 years also 

had extra months-the system would collapse 

in disarray. 

An inscription from Wat Thaen Phra of 1814 

reads: 

CS 1176 . . . Karttika month new moon, Friday 

. . . in Thai . . . month two new moon . . . 2357 

years, 6 months, 15 days; and 2642 years, 5 

months, 15 days. (Eade 1996:131) 

past, to date: 2357 y 6 m 15 d 

future: 2642 5 15 

total: 5000 0 0 

Here (in a year that was not adhikamasa) the 

month reckoning is again one in excess of what 

one would anticipate by non-inclusive 

reckoning: 

months days 

Vaisakha Full Moon 15 

Jyestha 1 

Ashadha 2 

Sravana 3 

Bhadrapada 4 

Asvina 5 

Karttika New Moon 0 

total: 5 15 

The interval is of 5 months 15, not of 6 months 

15. 

Against this one may set an inscription 

dating to 1852 at Wat Pha Phrao. Here the 

reckoning is not in excess, but is in arrears. The 

text reads: 

CS 1214 . . . Pha1guna month Full Moon . . . 

month 6 Full Moon, . . . 2396 years, 9 months 

15 days. (Eade 1996: 142) 

Here again the interval is clear if tabulated: 


229

JC Eade 

months: days: 

Vaisakha Full Moon 15 

Jyestha 

Ashadha 2 

Sravana 3 

Bhadrapada 4 

Asvina 5 

Kartikka 6 

Margasirsha 7 

Pausha 8 

Magha 9 

Phalguna Full Moon 15 

total: 10 0 

This date is corrupt in certain respects that need 

not concern us here, the immediate point is that 

if an inscription's date falls on a Full Moon and 

the desired interval also originates in a Full 

Moon, there cannot be fifteen days needing to 

be made up. The interval consists of a dark half 

(Vaisakha), a light half (here Phalguna), plus 

the intervening months whose secular day-total 

is immaterial. 

Yet another Nan inscription, dating to 1906 

(Wat Phra Dhatu Khao Noi), merits some 

attention. It is seriously at odds with itself in a 

number of respects, but its Buddha Era count 

(with due correction as to the future years) can 

be treated independently of the astronomical 

detail exhibited: 

past: 

future 

total: 

If one lays 

follows: 

6 waning 

sub-total 

remaining in month 

Pausha 

Magha 

Phalguna 

Caitra 

Vaisakha 

sub total 

total: [1 yr] 

7 

2 

3 

4 

4 

Om 

21 

6 

9 

15 

24 

Od 

The fractional tally one would expect here is 

made up of the V aisakha dark half at the start, 

the Margasirsha light half at the end, plus a 

further 6 waning days. To this sum six 

intervening months (measuring from Jyestha to 

Karttika) have to be added, giving 7 months 

and 6 days in all. 4 

One notes that the author's day-total supplies 

him with only 29 days, not 30 days. 5 And it is 

indeed the case that in secular terms the lunar 

month Margasirsha has only and always 29 

days. But as a 'month' in religious reckoning it 

is required to have 30 days. To avoid confusion 

the author should not have counted forwards 

from his date in the secular calendar; he should 

have subtracted his elapsed total from 12 months 

0 days, or better, from 11 months 30 days. 

It will appear somewhat disconcerting that 

in a matter as important as the reckoning of a 

CS 1268 ... mikasira month tithi 21 . . waning particular time in the 5000 years of the Buddha 

6 ... 2449 years gone, seven months complete, there are so many anomalies and 

7 months, twenty-one days complete . . . 2560 inconsistencies. All the evidence suggests that 

[read: 2550] years to go, four months complete, although calendrical and astronomical 

4 months, eight days complete, 8 days. (Prasert reckoning lay in the hands of religious experts, 

2534: 95) secular I civil reckoning was considerably more 

familiar to them than religious reckoning. We 

2449 y 7 m 21 d note, moreover, that when the religious count 

2550 4 

8 fails to match the secular date, the former has a 

4999 11 29 tendency to be in excess. The reason would 

Vaisakha Full Moon 

Jyestha 

Ashadha 

Sravana 

Bhadrapada 

Asvina 

Kartikka 

Margasirsha 

out an entire year, one finds as 

months: 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

days: 

15 

seem to be that those making the calculation 

began by reckoning up the month interval before 

the day interval, and then favoured the use of 

inclusive counting. Consequently it was felt 

reasonable or natural that Vaisakha should be 

reckoned as ' 1 month . . .' , witJlyestha as '2 

months', Ashadha as '3 months .. .' , etc. And 

if no subsequent adjustment was made when 

attention was turned to the days elapsed, the 

day-count would necessarily be 15 days too 

large. 

230 


Round-number reckoning in Thai for the 5000 years of the Buddha 

It is worth noting, too, that the difference 

between the modes is reflected even in their 

notation. A secular date is routinely expressed 

as 'year x, month y, day z' (or rather as 'waxing 

I waning z nights'), where the implied origin of 

the count is not material to the reckoning. But a 

religious date reverses the ordering of the 

components and is expressed as 'x years, y 

months, z days', where the origin of both the 

month count and of the day count is vital to the 

accuracy of the reckoning. 

The transference from civil reckoning to 

religious reckoning required more attention than 

sometimes it received. 

References 

Eade, J. C. 1996. The Thai Historical Record: A 

Computer Analysis. Tokyo: Centre for East Asian 

Cultural Studies for UNESCO. 

FAD 1924-93. Prachum silacharuk, 7 vols, Bangkok: 

Fine Arts Department. 

Prasert na Nagara et. al., 2534. Lanna Inscriptions, 

Part I, Vol. I (Text), Vol. II (Plates). Bangkok: 

James Thompson Foundation. 

RSASB 1939-40 Report of the Superintendent, 

Archaeological Survey, Burma .. Rangoon: 

Government Printing. 

Sachau, E. C. (ed.) 1910. Alberuni's India. 2 vols, 

London: Trubner. (Sachau's spelling of Albiruni's 

name is not standard.) 

Biodata Affiliation I Research 

J. C. Eade (chris.eade@anu.edu.au) is an 

Honorary Visiting Fellow in the Asian History 

Centre at the Australian National University. 

He has been studying the inscriptional and 

documentary record of Southeast Asia and 

latterly of Indonesia, particularly by developing 

computer programs to replicate the data. 

Notes 

1 2610 years times 12 months equals 31320 months, 

not 30320; and 2160 years times 360 days equals 

939600 days, not 909600. The errors appear to be at 

source, not to lie with the engraver or with the 

inscription's editors. 

Note that 2610 years times the astronomical year 

of 365.25875 days would have generated a daynumber 

in excess of 950000. It is therefore evident 

that the number on the inscription (however read) 

relates to a 360-day year, not to an astronomical year. 

2 Where possible I adopt lunar month names in 

preference to the more common lunar month 

numerals-not least as a way of avoiding confusion 

between the number of months that may have elapsed 

at a given date and the numbers assigned to the 

months that have elapsed, which can in any case take 

three different forms. Caitra is called month 5 in the 

South and either month 6 or month 7 in the North. 

Where it is necessary to use only numerals, I 

distinguish between 'month 6, day 15' (Vaisakha 

Full Moon by Southern reckoning) and '6 months 15 

days' (an interval, here equating with Margasirsha 

New Moon). 

3 To compensate, some calendrists headed each 

new page with details of when Songkran would take 

place. 

4 The author's practice of reckoning in effect from 

Vaisakha New Moon is confirmed by the second 

date (face 2), where his date current of Vaisakha 8 

waning leaves him with a fractional future count of 

11 months and 7 days. 

5 It is likely that the intention here was to say that 

there had been 21 days elapsed up to the stan of 

'today' and that there were 8 days remaining after the 

end of 'today'. But of course in that case 'today' 

would have to be the 7th waning, not the 6th waning 

of the month: 21 days gone (counts to 6 waning) 

today (counts as 7 waning)-8 days to go (counts 

from 8 waning to 15 waning). 


231

A TRANG CAVE TEXT OF 1614 AD 

Anthony Diller• 

On the first day of June, 1902, Prince 

Narisranuvattivongse visited a cave near the 

town of Trang, having been informed by a local 

headman that an inscription-or more 

accurately, a painted text-was to be found high 

on the cave wall. The Prince's travel notes show 

that he spent an hour and fifteen minutes at the 

site, called Khao Sam Bat, during which time 

he transcribed what he could read of the cave 

text and noticed some statuary fragments. Nearly 

a century has passed since the Prince's visit and 

local wasps have recently been observed 

establishing their nests adjacent to the text on 

the cave wall. Accordingly, it seems prudent to 

preserve a current record of this important 

historical source lest its condition further 

deteriorate. That is the purpose of this brief note 

and accompanying plate. A fuller study of the 

significance of the text and of its site would be 

an important future project. 

Prince Narisranuvattivongse made the cave 

excursion while on an inspection tour of 

telegraph lines and facilities, for which he was 

responsible. As the cave hill is situated some 

120 meters east of the Trang River, he was able 

to approach the site by boat. The nearby area 

was described as thinly settled with scattered 

houses and plantations of coconut and taro, a 

description that would hold today, although 

rubber trees and overgrown pepper gardens are 

now in evidence immediately adjacent to the 

cave. Beyond to the east is Wat Phrai Son. The 

hill itself is a modest outcrop of limestone karst 

rising about 25 meters from the flat river plain. 

Thick overgrowth of vines and thorny bushes 

now hinders entrance to the cave, which may 

have been easier to enter in former times. 

Artifacts found in the cave support the 

conclusion that it has been inhabited during 

several periods: in remote prehistoric stone-tool 

using times, in a pottery-using period and again 

more recently in the Ayudhian era, accounting 

for the plaster statuary fragments noticed by the 

Prince-and the wall text. 

The cave is of modest proportions, less than 

a hundred meters in total length, with the main 

opening facing west and a narrow chimney-like 

opening to the east. It consists of three chambers, 

the outer two of which have a comparatively 

flat floor. The front chamber is relatively welllit 

and airy but the Prince reported that the 

stench of guano prevented him from venturing 

into the more remote chambers. In this inner 

area there is a niche, perhaps partly natural, 

where an image may have been installed. It was 

near the cave's mouth that the Prince saw on the 

concave wall overhead twelve lines of reddish 

ochre lettering, parts of which had been 

obliterated (Figure 1). 

Unfortunately, since the Prince's visit the 

text has undergone further deterioration and in 

its current degraded state a complete translation 

would not be feasible. However, by relying on 

the Prince's transcription, a good sense of the 

text can be ascertained: the text was produced 

(line 1) by a Buddhist community, with several 

senior monks, who are named (lines 1-2), and a 

number of novices (line 3), who inhabited the 

cave or at least its immediate environs. The 

community was established at the site, referred 

to as Khao Sa Bap, to uphold or restore the 

religion (lines 3-4; the familiar inscriptional 

phrase loek sasana is used). Male and female 

laity are also mentioned, including local leaders, 

officials and other lay supporters (lines 6-7; 

items read as khun nang, krommakan, and 

sapparut), who join in upholding the religion 

with the hope of obtaining merit and release 

from suffering (lines 7-9). 

The remainder of the text commemorates 

the installation of an image in a year which 

' Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National 

University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia 

232 

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 86, Parts l & 2

A Trang cave text of 1614 AD 

Figure 1 Text on the cave wall in the mid 1990s 

Prince Narisranuvattivongse was able to construe 

as equivalent to 1614 AD, i.e. (Buddhist Era) 

2157, although little of the year designation, 

which is spelled out in words (lines 9-1 0) rather 

than given in numerals, remains for us to read 

confidently at present. More legible is the 

reference to Friday, the second day of waxing 

moon of the seventh lunar month (lines 10-11 ). 

Regarding the year, it is worth taking note of 

the letter cho ', apparently in the expression cho ' 

sok (line 11) which is still legible. This 

expression normally refers to a Chulasakarat 

date ending in the digit - 6. Note that the 

Chulasakarat equivalent of the year above is 

976, providing good confirmation for the reading 

that Prince Narisranuvattivongse was able to 

make in 1902. Such a reading would represent 

the earliest dated Thai language text from the 

Trang area and, it would seem, from the west 

coast of southern Thailand generally. The date 

would also nicely coincide with the period of 

the first Thai manuscript texts known from east 

coast sites such as Nakhon Si Thammarat and 

Phatthalung. 

A curious issue arises at this point in the 

Prince's travel notes: he draws attention to 

similarities between the writing he saw in the in 

the cave and late-Ayudhian Thai script as written 

at Wat Pa Mok during the reign of King Thai Sa 

(r. 1709-1733), a century afterwards. He did 

not go on to imply-given his reading of the 

date as above-that the cave text had been 

backdated by a century. Such a conjecture would 

be highly improbable: comparison with southern 

Thai handwriting of the early seventeenth 

century reveals strong similarities and suggests 

contemporary composition. In fact, in the 

opposite chronological direction, a good 

comparison could be made with the writing 

system used on the base of the Shiva of 

Kamphaeng Phet, firmly dated to the equivalent 

of 1510 AD (Inscription 13), even though the 

two texts are separated by time, location and 

written medium. Similarly, the cave text shows 

spelling conventions found in the Wat Phra Sadet 

text of Sukhothai (Inscription 15), dated to 1525 

AD, as well as some similar mid-Ayudhian 

lexical usages, such as cognates of the word 

sappurut used to designate the lay Buddhist 

community. 

The fact that Trang is mentioned as a locus 

of Buddhist activity in seventeenth-century westcoast 

texts helps to provide some of the wider 

context to the Khao Sam Bat cave community. 

The chronicles of Nakhon Si Thammarat 

represent Trang as among the twelve towns 


233

Anthony Diller• 

supporting the great reliquary of Nakhon: Trang 

is assigned to the Year of the Horse. Similarly, 

local literature referring to the noted Buddhist 

patron Lady White Blood, mentions her elephant 

journey to Trang, which was also her point of 

departure en route to Sri Lanka, where the Sihing 

Buddha was acquired. Filling out the picture 

are other early Buddhist sites in the Trang area, 

such as Khao Phra Phut, apparently on an old 

trans-isthmus route between the Trang River 

and navigable eastcoast watercourses. 

Finally, it remains to clarify the name of the 

cave hill. The cave text indicates that the name 

of the hill currently known as Khao Sam Bat 

(perhaps 'Hill of the Three Foot[prints]', 

although none are in evidence) was formerly 

called Khao Sa Bap ("Hill of the Cleansing of 

Sin"). The expression sa bap in this sense is 

known from other texts of the period, e.g. from 

the inscription of Wat Phrathat Sri Song Rak 

(1560 AD), and accords well with cave text's 

general message relating to a Buddhist 

establishment. 

Notes 

1 I would like to thank the Reverend Phra Samunam 

Yasodharo, Abbot of Wat Phrai Son, Trang, for kindly 

permitting the photograph seen here, taken by Jaroon 

Kanachapen under threat of wasp attacks. Gratitude 

rill;lLrie:JW':i~tJl~L-;ij'l'V'I':i~L'I'l~ 

'1-l':i~~;~~w':i~'V'I':i~W':i~~~n~l 

" ' 

LL~L'Oil1L-.i.~Yl.:IVI~1~~1L~n~l~ 

~~l'V'I':i::;L-.;)1 L~L'lllfl~lULL~'V'I~L~lib~ 

15-:i':i~ltu.':il~~l ..... LL~1LL~'V'I':i~l'Yl L-;ijl~l LU~ 

W':i::; ..... LLn ....

THE WORK OF GEORGE C


In fact, the work of Credes appears extraordinarily 

trailblazing. 

More generally, this achievement shows that 

it is very important to understand languages of 

the investigated country if we want to understand 

a large part of the philology, history, art, thought, 

cultural background, etc. of the geographic area 

that we study. Thus, if we want to understand a 

region, we should start by learning the languages 

of this region. That is the tool inhabitants of 

Southeast Asia themselves 'use to give meaning 

to their surroundings and their actions. We are 

able to understand their culture, as this is 

constructed in it' (Arps 1995: 35). 

In Credes' s view, for a researcher in the 

Khmero-Thai world (and later, in Southeast 

Asia), it is very important to study as many 

linguistic aspects of this region as possible. 

Talking of this, Credes recommended his 

students begin by learning the languages. He 

himself emphasized that the discovery of these 

primary sources provided the basis for his works 

of synthesis which were published later. 

The first work of synthesis 

After this period, George Credes helped to 

provide an understanding of the history of 

Southeast Asia, to dissipate darkness and to 

cast light on historiography of this region. 

This tour de force appears at first in Les Etats 

hindouises d 'Indochine et d 'lndonesie (Credes 

1948). In this study, for the first time a scholar 

proposed a global vision of Southeast Asian 

history from the origins until the beginning of 

the sixteenth century-with the taking of 

Malacca by the Portugese in 1511. This 

empirical work rests on immense erudition. 

Using primary sources in Khmer, Thai, 

Burmese, Chinese, Pali and Sanskrit Credes 

succeeds in drawing a new 'map' of the region. 

In the words of the British historian D.G.E. 

Hall, this book of synthesis is one 'to which 

the highesttribute must be paid' (Credes 1968: 

cover). 

Moreover, in this book Credes tries to clarify 

the nature of peoples of Indochina and Indonesia 

with the two great Asian civilizations-the 

Indian and the Chinese. Credes's central theory 

is the acculturation of the Southeast Asia region 

to the great civilization of India. 

In the same way, Credes proposed in 1943 

(five years before the publication of Les Etats 

hindouises d'Indochine et d'Indonesie) another 

work of synthesis, this time concerning Angkor: 

Pour mieux comprendre Angkor (Credes 1943 ). 

As is his custom, Credes used many disciplines, 

such as epigraphy, archaeology, architecture 

and philology, and much primary data and 

materials such as inscriptions, ceramics and 

sculptures like the numerous colours on the 

palette of a painter. More generally, the author 

provided us with access to a veritable voyage 

through the multifaceted problems concerning 

Angkor. 

This book was later republished in Paris in 

1947 and then translated into English by Emily 

Floyd Gardiner in 1963. In fact, the English 

version differs somewhat from the original text 

published in Hanoi in 1943 and also from the 

revised second edition published in Paris in 1947 

(Credes 1963: IV). Indeed, in this English 

edition, Credes takes into consideration new 

discoveries concerning Angkor made by himself 

and other scholars. 

After these publications, the accumulation 

of honours had no effect on the serenity of this 

man of learning and discretion, of silence and 

refinement; a man who vigorously avoided 

ostentation and verbosity. Indeed, in the long 

run, Credes' s demonstrated scupulous honesty, 

a willingness to adjust and rethink the results of 

his research, and to corroborate or disprove his 

theories. This attitude is evident in the third 

edition of The Indianized States of Southeast 

Asia, published in 1963. In a note in the third 

edition, Credes himself remarked what probably 

represents the real and ultimate objective of his 

approach: 

This third edition will in its turn be made obsolete 

by the progress made by an increasing number 

of scholars attracted to the study of Indianized 

states .. .'(Credes 1968: V). 

Finally, to the very last, the accumulated 

results of these and other studies culminated in 

The Making of Southeast Asia (Credes 1966). In 

this book Credes tries to clarify some obscurities 

and attempts to constitute a coherent view of 

Southeast Asian history. More generally, this 

study suggests the need for a much closer 

236 


The work of George Credes: views of a young man 

examination of the complex historical relations 

in Southeast Asia. 

Critical views 

There can be no doubt whatever that George 

Credes's suggestive investigations are a 

monumental contribution to the study of 

Southeast Asian history, that they have brought 

to light, and in many cases solved, a considerable 

number of important problems. But, without 

contesting the value of Credes's writings, there 

are some aspects of his formulations, 

propositions or hypotheses that invite the 

reader's attention. 

The first point criticized by some scholars 

concerns the concept of pays hindouises ( 1948). 

Indeed, some authors consider that the term 

'Hinduized States' result from a stylistic 

tendency. What matters is that Credes himself 

recognizes this, and has himself set the model 

by which some of this re-examination will, it is 

hoped, be carried out. Besides, in the last English 

version of his work of synthesis on Southeast 

Asian history, The Making of Southeast Asia, 

George Credes changed his terminology and 

refined this concept of pays hindouises. 

The second point that is sometimes debated 

concerns Credes' s historic and philosophical 

approach. He used an empirical conception 

combining epigraphical, philological, 

archeological and historic analysis to perfect 

methods for interpreting the past, discovering 

its great events and understanding the region. 

First of all, he uses the 'event' in historiography. 

In fact, he conceives history from the angle of 

the histoire evenementielle. A large part of his 

writings on history consists of a 'history of 

events'. In The Making of Southeast Asia, 

paraphrasing Gaudefroy Demombynes, Credes 

explains briefly his conception of history: 

General histories consisting of a chronicle of 

events seasoned with a certain amount of critical 

comment and arranged in some sort of logical 

order (Ca:des 1966: VIII). 

Moreover, in terms of stylistics, this 

conception is also evidenced in his writing. One 

has only to read his work to understand his 

rejection of jargon, neologism, formalism, or 

theory, and to appreciate his command of the 

language, the purity of a style full of restraint, 

as exemplified in The Making of Southeast Asia. 

It is precisely by adopting this evenementielle 

approach and this 'old way' that George Credes 

sometimes caused an upheaval in the new 

generation of historians. Indeed, this approach, 

characterised by meticulous and passionate 

scientific observation a l 'ancienne, does not 

take into account space, economics, sociological 

factors or other variables. In his work, he does 

not care to consider the concept of total history 

which has attempted to view history as a complex 

system. Talking of this, in 1966, Credes himself 

partly revealed his rationale: 

We do not, in my opinion, have enough 

documentation yet to warrant an attempt to 

describe in full all the various aspects of each of 

the civilizations . . . (Ca:des 1966: X) 

The third kind of criticism concerns some 

data that are now very problematical or obsolete, 

such as the controversy about the 'Stele of 

Ramkharnhaeng' (false or not?), the debate about 

the real political role of Srivijaya, and the 

controversy about Thai origins, whether from 

China, Thailand or even from part of presentday 

Vietnam. Moreover, some archaeologists, 

epigraphists or architects, even if they salute 

Credes as the uncontested master, disagree with 

some of his interpretations. This is not the place 

to engage in debate over details; nor, I hope, is 

it necessary to expound upon this subject. 

The last point, often discussed, is that Credes 

did not introduce new theoretical or 

methodological perspectives in his work. His 

observations did not establish formal models 

that could be applied around Asia or the world. 

Certainly, in this respect Credes does not rank 

alongside other great contemporary French 

scholars such as Fernand Braudel (1902-1985) 

or Georges Dumezil (1898-1986). 

Conclusion 

To close this article, we can observe that 

notwithstanding the above criticisms-which are 

meant to be constructive-Credes's enormous 

corpus constituted an attempt to shift the 

historian's focus in Southeast Asia. To 


237


paraphrase a sentence of Walter F. Vella, Credes 

is nowadays 'revered by other scholars in the 

field as the unchallenged dean of Southeast 

Asian classical scholarship' (Credes 1968: VII). 

At the dawn of the third millennium, George 

Credes remains clearly the best example and a 

model for the younger generation. 

Note 

1 Altogether, G. Credes published about 300 

articles, books and conference papers. 

References 

Arps, B. 1995. Trying to understand the Javanese 

without knowing the language? Impossible!, In 

liAS Newsletter 3. Leiden: liAS, p. 35. 

Credes, G. 1924. Recueil des inscriptions du Siam, 

Inscriptions de Sukhodaya. Bangkok: The 

Vajirayan National Library. 

Credes, G. Inscriptions du Cambodge. Coll. de Textes 

et Documents sur l'Indochine, EFEO. vol. I, 

Hanoi: 1937; vol. II, Hanoi: 1942; vol. III, Paris: 

1951; vol. IV, Paris: 1952; vol. V, Paris: 1953; 

vol. VI, Paris: 1954; vol. VII, Paris: 1964; vol. 

VIII, Paris: 1966. 

Credes, G. 1943. Pour mieux comprendre Angkor. 

Hanoi: EFEO (2e ed. Paris: 1947). 

Credes, G. 1948. Les Etats hindouises d'Indochine et 

d'Indonesie. Paris: Ed. de Boccard (2e ed. 1964, 

3e ed. 1989). 

Credes, G. 1963. Angkor: an Introduction. (tr. and 

ed. by Emily Floyd Gardiner), Hongkong: Oxford 


Credes, G. 1966. The Making of Southeast Asia. (tr. 

by H. M. Wright), Berkeley University of 

California Press. 

Credes, G. 1968. The Indianized States of Southeast 

Asia. (tr. by Susan Brown Cowing), Kuala 

Lumpur: University of Malaysia. 

KEYWORDS-GEORGE C

COMMENTS ON CHRISTIAN BAUER'S 'THE WAT SRI 

CHUM JATAKA GLOSSES RECONSIDERED' 

(Journal of The Siam Society 1992 vol. 80 (1): 105-25)1 

Betty Gosling" 

It is always gratifying to read the views of 

experts working in a variety of scholarly 

disciplines who have directed their attentions 

to a subject of common interest. Whether the 

different perspectives complement or contradict 

one another, valuable insights that cannot be 

reached from a single scholarly vantage point 

often emerge. Professor Christian Bauer's 

epigraphic study of the glosses in Sukhothai's 

Wat Sri Chum Jiitaka engravings is an important 

contribution to a subject that has been 

researched primarily by art historians and his 

article is enthusiastically welcomed. 

Unfortunately, however, the article includes a 

number of misconceptions that confuse the 

issues rather than illuminate them, and I would 

like to take this opportunity to correct some of 

the errors. 

Bauer's premise (p. 105) that the Jiitaka 

plaques are 'now assumed to belong the late 

14th century' is incorrect. As he notes (p. 109 

and nn. 1, 9, 31-32), the late fourteenth-century 

date is one proposed by Dr Prasert l).a Nagara 

and seconded by Michael Vickery, but he 

provides no evidence that this date is accepted 

elsewhere. His sweeping generalization suggests 

a consensus among the scholarly community 

that simply does not exist. 

In part, Bauer bases his assumption of a late 

fourteenth century date on Prasert's argument 

that the Jiitaka plaques were designed to fit into 

the narrow stairwell of the mondop at 

Sukhothai's Wat Sri Chum (n. 1). Both Bauer 

and Prasert ignored what seems to me to be 

irrefutable evidence that the plaques were 

designed for use elsewhere and moved to the 

mondop at some later date: when the heights of 

the plaques are taken into consideration (Figure 

1 ), there can be no doubt that they were designed 

to be arranged in a 4-foot high panel rather than 

the single 16.5-inch string-row installed in the 

mondop (Gosling 1981:31; 1983:60; 1991:47; 

1996: 124 ). Thus, contrary to Bauer's and 

Prasert's assumptions, the mondop's stairwell 

must have been designed to accommodate the 

uniform width of the plaques, not the reverse. 

No.22 

No.l5 

Nu.4 

10.56" No.19 9.35" No.l2 13.37" 

13.63" 

.. Nu.lO No.7 

"I 

1 

No. 23 

No.16 

21.33"" 20.03" 20.34" 

1---- 

11.34" 

- 9.35" 

No.S •2 

r-- Nu.20 t-- t- 15.93" 

No.24 Nu.l7 17.04" •s 

9.69" 15.78" 

f--- 

No. 14 Nu.l3 No. II r-- 

~ 

24" 25.34" 26.40" No.9 

No.2S No. 21 No.18 No.6 

16.5" No.3 

17.67" 17.04" 15.78" 18.69" 14.60" 

No.60 Nu.56 No. 51 

No.48 No.44 

No. 4G 

s.n· Nu.J6 

9.24" 7.99" 9.5" 11.27" 11.99" IS.09" 

- 

._ 

No.M •57 

No. 52 

No.45 •41 

10.23" 13.36" No. 37 

12.80" 

0 49 13.97" 

No.S8 No. 53 

Nu.46 No.42 

- 

11.55" 8.53" 

No.38 r---- 

11.73" 11.39" 

- Nu.54 I-- 

13.15" 

No. 59 

No. 35 

~ No. 50 No.47 No.4~ 

13.37" 

No.39 15.09" 

No.SS 13.69" 14.54" 11.39" 7.99" 

7.98" 

All extant plaqu"" arc 16.5 inche• wide. Vertical measurements 

were calculated from illusttations in Foumereau, 1.1! Siam 

QIICjm (1908). 

•'J'hcoe rlaques are not extant. 

•·*The break between plaques 14 and 15 is probably due to the 

uncoordinated efforts of two groups of artists. 

Figure 1 Arrangement of Sri Chum JiHaka 

engravings as they would have appeared on the base 

of the Mahathat Lotus-Bud Stupa, Sukhothai (From 

Gosling 1996: fig.4) 

• 3000 Glazier Way, #320, Ann Arbor, MI 48105, 

USA, Visiting Scholar, Horace Rackham School of 

Graduate Studies, University of Michigan. 


239

Betty Gosling 

Bauer states that, following Boisselier, I 

dated the Sri Chum engravings to the midfourteenth 

century (n. 33), a date he summarily 

dismisses as 'previous opinion.' Apparently, he 

did not read what I wrote: my opinions 

concerning the date of the engravings do not 

follow Boisselier's, and they are not ones that I 

have abandoned. My date--ca AD 1330, a 

couple of decades earlier than the date proposed 

by Boisselier-derives from my own 

inscriptional and art historical studies and a 

reconstruction of the cultural and art historical 

changes that appear to have taken place at 

Sukhothai between the late thirteenth and early 

fifteenth centuries (Gosling 1982; 1983; 1984; 

1991; 1996). 

Briefly, the results of this research indicated 

a progression from a period of diverse, 

intermingling cultural ingredients-Tai, Khmer, 

Mon, and Sinhalese-to a time that was more 

unified and Sinhalese. The Jiitaka engravings, 

which appear to have been executed by different 

artisans with a variety of aesthetic and epigraphic 

talents (Griswold 1967; Wray 1972; Brereton 

1978; Stratton 1981), seem to reflect the cultural 

ambience of Sukhothai' s formative period rather 

than a later one. (In this respect, Bauer's research 

into the similarities between the Sri Chum 

glosses and Old Mon inscriptions in Pagan is an 

invaluable contribution). My more precise, ca 

1330 date was reached by an analysis of 

Sukhothai's Inscription 2, in which the Jiitaka 

plaques are mentioned: the last Sukhothai ruler 

mentioned in the inscription is Loethai, a sure 

indication that the inscription was written 

sometime before 1347, the undisputed date of 

Luthai, Sukhothai' s next ruler's accession. 

Inscription 11, which elaborates some of the 

details in Inscription 2, provided additional 

information that suggests that the engravings 

had been executed, at the very least, a decade 

before Inscription 2 was written (Gosling 1981; 

1984; 1988). 

Contrary to Bauer's statement that I argued 

'that superscript-a-ocurred in rhymes 

containing obstruents by the mid-14th century' 

(p. 109), I never said that. Would that I were 

qualified to offer learned opinions on obstruents 

and rhymes! Finally, for the sake of clarification, 

it should be noted that I have never published as 

'E. M. B. Gosling', the name that Prof. Bauer 

has chosen for the citation of my works. 

Notes 

1 This note was submitted to JSS in October 1994, 

mislaid and then revised and resubmitted in January 

1998. The Hon. Editor apologises to the author for 

the long delay in publication. 

References 

Brereton, B. P. 1978. The Wat Sri Chum Engravings 

and their Place within the Art of Sukhothai. 

University of Michigan M.A. thesis. 

Gosling, B. 1981. Once More, Inscription 2: An Art 

Historian's View, Journal of the Siam Society 69 

(1 & 2): 13-42. 

Gosling, B. 1982. Some Thoughts on the Early Stages 

of Thai Buddhism Relevant to the Art and 

Architecture of Sukhothai. In Buddhism and 

Society in Thailand, (ed.) B. J. Terwiel, Southeast 

Asian Review 7 (1 & 2): 11-23. 

Gosling, B. 1983. The History of Sukhothai as a 

Ceremonial Center: a Study of Early Siamese 

Architecture and Society, 2 vols. University of 

Michigan Ph.D. dissertation, Ann Arbor, 

Michigan: University Microfilms International. 

Gosling, B. 1984. Why were the Jiitakas 'Hidden 

Away' at Wat Sri Chum? Journal of the Siam 

Society 72 (1 & 2): 14-8. 

Gosling, B. 1988. On Michael Vickery's from 

Lamphun to Inscription No. 2, Siam Society 

Newsletter4 (1): 5-7. 

Gosling, B. 1991. Sukhothai: Its History, Culture, 

and Art. Oxford, Singapore, & London: Oxford 


Gosling, B. 1996. A Chronology of Religious 

Architecture at Sukhothai, Late Thirteenth to 

Early Fifteenth Century. Association for Asian 

Studies, Monograph and Occasional Paper Series, 

No. 52. Ann Arbor, Michigan. 

Griswold, A. B. 1967. Towards a History of 

Sukhodaya Art. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department. 

Stratton, C. and Scott, M. McNair 1981. The Art of 

Sukhothai: Thailand's Golden Age. Kuala Lumpur, 

Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press. 

Wray, E., Rosenfield, C. and Bailey, D. 1972. Ten 

Lives of the Buddha. New York & Tokyo: 

Weatherhill. 

240 


REVIEWS 

Thailand's Boom and Bust 

Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker. 

Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 1998. 

367 pp. US$12.95. 

Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, a wifeand-husband 

team, currently are among the more 

respected and popular commentators on the 

contemporary political economy of Thailand. 

Some two years ago, they published a wellresearched, 

balanced, and readable analysis of 

Thailand's boom economy which was favorably 

received in and out of Thailand. In this earlier 

work, they explained the complex formula 

behind the kingdom's relatively rapid 

transformation from agricultural backwater to 

industrial powerhouse. Capitalizing on 

Thailand's new-found fame as a country of debt 

and devaluation, Thailand's Boom and Bust is 

an expanded edition of this earlier book, focusing 

on the country's economic difficulties in the 

age of globalization. 

As the authors point out, a long-term constant 

in Thai economic policy-making has been the 

belief that Thailand must grow through trade. In 

the late 1950s, the Thai government launched 

into economic development based on a strategy 

of agricultural-export-led growth. At the same 

time, the government resolved to support the 

growth of private business through import 

substitution; however, this parallel strategy 

remained very secondary to the emphasis on 

agricultural exports. The combined strategy of 

agricultural expansion and export substitution · 

worked well for two decades; and when it faltered 

in the late 1970s, the government switched to a 

manufactured-export -led strategy patterned after 

the four so-called Tiger economies (Hong Kong, 

Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan). 

Corporate savings, in terms of plow back 

and reinvestment by local firms, combined with 

foreign direct investment to support this exportled 

boom. In 1993-1996, for example, a new 

Japanese factory opened in Thailand every 3 

days. With export growth continuing to be the 

primary driver of the boom, trouble began in 

the early 1990s when exports began to slow as 

competitors, like China and Vietnam, appeared 

in export markets. By the end of 1996, export 

growth had plummeted to zero; unfortunately, 

financial liberalization kept foreign capital 

flowing, artificially boosting growth and 

temporarily camouflaging the deteriorating 

economic situation. 'Everyone forgot that 

Thailand must grow through trade, not through 

money games and concrete fantasies' (p. 36). 

The end of Thailand's boom was like watching 

'the agonizing slow movements of Thai classical 

drama: on left stage, the troops of Thai exporters, 

circling in a dance of decelerating tempo; centrestage, 

the fattened-up bird of finance miming a 

slow-motion plunge from heaven to earth; and 

at right, the princes and nobles of the Thai 

technocracy, ancient weapons raised, frozen into 

a stock-stili tableau' (p. 126). 

The explanation of Thailand's boom and 

bust provided by Pasuk and Baker is 

conventional but noteworthy because it is clear, 

informative, and accessible. It contains much 

more depth and insight than one would expect 

from a book of this kind. In addition, the authors 

provide a fascinating protrait of a whole society 

being transformed at unprecedented speed. After 

all, the story of Thailand's boom and bust is one 

of socio-political evolution as much as it is one 

of unbridled economic development. During the 

boom years, Thailand's long-standing military 

rulers were pushed aside by three new forces 

from urban society-Bangkok big business, 

provincial business, and an urban middle class. 

These three realms, each with its own political 

agenda, came to occupy different political space 

in today' s Thailand. Provincial business 

dominates the parliament through its grip over 

the rural electorate. The middle class dominates 

public debate over politics. Big business, in 

tum, exerts power through its wealth, economic 

role, and celestial connections. 

There has also been a downside to Thailand's 

economic boom. Early development efforts paid 


241

Reviews 

little attention to income distribution; 

consequently, distribution became more skewed. 

The boom brought big gains for a small segment 

of the population, but it brought very meagre 

gains for the remainder. Over one decade, as 

the authors emphasize, 'Thailand became one 

of the most unequal societies in the developing 

world' (p. 281). 

Moreover, little effort was made to limit the 

impact of growth on the environment. Three 

decades of agricultural-led-exports stripped 

away most of the nation's forests. At the same 

time, a decade of industrialization brought major 

problems of pollution. 'Forests have been 

chopped down. The city has become jammed, 

ugly, polluted. Industrial wastes have poisoned 

the air, killed off fish in rivers, made some 

villages scarcely habitable' (p. 287). 

The authors conclude on an optimistic note. 

'The bust is an opportunity-to pause for 

reflection, to question the forces driving the 

boom, to embark on reforms which during the 

boom seemed unnecessary, irrelevant, and 

counter to the interests of people the boom made 

rich and powerful' (323). 'Beyond boom and 

beyond bust, the challenge is not to get back on 

the old path of economic growth, but to create 

the political framework, concept of public 

service, development strategy, and social values 

which allow many more people to participate, 

contribute, and benefit' (p. 330). 


Khmer Mythology: Secrets of Angkor 

Vittorio Roveda. 

New York and London: Weatherhill, Inc. 1998. 

181 pp. US$22.95. 

Vittorio Roveda' s Khmer Mythology: Secrets 

of Angkor is a most welcome addition to recent 

studies of Khmer civilization. As the author 

points out, it is the first book to present a general 

overview of the myths and legends brought to 

life in Khmer reliefs. As such, it is an invaluable 

resource for the student of Khmer monuments 

as it provides a clear and concise guide to the 

context and meaning of the reliefs on display at 

Angkor Wat and other Khmer sites in Cambodia. 

As the author emphasizes (p. 5) these 'reliefs 

constitute a lexicon of signs, symbols and images 

offering insights into the complex cultural 

framework of medieval Cambodia. 

Following a brief overview of the sources of 

Khmer myths and legends, Roveda discusses 

the legend of Rama, Krishna myths, Shiva 

myths, other Hindu myths, and Buddhist myths. 

His coverage of Buddhist myths is the most 

comprehensive as he addresses more than a 

dozen myths from the Great Departure to the 

Attack of Mara to Buddha's Enlightenment. 

With all of the subjects discussed, the author 

provides clear, concise summaries of individual 

myths and legends supported by lists and photos 

of monuments and reliefs on which these myths 

and legends are illustrated. 

For example, under the legend of Rama, he 

describes the legend of Rama Killing Tataka, 

using a relief at Banteay Srei as an illustration. 

Understandably, the Hindu myth describing the 

Churning of the Ocean of Milk deserves a 

relatively long description and is rightly 

illustrated by the east gallery, south wing, of 

Angkor Wat. Similarly, the Buddhist myth of 

the Great Departure is visualized by a relief at 

WatNokor. 

While the author's decision to use the best 

available photographs, even if some are blackand-white, 

is commendable, it is unfortunate 

that the context or angle of a few of the photos 

make it virtually impossible to see clearly the 

myth or legend allegedly depicted. Moreover, 

the descriptions of individual Khmer myths and 

legends do not always detail all of the relevant 

photos contained in the book. For example, the 

description of the myth of the Churning of the 

Ocean of Milk found on p. 54 is illustrated by a 

very small photograph on the opposite page, 

but the reader is not directed to a much richer, 

full-page photo of the same bas-relief on p. Ill. 

It would also have been helpful to include 

Khmer monuments outside Cambodia in the 

discussion and illustration. Many of these 

monuments, for example Prasat Phnom Rung 

and Prasat Phimai, illustrate the legends and 

myths discussed in the book as well as those 

in modern-day Cambodia and are much more 

accessible to the visitor. On the other hand, a 

real asset of the book is the inclusion of 

photos of Khmer monuments seldom visited 

242 


Reviews 

in recent years like Banteay Srei, Phnom 

Chisor, and Banteay Chhmar. The subtitle of 

the book is a welcome misnomer, in this 

regard, since much of the text and photos 

therein deal with monuments outside the 

Angkor complex. 

In Khmer Mythology, Roveda has set a high 

standard in an admirable attempt to increase our 

appreciation of these extraordinary stories · in 

stone. The real strength of the book is to provide 

an accessible summary of Khmer myths and 

legends tied directly to the Khmer monuments 

and reliefs on which they have been illustrated. 

In so doing, the author helps the student of 

Khmer civilization in general, and Khmer 

mythology in particular, to better understand 

those myths and legends while also providing a 

practical guide to the Khmer monuments on 

which they are depicted. The text is clear and 

readable and most of the photos are excellent. 

One can only hope that others will build on this 

pioneering effort in context and approach if not 

in content. 


Loyalty Demands Dissent: Autobiography of 

an Engaged Buddhist 

Sulak Sivaraksa 

Foreword by His Holiness the Dalai Lama 

Berkeley, California: Parallax Press, 1998. xvii 

+ 253 pp. 

US$ 22.50, 254 pages, Hardcover, ISBN 1- 

888375-10-8 

(Paper back US$ 15 from Suksit Siam, Bangkok) 

Sulak Sivaraksa was born in 1933, the son of an 

accountant for the British-American Tobacco 

Monopoly, at a time when Siam's absolute 

monarchy was yielding to what proved to be 

unsteady constitutional government. Towards 

the end of World War II, Sulak began a two 

year period as a novice monk, an experience 

which remained a touchstone for him throughout 

his life. Ordained at the age of twelve, he was 

treated as an adult, and for the first time, he 

really enjoyed life. Addicted to reading, he read 

widely in the fields of history, literature, and 

religion. 

It was with the greatest reluctance that Sulak 

eventually disrobed to complete his secondary 

schooling at a Catholic school in Bangkok. 'I 

enjoyed life at the temple so much that I didn't 

want to leave. I hated the thought of wearing 

shorts, and being treated like a child'(p. 22). At 

his father's urging, Sulak resumed his studies at 

Assumption College where he had been a student 

before the war closed the school and he entered 

the monkhood. Enrolled in the English language 

curriculum, he found his two years as a novice 

monk had put him behind his fellow students, 

and he struggled at first academically. Forced 

to learn by rote, students at Assumption College 

were given much homework and subjected to 

corporal punishment, a regimen which did not 

please Sulak. 

He then moved to England where he earned 

a university degree at Lampeter in Wales and 

a law degree in England. He also worked for the 

BBC and taught Thai at London University's 

School of Oriental and African Studies. It was 

a time of challenge, opportunity, and discovery 

for Sulak. In one charming anecdote, he 

describes a visit to France, ostensibly to 

perfect his French language skills. 'The next 

year I went to France and stayed in a small 

chateau that had become a farm. The food 

was so good .... I had my own bedroom. The 

first morning there was knock at the door. A 

beautiful maidservant brought a petit dejeuner 

into my room: coffee, French bread, jam, cheese. 

Every morning I waited for the knock, but after 

that it was always an old woman. I was so 

disappointed' (p. 47). 

Sulak returned to Thailand in 1961. At the 

time only 28 years old, his experiences in England 

put him in a unique position to compare and 

contrast the relative qualities of Eastern and 

Western intellectual and spiritual traditions. In 

1963, he founded the journal, Social Science 

Review and for the next decade, under Sulak and 

subsequent editors, the journal served as a major 

forum for critical reflections about Thai society, 

especially among the growing number of 

politically conscious students. Over the next 

decade, more and more students and other 

intellectuals published criticism of the 

government, together with visions of a new order, 

in a variety of different journals as well as in 

inexpensively produced pamphlets and books. 


243

Reviews 

As Sulak's political involvement grew, he 

became actively involved in an increasing 

number of movements and organizations. In 

1969, for example, he promoted Phya Anuman 

as president of the Siam Society, and after his 

election, Sulak served as the society's program 

chairman as well as the editor of the Journal of 

the Siam Society. He worked diligently to 

increase the activities of the Siam Society and 

to diversify its membership. 'I felt the Siam 

Society must now work more for the public. A 

younger generation of Thais should be in control. 

It had never been open to the common people, 

only to the expatriates and aristocrats. I wanted 

to open it to all and have lectures and seminars 

in Thai.' (118). 

Sulak's ongoing involvement in Thai politics 

eventually led to charges of lese majeste for 

criticizing the king in the early 1980s and again 

in the early 1990s. In both cases, he was 

eventually cleared of the charges against him. 

Building on the book's title, Sulak emphasizes 

in the final chapter of his autobiography. 'The 

more you talk with people in power, the more 

chance that they will eventually listen. 

Eventually they will be fair. We can make good 

friends and listen to each other.' Simple but key 

elements of an effective and democratic political 

economy in the 21st century. (p. 211) 

This is a lovely book, written with affection, 

intelligence, and commitment. The early 

chapters are especially captivating as Sulak's 

experiences and observations in the monkhood, 

at Assumption College, and abroad as a foreign 

student have much meaning for anyone who 

has tread a similar path. The latter chapters 

would have benefitted from a more in-depth 

treatement of the author's social and political 

views. Part memoir, part historical essay, and 

part political treatise, Loyalty Demands Dissent, 

is, most importantly, in the end, simply a good 

read. 


Loyalty Demands Dissent: Autobiography of 

an Engaged Buddhist 

Sulak Sivaraksa. 

Foreword by His Holiness the Dalai Lama 

Berkely, California: Parallax Press, 1998 

US$ 22.50, 254 pages, Hardcover, ISBN 1- 

888375-10-8 

Paper back US$ 15 available from Suksit Siam, 

Bangkok 

Ajarn Sulak's autobiography is a stimulating 

read. For those interested in Thai politics, its 

rhythms and dissonances, the book under review 

should be required reading. It is a provocative 

case study of Thai intellectual history over the 

past three a half decades, albeit with a somewhat 

restricted and selective reading list, largely 

limited to Ajahn Sulak's own role as a gadfly 

on the Thai body politic. One should not be 

surprised at such a self-centered focus as, after 

all, it is an autobiography. One will have to 

search elsewhere for a more comprehensive 

analysis of differing and diverse reform 

movements and pressures affecting the 

maturation of civil society. While the author is 

committed to seeking alternative strategies to 

effectively reform Thai society, he does not 

describe in any detail or basically acknowledge 

other intellectuals and their different paths 

taken. 

The book under view is basically a primer 

for those who remain outside the system and 

who are committed to fearlessly questioning 

and challenging majority-held assumptions and 

widely accepted values and behavioral norms. 

Without in any way diminishing the significance 

and impact of Ajahn Sulak's role, particularly 

in the decades of the 1960s and 1970s, it should 

be recognized that there were other less travelled 

paths. Some chose, also with a certain bravery, 

to work from within the bureaucracy, and they 

achieved some not insignificant results by, 

slowly but surely, opening the monopolistic 

corridors of bureaucratic power to broader based 

outside input and participation. The result was, 

albeit in only selected instances, broader based 

and more rational and informed decision making 

in such areas as judicial reform, natural resources 

management, foreign policy etc. Others in 

academia pressured the establishment through 

scholarly critiques focused on hitherto off-limit 

research such as new definitions of national 

security, corruption within the police and other 

bureaucratic centers of power; the Sangha and 

politics, etc. 

244 


Reviews 

But the book under review is about the 

path-and not always the Middle Path-taken 

by that irrepressible rara avis, Ajahn Sulak. 

There are invaluable insights into the formation 

of Sulak's penchant for being a rebel. He himself, 

attributes his rebellious nature to his father's 

influence and his own past karma. One cannot 

help but contemplate with some amusement 

Sulak's past lives in various guises of rebel and 

knight and wonder what windmills he jousted 

and tilted with or protected. Whether at 

Assumption College, the BBC or Chulalongkorn 

University, Sulak was always the maverick, the 

curmudgeon, the somewhat stubborn, obdurate, 

cantankerous dissenter. He did not suffer 

pretension and flummery very well. He is often 

quite frank about his failings, and this somewhat 

disarms the reader. At the same time, the reader 

may be forgiven for cringing somewhat at his 

obvious manipulation of establishment figures 

and institutions, both Thai and foreign, to 

provide a protective umbrella for his abrasive 

critiques of the Thai body politic. However, one 

can also appreciate how such protective cover 

made it possible to undertake progressive 

reforms that many others hesitated, or were 

unable, to pursue. 

This book also brings to life other aspects of 

Ajahn Sulak's personality that are less well 

known or recognized. We see his compassion, 

his honesty, his loyalty, his abiding friendships. 

We, also, come to appreciate his ability to instill 

a sense of engagement, commitment and abiding 

social consciousness in an endless stream of 

followers and disciples. Inreading this book, we 

can't help but stand in awe of Ajahn Sulak's 

indefatigable energy as he founds, nurtures and 

stimulates one non-governmental organization 

after another in such diverse fields as rural 

development, religious social service, 

environmental protection and education. 

Some readers may wish such an engaged 

Buddhist as Ajahn Sulak could have forsaken 

the temptation to rake over, once again the coals 

of old grievances as with his bete noire, M.R. 

Kukrit. Other readers, some of whom are his 

staunchest friends and admirers, might wish he 

could be more circumspect, less cantankerous, 

less spoiling for often unnecessary fights. But 

then again, that wouldn't be Ajahn Sulak. This 

highly recommended book may lead many to 

be more understanding, if not accepting, of 

Ajahn Sulak, warts and all, recognizing that he 

has played a crucial role in Thailand's 

intellectual history and in the search for a more 

just, equitable and progresssive society. 

William J. Klausner 

Chulalongkorn University 

The Dviiravati Wheels of the Law and the 

Indianization of South East Asia 

By Robert L. Brown. 

Leiden, New York, Koln: E.J. Brill, 1996 

(Studies in Asian Art and Archaeology XVIII). 

xxxii + 237 pages; 26 drawings; Ill plates. 

Hardcover. 

This handsome tome is a study of one of the 

most striking products of the religious culture 

of early Siam, the free-standing stone dharmacakras 

of the so-called Dvaravati period. Robert 

Brown studies and illustrates forty-two 

examples, along with related objects like pillars, 

socles, stone deer, and inscriptions. He has done 

a great service by bringing these objects 

(accompanied by thorough reference to earlier 

research and publication) together under one 

cover for the first time. 

The introduction examines the evidence for 

that elusive entity, 'Dvaravati', giving a history 

of the use of the term in modern scholarship and 

the problems that surround it. Noting that 

'Dvaravati' 'has been used variously to define a 

period, a political entity, and, following Credes 

and Damrong, a material culture, or more 

specifically, a style of art', the author examines 

Piriya's proposal to use the term 'Mon' for the 

art style, and finds it wanting on several scores. 

For Brown the question of Indianization leads 

to a 'blurring of categories'; that is, he feels that 

previous research has been too rigid in its 

imposition of models. 

The book is divided into three parts. Part I, 

on history, contains three chapters which give a 

broad historical background for the region in 

which the dharmacakras are found. The author 

must grapple with a fundamental problem: in 

the absence of historical records, how can he 

write about 'art history'? Chapter I reviews 


245

Reviews 

several of the political models that have been 

applied to early Southeast Asia, and discusses 

'the nature of polities in seventh and eighth 

century Cambodia'. Chapter 2 examines the 

history of what the author describes as 'the 

interface' (between the Dvaravati and Khmer 

cultures): the North East and the South of Siam. 

After critically examining the work of Groslier, 

Jacques, and Srisakra Vallibhotama on the North 

East, Brown discusses Muang Serna and Si Thep, 

two important sites on the route from the Centre. 

Here and elsewhere Brown argues for 'the nonexclusive 

nature of Buddhism and Hinduism in 

pre-ninth century Thailand and Cambodia'. This 

is a welcome balance to the school of thought 

that segregates the two 'Great Traditions' into 

opposing camps. Relations between religions, 

elites, and society are complex and fluid. 

Available evidence suggests that Buddhism and 

Brahmanism were systems of ritual practice, of 

social and spiritual interaction, and not 'creeds' 

demanding exclusive lifetime adherence. They 

generally drew from the same pool of patrons, 

artisans, and 'congregations' (with, as Brown 

notes, some exceptions, some 'periods of 

intolerance'). Chapter 3 deals with the precious 

little evidence we have for the early history of 

the central plains and the East (Dong Si Maha 

Phot). The author also discusses the relation of 

Haripunjaya to Dvaravati or Mon culture, 

concluding that there is evidence only for a late, 

and somewhat tenuous, connection. That is, 

Haripunjaya cannot be considered an 'outpost' 

of early (7th-8th century) Dvaravati-one of 

the reasons being the absence of cakras. 

Part II is divided into two chapters. Chapter 

4 discusses 'the cakras and their related 

monuments': pillars, socles, stone deer carved 

in the round, and 'Buddha-on-the-Monster' 

the so-called Banaspati. Chapter 5 deals with 

'the cakras and their related inscriptions'. The 

author has not read the inscriptions himself (see 

p. 99, n. 18), but uses existing roman or Thai 

transcriptions. Some of the inscriptions 

originally published in Thai have not, to my 

knowledge, been previously made available in 

roman script. An inscribed fragment from Si 

Thep (Cakra No. 41, p. 105) and the inscription 

on the large wheel in the Newark Museum 

(Cakra No.6, pp. 106-108, also said to be from 

Si Thep) are published for the first time. 

Part III uses 'motif analysis' to propose a 

typology (Chapter 6), using patterns engraved 

on the wheels (and associated objects) as base 

data. Brown compares wheels and decoration 

stylistically to Indian art (Chapters 7 and 8), but 

reaches 'the unexpected conclusion that the 

Dvaravati cakra designs, their organization, and 

the construction methods of the stambhas are 

predominantly reflections of (or relationships 

with) Khmer rather than Indian art'. Chapter 9 

examines apparent inconsistencies in the design 

of cakras, with an aim to demonstrate that the 

anomalies are not 'mistakes', but part of the 

artistic plan. 

The conclusion returns to the broad theme, 

'Indianization'. Brown reviews the work of 

Credes, Quaritch Wales, and Mabbett. The 

somewhat circumlocutory chapter touches many 

interesting points and raises many valid 

questions. The statement that the cakras 'are 

neither Indian nor pre-Indian, but products of a 

specific culture and period that transforms 

constantly' is reasonable, and welcome in that 

it brings to the fore the specificity, the temporal 

and spatial uniqueness, of culture and its 

productions. We can but applaud Brown's 

assertion of the originality of Dvaravati art and 

his recognition of the complexity of 

relationships. He concludes that 'the intraregional 

[or 'intra-South East Asian'] artistic 

relationships were determinate for the cakras, 

not their relationship with Indian art. This may 

be the major lesson of this book. Pre-Angkorian 

Cambodian art, like Dvaravati art, cannot be 

considered in a one to one relationship with 

Indian art'. This important point should not be 

ignored. 

The spectre of the 'quest for origins' 

traditionally haunts art history, especially the 

history of 'Indianized' art of Southeast Asia. In 

Chapter 2 Brown rightly criticizes analysis that 

'treats influences much as ingredients'. But in 

Chapter 4, with reference to the stone deer found 

in association with cakras, he seeks an outside 

origin: the 'source for the reverse-headed deer 

... [in Dvaravati art] ... is most likely to have 

been Northwest India or, perhaps, even China'. 

As free-standing 'icons', accompanying freestanding 

cakras, the Dvaravati deer are unique 

in Buddhist art. Why could the motif not have 

evolved in South East Asia? Brown's own 

246 


Reviews 

evidence reveals a diversity of interpretations 

of the deer motif over widely dispersed regions, 

throughout India and into China, and the topic 

could easily become a study in itself. A point 

that may be added is that the Tibetan 

representation-ubiquitous on monastery 

rooftops-seems standardized (but no study has 

been made), and seems to closely follow a North 

Indian model, well-known from the clay sealings 

of Nalanda and other monasteries. But what is 

the precise nature of 'influence' in this case? 

Could it be monastic, transmitted by the 

Miilasarvastivadin Vinaya school, which 

predominated in Tibet from the Pala period on? 

Brown proposes in Chapter 4 that 'the unique 

Dvaravati triad of cakra-Buddha-stupa may 

represent visually the triratna for the first time 

in Buddhist iconography'. Here there are serious 

problems. The idea that Buddhist art is 

fundamentally symbolic is wrong. The primary 

value of a Buddhist icon is rarely symbolic: 

icons have functions and meanings that cannot 

be divorced from their context. They have lives 

of their own. The stupa is primarily a reliquaryin 

a specific sense, impregnated with spiritual 

power and, according to the Vinayas of several 

schools, its own legal rights. It is not a symbol 

of the dharma, as Brown (following Snodgrass) 

suggests. The Buddha image is, in several senses, 

the Buddha. Buddhist rites are performed in the 

presence of the Buddha (through his image or 

relics) by the samgha, by monks and nuns, or in 

the presence of the monastic saqtgha by 

householders, who themselves make up the lay 

saqtgha. Is there then, any need for a symbol of 

the saf!lgha in ritual and social contexts? The 

monastic sealings from Nalanda or other North 

Indian vihiiras are legal artefacts, defined in the 

monastic code of the Miilasarvastivadins; they 

canot be cited as evidence for symbolism in 

South East Asia. 

The treatment of textual sources for the 

inscriptions and cakras is sketchy, and not 

altogether satisfactory. Further research into 

literary descriptions of cakras, including that of 

the cakravartin king, is needed. We may add 

here two early descriptions of the cakra: one in 

the Saundarananda, a poem composed by 

Asvagho~a in the 2nd century CE (Johnston 

1975: III 11-13), another in Chapter 26 of the 

Lalitavistara (Foucaux 1884: 245). There are, 

here and there, some misprints in both English 

and Pali, revealing that the book should have 

been more carefully proofed. For example, on 

p. I 06 read Dhammacakka-pavattana for 

Dhammacakka-pavattanana; on p. 118 read 

Khuddaka- for Kuddaka (twice). 

In sum, this is a splendidly documented 

contribution to the study of the Buddhist art of 

Dvaravati and the broader question of 

Indianization. Brown breaks new ground and 

confronts objects and ideas in a useful fashion. 

If the book is at times uneven, this does not 

detract from its value as resource and forum in 

the ongoing discussion and investigation of these 

subjects. 

References 

P.E. de Foucaux. 1884. Le Lalitavistara: L'histoire 

traditionelle de Ia vie du Bouddha Cakyamuni. 

Paris: Les Deux Oceans. 

E.H. Johnston. 1975. The Saundarananda of 

Asvagho~a. [Lahore, 1928] Delhi: Motilal 

Banarsidass. 


Singhalesische Handschriften, Teil 2, Die 

Katalognummern 199-376 (Verzeichnis der 

orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland 

Band XXII, 2). 

Heinz Bechert. 

Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1997. xxix + 

186 pages. Hardcover. DM 76. 

This is the second volume of the catalogue of 

Sinhalese manuscripts in German collections. 

The first volume, covering catalogue numbers 

1 to 198, appeared in 1969, and a third volume 

is in progress. The volumes are products of an 

extraordinary undertaking: the cataloguing of 

manuscripts in oriental languages in Germany, 

Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften 

in Deutschland, or VOHD. This ambitious 

program has already published numerous 

volumes, from Arabic and Armenian to Old 

Turkish, Mongolian, and Tibetan. The 

catalogues of mainland Southeast Asian 

manuscripts include Klaus Wenk's catalogues 

of Thai (VOHD 9: 2 vols.) and Lao (VOHD 


247

Reviews 

32) manuscripts, and the catalogue of Burmese 

manuscripts by various editors (VOHD 23: part 

3 reviewed in JSS 85). These catalogues are 

essential reference works for the study of the 

literature of the region. 

Bechert gives a physical description of each 

manuscript (support, pagination, language, 

script, etc.), followed by a note on its contents, 

with references to copies in other manuscript 

collections, published editions, and secondary 

literature. The subject of the manuscripts 

catalogued includes Buddhist literature, 

canonical and non-canonical, including some 

classics of Sinhalese literature like 

Dharmapradipikava, Saddharmalmi.karaya, and 

Pujavaliya. There are also texts on Sinhalese 

folk religion, historical literature, Niti literature, 

and scientific literature (grammar, medicine, 

astrology, etc.). The work closes with indexes 

of titles (A) and authors (B); lists by dates of 

manuscripts (C) and by collection and catalogue 

numbers; and additions and corrections to 

Volume 1. 

One of the interesting texts is a palm-leaf 

Sinhalese Karmavibhagaya, from the Sa-skya 

monastery in central Tibet (§ 287). It is the 

oldest known Sinhalese palm-leaf manuscript, 

and a good example of how manuscripts-:-and 

monks-travelled in ancient times. The text was 

probably brought to Tibet by Anandasri, a 

Sinhalese monk who travelled to the Land of 

Snows in about CE 1300. (The catalogued text 

is not the original, but a set of photographs kept 

in Gottingen). 


248 


OBITUARY 

ACHILLE CLARAC 

Older Thais and long-time residents of 

Thailand will be sad to learn of the news of 

the death on 11 January 1999, in his 96th 

year, of Achille Clarac, former Ambassador 

of France to Thailand from 1959 to 1968, in 

his residence at Haute-Roche, Oudon. 

He was bo~in 1903 in Nantes, and 

obtained his Licerlce-en-Droit in Paris. He 

entered the French Diplomatic and Consular 

service in 1930, and served in Washington, 

Teheran, Tetuan, Algiers, Lisbon, 

Chungking, Saigon, Baghdad, Munich, and 

Syria. His last posting was as Ambassador 

in Bangkok, and he retired from Thailand 

with the rank of Ministre Plenipotentiaire, 

hors classe. He was made Chevalier de la 

Legion d'Honneur in 1946 and Officier de 

la Legion d'Honneur in 1953. 

In addition to his diplomatic functions, 

he was a keen supporter of the arts. An 

accomplished artist and photographer 

himself, he acquired, while in Thailand, a 

large collection of modern paintings, and 

was active in the functions of the Siam 

Society. After his retirement, he divided his 

time between a traditional Thai house he 

had built by the Chao Phraya at Phra 

Padaeng and his estate of 35 hectares of 

vines overlooking the Loire in France some 

30 km east of his native Nantes. With 

increasing years, though, it became more 

difficult for him to reach his Thai riverside 

home by boat, and he settled permanently 

in France, where he continued to receive 

old friends known in Thailand, and where 

he developed with loving care a magnificent 

rock garden beside his chateau. 

In retirement, apart from continuing to 

read widely in French, English, and German, 

and sketching, he published a collection of 

short stories under the pseudonym Saint 

Ours, and worked at a volume of poetry, 

but is probably best known here for the first 

modern guidebook to the country, 

Discovering Thailand, written with Michael 

Smithies, and first published in 1971 by 

Siam Publications. This subsequently went 

through many editions with different 

publishers and in different languages. 

Achille (Claude) Clarac married in 1935 

a Swiss heiress, Annemarie Schwarzenbach, 

born in 1908 in Zurich. She is the 'Christina' 

of Ella Maillart' s account of a journey from 

Istanbul to Peshawar undertaken in a Ford 

car in 1939, and published as The Cruel 

Way in 1947 (recently reprinted in English 

and French). Annemarie-Christina was a 

troubled soul, who then travelled in the 

United States and Africa, and after returning 

to Switzerland died in a bicycle accident on 

15 November 1942. 

'Papa Clarac', as he was affectionately 

known in later life, was buried in Nantes 

on 15 January 1999 in the Misericorde 

cemetery, and leaves an adopted son, Henri 

Pageau-Clarac, well known for his leading 

numerous tours upcountry for the Siam 

Society. 

M.S. 

8 


NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO 

THE JOURNAL OF THE SIAM SOCIETY 

Manuscripts should not normally exceed 7,000 

words. They should be printed onto good quality 

A4 paper (295mm x 210mm), using double 

spacing throughout, including the references. 

Two copies of the manuscript should be 

submitted together with the text on a computer 

disk, if possible using Word 5 .I for Macintosh. 

If a PC DOS or Windows OS is used the text 

should be saved to the disk for Word and also 

as a text, rtf, or ASCII file in addition to being 

in the author's own application. The authors 

should retain a copy of text and disk 

WordPerfect causes most problems for transfers 

and is best avoided. 

Unsolicited contributions and related 

correspondence should be addressed to the Hon. 

Editor, as listed in the latest issue of JSS, or sent 

to the office of the Siam Society, 131 Soi Asoke, 

Sukhumvit Road, Bangkok 10110, Thailand. 

Referencing should follow the modern 

scientific convention often referred to as the 

Harvard or Author-Date system. Footnotes may 

be included, but should be used sparingly for 

separate explanations or excursus; they are not 

intended to develop or contain the main 

bibliographical references. Such notes should 

preferably be placed as 'endnotes' to follow the 

main text. 

Bibliographic references within the text 

should list the author(s)' last name, date of 

publication and of page number with minimum 

punctuation, e.g. (Clarke 1952: 211). Where an 

author's name has just been cited in the text, 

references need be made only to the date of 

publication and page, e.g.- (1952: 211). 

A complete list of the quoted bibliographical 

references should be given, in alphabetical order, 

at the end of the paper, including the place of 

publication and name of the publisher; e.g. 

Mackay, E.J.H. 1938. Further Excavations at 

Mohenjodaro, New Delhi: Government oflndia. 

Page numbers should be included for journal 

articles and book sections. 

Please, check carefully your bibliographical 

references, since this is always the most 

wearisome job for an editor. These references 

should include all, but only, those items cited in 

the text, and set out simply without indents, 

upper and lower case for authors' names etc., 

and following the spacing and punctuation as 

below: 

Brown, E. M. and Green, Z. K. 1987. Trade and 

exchange in complex societies, In Specialization, 

Exchange, and Complex Societies (eds E. M. 

Einstein and J.-F Sallet). Cambridge: Cambridge 

University Press, pp. 1-9. 

Casement, H. 1986. Collecting Ancient Thai Coins. 

Bangkok: Siam Books. 

Mezzena, F. and Palma di Cesnola, A. 1973. Oggetti 

d'arte mobilare di eta gravettiana. Rivista di 

Scienze Preistoriche 27: 211-24. 

Rachman A. Z. I 984. Processes of urbanization in 

East Malaysia. Doctoral dissertation. Kuala 

Lumpur: Department of Sociology, University of 

Malaya. 

If in doubt concerning how to refer to non 

standard sources consult the Chicago Manual 

of Style, (14th ed.) Chicago University Press, or 

J. Butcher, 1981 (or latest edition). Copy 

Editing: the Cambridge Handbook, Cambridge 

University Press 

If reference is made to one volume of a 

multi-volume work, the volume number should 

be indicated by Roman numerals; thus (Russell 

1902: II: 35-8) for volume 2, pp. 35-8. 

Figures 

Text figures, site plans, maps, etc., should be 

drawn on strong paper, white card, or good 

quality tracing film, and be suitably lettered for 

printing. Illustrations should measure 

approximately twice the intended final size 

which should be indicated where possible. If 

these have been scanned or are computergenerated 

then the appropriate disks should be 


249

Notes for contributors to the Journal of the Siam Society 

sent indicating the format, together with hard 

copy. 

A published full-page illustration may not 

exceed 210mm x 140mm. Photographs should 

be printed on glossy paper and mounted on thin 

card. Figures, maps and plates should be titled 

and numbered; originals should be numbered 

lightly on the back in pencil only. A list of 

captions to figures and plates must be provided 

on separate sheets. Authors must obtain approval, 

before submission, for reproduction of 

illustrations or other material if not their own. 

Redrawing or lettering of maps or figures 

cannot be undertaken by the Siam Society or by 

the Editor, who may omit, or return sub-standard 

work for re-presentation. 

Abstracts, keywords, proofs and offprints 

Contributions should be accompanied by an 

abstract of 100-150 words. In addition up to six 

keywords, suitable for abstracting and indexing 

services, should be listed. A short note on the 

affiliation and research interests of individual 

contributors should also be supplied. 

Page proofs will be sent to authors who are 

reminded that these are intended for checking 

errors, not re-writing and should be returned 

within a week or receipt. Failure to return proofs 

by the required date may lead to the use only of 

the editor's corrected proofs. 

One copy of the journal and twenty-five 

offprints will be supplied free to authors on 

publication of a paper; these are to be shared 

between joint authors. 

Notes on style 

It would be helpful if contributors were to bear 

in mind the following points of style when 

preparing their papers for The Journal of the 

Siam Society: 

1. Use initial capital letters as seldom as 

possible. North, south, etc. are only 

capitalized if used as part of a 

recognized place name e.g. Western 

Malaysia, South Africa; use lower case 

for general terms e.g. southern Vietnam, 

northeast Thailand. 

'vol.' and 'p.' to be lower case 

roman if used, but omit if possible. 

2. Use italics mainly for book titles and 

foreign words and phrases. 

et al. 'ibid.' and 'op. cit.' to be 

roman, not italicized, ('ibid.' always 

lower case). 

3. No full points in, USA, WHO, ASEAN, 

pic, etc. Omit full points after 

contractions which end in the last letter 

of the word, e.g. Dr, Mr,- St, edn, eds, 

and after metric units, e.g. em, m, km, 

kg, etc. 

Abbreviations, where the end of the 

word is cut, do have full points e.g. 

p.m., ed., e.g., i.e., vol., etc. 

4. Use single quotation marks, and double 

only within quotation. Do not use leader 

dots at the beginning or end of a 

quotation unless the sense absolutely 

demands it. For ellipsis within a 

quotation use three leader dots for a 

mid-sentence break, four if the break is 

followed by a new sentence. Quotations 

of over 40 words should be extracted 

and indented. 

5. Numerals: use minimum numbers for 

pages and dates e.g. 25-8, 136-42, 150- 

1, but 12-16; 1980-1, 1487-92, 1914-18. 

Use words for under a hundred, 

unless paired or grouped. 

Insert comma for both thousands, 

and tens of thousands, e.g. 1,000 and 

10,000. 

Always have numerals on both sides 

of a decimal point, e.g. 0.5. 

The percentage sign (%) should not 

be used in the text, only in tables and 

figures. The number always appears in 

numerals, e.g. 87 per cent. 

Use numerals, not words, for 

measurement, e.g. 12km, 5m, and ages, 

e.g. 10 years old. 

6. Calendar dates may be shown as either 

8 July 1980 or 8th July; on 14 

September, or on the 14th. 1980s, not 

spelt in full, no apostrophes, and 

nineteenth century not 19th century, 

(adjective nineteenth-century). 

AD (rio points) usually precedes the 

year number (AD 30), but fifth century 

AD. BC, BP, BE, and AH follow the 

date, e.g. 257 BE. 

250 


Notes for contributors to the Journal of the Siam Society 

There are usually no commas in 

dates, but BP dates do have a comma 

or space when they consist of five or 

more digits, e.g. 13,500 BP 

7. Place names should normally follow 

the modem authorised spelling of the 

respective countries and if archaic, or 

other forms, are used the modern 

spelling should be indicated in 

parentheses when first used unless the 

meaning is quite clear. For Chinese 

words the Pinyin forms are preferred 

unless there is a good reason to follow 

another convention. 

Dating conventions for archaeology 

1. In accordance with international 

convention, radiocarbon dates should 

be expressed as mean and standard 

deviation, together with the number of 

the issuing laboratory. e.g. a date of 

3660 60 BP (Gr-50), or: the date was: 

K-3865 5540 + 65 9 BP. 

2. Calibrated dates should be indicated 

as follows: cal.-AD 200, or 250 cal. 

BC. Ideally a 2-sigma age range should 

also be indicated in parentheses, e.g. 

(300 cal. BC - 50 AD). It may also be 

useful to insert the phrase (calibrated 

date) after each first occurrence in a 

paper, to make the meaning perfectly 

clear. 

When calibrated dates are reported 

the particular calibration used should 

be mentioned, such as those of Stuiver, 

Long et al., Oxcal, or the Pretoria 

Calibration Curve for Short-lived 

Samples (Vogel, et al. 1993), both in 

Radiocarbon 35 (1 ). 

In order to maintain continuity with 

older literature, it may sometimes be 

necessary to present uncalibrated dates 

and this should be mentioned and the 

dates reported only as BP since they 

may not correspond closely with the 

calendrical AD/BC/BE scale. 

3. Dates obtained by other methods, e.g. 

TL, Uranium Series, or Fission Track, 

are best referred to in years 'before 

present' or 'years ago', rather than by 

radiocarbon conventions. 

For very old dates: Ma for 'millions 

of years' and ka for 'thousands of years' 

are internationally recognized 

abbreviations. 


251

BACK 

ISSUES 

I &2 =two parts publi shed as single issue 

1, 2 =two parts published separately 

JSS 

The Journal of the Siam Society 

Year Vol. Nos. 

1997 85 1&2 

1995 83 1&2 

1993 8 1 1, 2 

1992 80 1, 2 

199 1 79 1, 2 

1990 78 1, 2 

1987 75 1&2 

1986 74 1&2 

1985 73 1&2 

1984 72 1&2 

1983 7 1 1&2 

Year 

1980 

1979 

1978 

1977 

1976 

1975 

1974 

1973 

1970 

1969 

1968 

Vol. Nos. Year 

68 1, 2 1967 

67 1, 2 1966 

66 1, 2 1965 

65 I , 2 1964 

64 I, 2 1963 

63 1 1962 

62 I , 2 196 1 

6 1 I , 2 1959 

58 I , 2 1958 

57 I , 2 195 1 

56 I , 2 195 1 

Vol. 

55 

54 

53 

52 

51 

50 

49 

47 

46 

39 

38 

Nos . 

I, 2 

1, 2 

I, 2 

2 

1, 2 

I, 2 

2 

1, 2 

I, 2 

2 

2 

Single .ISS Back Numbers 

1990- 1997: Individuals US$ 16.00 

Institutions US$32.00 

1987 and earlier: US$6.00 per number. 

Special rates fo r multiple vo lume purchases. 

.ISS Subscription Rates 

(per year, i nc1 ud i ng postage) 

Free for members of the Siam Society. 

Non-member indi viduals: US$32.00 

Non-member institutions: US$80.00 

BACK 

ISSUES 

A ll NHB back issues are priced at US$7.50 per 

number, plu s postage. 

Current NHB subscri ptions for non-members are 

priced at US $32.00 per year (inclu ding postage). 

Year Vol. Nos. Year 

1997 45 I, 2 1983 

1996 44 1, 2 1982 

1995 43 1, 2 1981 

1994 42 2 1980 

1993 41 1, 2 1978 

1992 40 2 1977 

199 1 39 l , 2 1975 

1990 38 I, 2 1974 

1989 37 1, 2 1973 

1987 35 1&2 1973 

1986 34 1, 2 1971 

1985 33 I, 2 1970 

1984 32 I 1970 

Vol. 

3 1 

30 

29 

28 

27 

26 

26 

25 

25 

24 

24 

23 

23 

Nos. Year Vol. Nos. 

2 1969 23 1&2 

I, 2 1968 22 3&4 

1&2 1967 22 1&2 

1966 21 3&4 

1966 21 1&2 

3&4 1964 20 4 

1&2 1963 20 3 

3&4 1962 20 2 

1&2 1958 19 

3&4 1947 14 2 

1&2 1944 14 I 

4&5 

3 

To order, or for further information, please contact: 

The Siam Society/Publications 

131 Soi Asoke (Sukhum vit Soi 2 1 ), Bangkok I 0 I I 0, THAILAND 

Tel. (+ 66 2) 661 6470- 7, Fax(+ 66 2) 258 3491 

e-mail: info @s iam-society.org 

252 


PUBLICATIONS OF THE SIAM SOCIETY 

THE RAMKHAMHAENG CONTROVERSY: SELECTED PAPERS. Edited by James 

F. Chamberlain; foreword by H.R.H. Princess Galyani Vadhana, 1991. 592 pp., ill. 

Baht 850/US$ 35.00 

The history of Thailand relies principally on evidence from Sukhothai where King Ram Khamhaeng's 

writing system was found on the stone known as Inscription No. 1. The authenticity of this 

inscription has recently been questioned, with some even branding it a fake. This illustrated volume 

presents the arguments and counter-arguments. 

THE SINGING APE: A JOURNEY TO THE JUNGLES OF THAILAND. By 

Jeremy and Patricia Raemaekers,l990. 142 pp., ill. Baht 180/US$ 7.00 

A light-hearted account of the two years the authors spent studying gibbons in Thailand's tropical 

rain forests. 

THE KINGDOM OF SIAM 1904. Edited by A. Cecil Carter; introduction by Michael 

Smithies, 1988. 280 pp., ill. Baht 360/US$ 15.00 

Reprint of official guide for the Siamese exhibition at the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition in 

St. Louis. Comprehensive and well-indexed. 

EARLY ACCOUNTS OF PHETCHABURI. Introduction by Michael Smithies, 1987. 90 

pp., ill. Baht 210/US$ 8.00 

Ten essays give a feeling for the enduring attraction of this 19th century point of excursionpopular 

even before King Mongkut built his palace there on the "Mountain of the Highest Heaven". 

A KING OF SIAM SPEAKS: THE WRITINGS OF KING MONGKUT. By M.R. 

Seni Pramoj and M.R. Kukrit Pramoj, 1987. 242 pp., ill. Baht 420/US$ 16.00 

Two former prime ministers present the previously unpublished writings in English of Rama IV in 

this special edition published in December 1987 to mark the 60th birthday celebration of His 

Majesty, the present King of Thailand. 

A TRUE DESCRIPTION OF THE MIGHTY KINGDOMS OF JAPAN AND 

SIAM. By Fran~ois Caron and Joost Schouten. Introduction by John Villiers, 1987. Ill. 

Baht 230/US$ 9.00 

Facsimile of the 1671 London edition, in a contemporary translation from the original Dutch, of the 

observations of these colourful servants of the Dutch East Indies Company made for the Director 

General of trade in Batavia. 

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF PENINSULAR SIAM. Introduction by Stanley J. O'Connor, 

1986. 163 pp., ill. Baht 300/US$12.00 

Fourteen articles by nine different authors, originally published in the Journal of the Siam Society 

between 1905 and 1983, present valuable evidence about the earliest human settlements of the 

peninsula. 

THE DISCOURSES AT VERSAILLES OF THE FIRST SIAMESE 

AMBASSADORS TO FRANCE, 1686-7. Translated, edited, and introduced by Michael 

Smithies, 1986. 96 pp., ill. Baht 210/US$ 8.00 

The nearly forgotten texts of 20 speeches made by the Siamese Ambassadors to the Court at 

Versailles are presented in facsimile and translated for the first time into English. The list of gifts 

presented is included. 


OLD PHUKET. Introduction by H.E. Gerard Andre, 1986. 188 pp. Baht 230/US$ 9.00 

Three articles by Gerini, Carrington, and Burke, published in the Journal of the Siam Society in 

1905-6, on the early history of "Junk Ceylon Island" provide interesting glimpses into a past 

largely unknown to modem tourists. 

A HISTORY OF WAT PHRA CHETUPHON AND ITS BUDDHA IMAGES. By 

Kathleen I. Matics, 1979. 71 pp., ill. Baht 110/US$ 5.00 

Comprehensive introduction to the fascinating-and historically and artistically important-Bangkok 

temple popularly known as Wat Po. 

CHULAKANTAMANGALA: THE TONSURE CEREMONY AS PERFORMED IN 

SIAM. By G.E. Gerini, 1976.243 pp. Baht 120/US$ 6.00 

Authoritative and detailed information on topknots, and how the tonsure ceremony has traditionally 

been performed among royalty and commoners. 

WAT PRA YUN RECONSIDERED. By A.B. Griswold, 1975.88 pp., ill.Baht70/US$3.50 

Constructed between 1901 and 1907, Wat Pra Yun was within 20 years attributed by scholars to the 

14th century. The author recounts how this innocent deception came about. 

STONE INSCRIPTIONS OF SUKHOTHAI. English translation by H.R.H. Prince Wan 

Waithayakon, French by George Credes, 196., 12 pp. Baht 10/US$ 0.50 

Translations of King Ram Khamhaeng's "Inscription No. 1" by two of the greatest scholars of Thai 

history and epigraphy. 

GARDENING IN BANGKOK by William Warren and Ping Amranand, 1996, 240 pp., ill. 

Baht 990 IUS$ 48.00 

A new printing of M.R. Pimsai's pioneering work, designed to assist Bangkok gardeners in a 

practical way. William Warren has brought this classic up-to-date, while retaining M.R. Pimsai's 

unique voice, described in the Preface by John Blofeld as" ... vivid, natural, and compelling-a 

style based on the principle that people should write very much as they talk". Ping Amranand's 136 

photographs have been re-edited and integrated with the text. With a new' comprehensive index. 

PHAULKON, THE GREEK FIRST COUNSELLOR AT THE COURT OF SIAM: 

AN APPRAISAL, by George A. Sioris, 1998, 

Baht 350/US$15.00 

This book represents a wide-ranging character appraisal by a fellow Greek of Constantine Gerakis, 

better known as Phaulkon, who was the brilliant and controversial Greek First Counsellor at the 

Court of Siam in the 1 7th century. 

THAI CULTURE IN TRANSITION, by William J. Klausner, 1997, Baht 300/US$12.00 

This book is mainly concerned with cultural transition and transformation and is thus a logical 

extension of the author's Reflections on Thai Culture, which focused on traditional patterns of Thai 

culture. William J. Klausner arrived in Thailand in 1955 and, after undertaking a year of intensive 

field workin a Northeastern Thai village, has served in staff, advisory, consultative, and other 

capacities in the Thai government and in numerous Thai and foreign foundations. He has taught at 

Thammasat and Chulalongkom Universities and has been active in the World Fellowship of 

Buddhists. 

CULTURAL REPRESENTATION IN TRANSITION: NEW VIETNAMESE 

PAINTING. 1997 Baht 1490/US$ 50.00 

The arts are flourishing in Vietnam today. Hundreds of painters are at work in Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh 

City, and other Vietnamese cities. They work in a broad range of styles and themes, building on 


techniques developed in French colonial times, but related to the issues which concern Vietnamese 

people today. This full color trilingual catalogue (English, Vietnamese.and Thai) includes essays 

by Mr. Chatvichai Promadhattavedi, Mr. Nguyen Quan and Mr. Neil Jamieson which make 

scholarly contributions to the understanding of Vietnamese art. 


ERRATA FORJSS 85,1997 

Two engraved gems with combination monsters from Southeast Asia, 

Sheila E Hoey Middleton, pp. 95-106 

Page 95 column 2; lines 1--4 should read: 

'This gem belongs to a distinctive group of rock crystal stamp-seals, most examples of which 

(as well as different types of intagli found so far in Indochina) are recorded as coming from Oc 

Eo in .. .' 

Page 99 column 2; line 17 ff: should read: 

'Benisti (1970: 18ff.) has compared in detail characteristics of makara as they appear on 

lintels in Indian and Khmer art. This example shows only a few of the typical characteristics 

listed by Benisti but does superficially resemble some makara on early Khmer lintels in 

Thailand and Cambodia of about the 7th century AD; one can compare, for example, Figure 

3a from Prasat Khao Noi (Srnitthi et al. 1992: 81); Figure 3b from Prasat Dap (Parmentier 

1927: 265, fig 82; Benisti 1974: fig.22); Figure 3c from Sambor Prei Kuk, N 21 (Benisti 1970: 

fig 69). 

Some of the characteristics of the makara on the seal are found elsewhere: Body: 'The 

heavy triangular body. 

Page 100, column 1: 

Before para 1 line 6, insert heading: Trunk: 

Before para 2 line 17, insert heading: Head-scroll: 

Before line 24, insert: 'Compare also Figure 3d' (after 'Cambodia'). 

Before para 3 line 38, insert heading: Feet: 

Before para 4 line 46, insert heading: Tail: 

Page 101, line 2, caption for Figure 4 should read: 

.... a. Intaglio face (29 x 23mm). b. Impression. c. & d, Profile views of ring (ht 29 x diam. 

30 x shoulder 37mm).' 

Insert 'Figure 4' after the heading: A Gana or Ganesha/Horse Combination 

Page 105 column 2, References: 

Benisti, M. 1974: 'meconnus' not 'inconnus'

The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXXXVI, Part 1-2 ... - Khamkoo

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?