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The attempt to adopt a mixed-member proportional election system ...

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16<br />

He added that they did not need a vote on the <strong>proportional</strong>ity issue, because the majority<br />

already was in favor of <strong>proportional</strong> voting. In the quote above, the phrase “instead<br />

of the Party list” suggested that, contrary <strong>to</strong> the fundamental <strong>system</strong> change that<br />

the proponents of MMP had in mind, <strong>proportional</strong>ity would only apply <strong>to</strong> the previously<br />

100 “party-list” MPs, and precisely not <strong>to</strong> the entire <strong>election</strong> <strong>system</strong>. What the<br />

CDC <strong>member</strong>s voted for afterwards was indeed nothing more than a modified partylist<br />

<strong>system</strong>, which was merely re-labeled as “<strong>proportional</strong> voting.” At this point of the<br />

struggle about an <strong>election</strong> <strong>system</strong> change, the CDC’s decision kept the <strong>mixed</strong>-<strong>member</strong><br />

majoritarian <strong>system</strong> (MMM) of the 1997 constitution intact, which substantially differed<br />

from Krirkkiat’s proposal of a <strong>mixed</strong>-<strong>member</strong> <strong>proportional</strong> <strong>system</strong> (MMP).<br />

Thus, contrary <strong>to</strong> what the CDC’s chairperson assumed, the decision was not simply<br />

about the number of MPs in the two categories—constituency, and list. Rather, the<br />

CDC <strong>member</strong>s were called on <strong>to</strong> decide between two fundamentally different options<br />

for the country’s future <strong>election</strong> <strong>system</strong>. However, the way the discussion was conducted<br />

obscured the choices by the <strong>mixed</strong>-up usage of the term “<strong>proportional</strong> <strong>system</strong>.”<br />

In this way, the choice seemed <strong>to</strong> be merely whether the ratio of constituency and list<br />

MPs should be 320 <strong>to</strong> 80 or 200 <strong>to</strong> 200. Ironically, although Prasong stated that he<br />

wanted <strong>to</strong> decide about “the principle” first, this principle was indeed ignored by the<br />

way the vote was framed. One could perhaps have seen the two different ratios as indicating<br />

the alternative of MMM and MMP, as I did when I read the minutes. Yet, in<br />

the meeting itself, the choice situation was not framed in this straightforward way, and<br />

“the principle” merely referred <strong>to</strong> the re-labeling of the party list as “<strong>proportional</strong> voting.”<br />

As it turned out, 21 CDC <strong>member</strong>s voted for a 320 <strong>to</strong> 80 split of constituency<br />

and regional party-list MPs, denoting (not only in my view) an MMM <strong>system</strong>. Only<br />

nine <strong>member</strong>s were in favor of Krirkkiat’s 200 <strong>to</strong> 200 model, which (not only in my<br />

view) s<strong>to</strong>od for MMP. Chairperson Prasong summarized this decision with the words,<br />

This means 320/80 has 21 votes, while 200/200 has nine votes. <strong>The</strong>refore,<br />

the meeting resolves that there will be 320 [MPs] in the constituency <strong>election</strong>s<br />

and 80 in the <strong>proportional</strong> [<strong>election</strong>]. I think that we can talk about<br />

the details later. (CDC 26:19)<br />

This summary sounded rather like the 1997-style segmented or parallel <strong>system</strong>, applying<br />

two different <strong>election</strong> principles separately <strong>to</strong> two different sets of candidates, and

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