The attempt to adopt a mixed-member proportional election system ...

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Mektrairat, in supporting a modified 1997 party-list system, had claimed, “Election
systems with only constituencies [plurality/majority systems] … have declined. Nobody
uses them any longer. In the United Kingdom, it has been abolished already.
Thus if we want only the constituency system, I think that this is not in harmony with
the modern world. It is also not democratic” (ibid., p. 10). At the time he spoke these
words, Nakharin was the dean of the faculty of political science of Thammasat University.
8 The quote is on page 23 of Reynolds, Reilly, and Ellis (2005), while the table follows
on page 24.
9 For an overview of electoral provisions in Thailand that includes the changes made
by the 1997 constitution, see Nelson (2001).
10 For observations on a set of such public hearings conducted in Chachoengsao province,
see Nelson (2007).
11 These twelve organizations were the National Security Council (the coup plotters),
the National Assembly, the Cabinet, the Supreme Court, The Supreme Administrative
Court, The Election Commission, the National Counter Corruption Commission, The
Auditor-General of the State Audit Commission, The Ombudsmen, the National Economic
and Social Advisory Council, and the institutions of higher education. This
procedure was stipulated in the Interim Constitution.
12 During his time on the CDC, Jaran was permanent secretary of the ministry of justice.
Previously, he had served as a secretary to the Supreme Court President. He was
an avowed enemy of Thaksin, and defender of the coup. In the crisis following the
election of April 2006, stretching the constitution, he said, the “EC should resign for
the sake of the country. Their resignation will allow the judicial authorities to supervise
new election and recruit new EC members” (The Nation, May 9, 2006). After the
coup period had ended, he was appointed to the Constitutional Court, thereby creating
a conflict of interest.
13 Krirkkiat was a retired civil servant. He used to be a full professor of economics at
Thammasat University, and a member of the first post-1997 National Counter Corruption
Commission. He already participated in constitution drafting exercises in 1991
(after the coup by the so-called “National Peacekeeping Council,” NPKC), and 1997.
This indicates how well connected Krirkkiat was in the Bangkok establishment, and
his degree of seniority. Moreover, he was a former rector of Thammasat University.
14 As far as I know, no minutes were prepared of these six days of deliberations. Judging
from the minutes, the CDC’s 13th meeting took place on March 1, while the subsequent
14th meeting only followed on March 13.
15 It would be interesting to draw up charts showing the networks of people from outside
the CDC and CDA reaching into these two bodies, providing back up, information,
and support services, and thereby exerting influence on the drafting of the 2007
constitution. However, this cannot be gleaned from the minutes of formal meetings.
16 In an informal talk with the author, Kittisak confirmed his participation.
17 See ปริญญา (2550a [2007]; see also ปริญญา 2007b).
18 Pisit was a former spokesperson of the National Bank of Thailand. He served as
deputy finance minister in the second Chuan government (1997-2001). At the time of