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The attempt to adopt a mixed-member proportional election system ...

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9<br />

<strong>The</strong> initial stage<br />

Early on in the drafting of the constitution by the CDC, some <strong>member</strong>s started pushing<br />

for abolishing the national-level party lists, which would have left the <strong>election</strong><br />

<strong>system</strong> with only constituency MPs, as was the case before the 1997 constitution<br />

came in<strong>to</strong> effect. In the ninth CDC meeting on February 15, 2007, Jaran Pakdithanakul<br />

12 reported on the deliberations of the sub-committee on political institutions, of<br />

which he was the chairperson (CDC 9:14ff.). According <strong>to</strong> his report, the number of<br />

MPs was <strong>to</strong> be reduced from 500 <strong>to</strong> 400. Moreover, all of them were <strong>to</strong> be elected in<br />

multi-<strong>member</strong> constituencies or districts (MMD), while the party-list component of<br />

the <strong>election</strong> <strong>system</strong> would be abolished al<strong>to</strong>gether. Many <strong>member</strong>s of Jaran’s subcommittee<br />

saw the party lists as giving <strong>to</strong>o much power <strong>to</strong> the party leaders and their<br />

executive boards in selecting the candidates <strong>to</strong> be placed on the lists. It was thought<br />

that this would indebt those selected <strong>to</strong> their selec<strong>to</strong>rs, and thereby limit the MPs’<br />

freedom in making legislative decisions (the experience with Thaksin’s TRT provided<br />

part of the background for this approach). Furthermore, rather than following the intentions<br />

of the 1997 constitution <strong>to</strong> put knowledgeable and capable people from various<br />

fields on the party lists, parties (mainly referring <strong>to</strong> TRT) had allegedly stacked<br />

them with their financiers. However, Jaran added, some sub-committee <strong>member</strong>s had<br />

defended the party lists as useful. Yet, these supporters wanted <strong>to</strong> replace the single<br />

national party lists by a number of regional lists covering a number of provinces.<br />

Thus, at this early point in the drafting process there were two main proposals<br />

regarding the design of the <strong>election</strong> <strong>system</strong>. One represented a return <strong>to</strong> the pre-1997<br />

<strong>system</strong>, while the other wanted a modified version of the 1997 model. Six weeks later,<br />

however, in the CDC’s eighteenth meeting on March 28, 2007, Krirkkiat Phipatseritham<br />

13 suddenly (though there seemed <strong>to</strong> have been some talk on a <strong>proportional</strong> <strong>election</strong><br />

<strong>system</strong> at the CDC’s informal brains<strong>to</strong>rming sessions in the seaside resort <strong>to</strong>wn of<br />

Cha-am in Petchaburi province, from March 5-10, 2007) 14 proposed the introduction<br />

of a <strong>proportional</strong> compensa<strong>to</strong>ry <strong>system</strong>. This proposal was expressly based on the<br />

German model. This would have meant a switch from a <strong>mixed</strong>-<strong>member</strong> majoritarian<br />

<strong>to</strong> a <strong>mixed</strong>-<strong>member</strong> <strong>proportional</strong> <strong>election</strong> <strong>system</strong> (CDC 18:49). Krirkkiat suggested<br />

what he henceforth would stick <strong>to</strong>, namely a House consisting of 400 MPs, with 200<br />

elected in single-<strong>member</strong> constituencies and 200 elected from party lists. This proposal<br />

thus still reflected the original intention of most CDC <strong>member</strong>s <strong>to</strong> reduce the num-

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