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The attempt to adopt a mixed-member proportional election system ...

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21<br />

plied entirely separately, making it impossible <strong>to</strong> establish a relationship between<br />

them via “subtraction.” In that case, the reference <strong>to</strong> “which method” could only be<br />

applied <strong>to</strong> the eighty <strong>proportional</strong> seats with regard <strong>to</strong> the question of whether they<br />

would be allocated via national lists or a number of regional lists.<br />

Pisit continued his statement by saying that this point of “subtraction” was still<br />

open for looking at the “details,” and “what was appropriate or not appropriate.” On<br />

the one hand, he said, many CDC <strong>member</strong>s had explained that they wanted <strong>to</strong> “subtract.”<br />

If they subtracted, there might be the problem that Komsan had mentioned,<br />

namely that a political party might have won <strong>to</strong>o many constituency seats already<br />

(meaning overhang or surplus mandates—Überhangmandate in German—in excess<br />

of its overall <strong>proportional</strong> seat claim), “which is very difficult.” On the other hand,<br />

many CDC <strong>member</strong>s wanted <strong>to</strong> stick <strong>to</strong> the 1997 <strong>system</strong>. <strong>The</strong>y preferred two ballots,<br />

whereby 20 seats would be allocated according <strong>to</strong> the <strong>proportional</strong> ballot (bai khong<br />

satsuan) in each region (at that time still thought <strong>to</strong> be four). In order not <strong>to</strong> increase<br />

the confusion, he had coordinated with the CDC’s secretary about the “Wording”<br />

(English in the original) used in the hearing draft. <strong>The</strong> secretary’s response had been<br />

that they had not written the respective articles in the draft in a way that would finally<br />

stipulate the use of subtraction or exclude it (ibid: 99f.).<br />

In a hairsplitting sense, this might have been true. As for myself, from reading<br />

the draft constitution with the 1997 <strong>system</strong> in mind, I always unders<strong>to</strong>od that the CDC<br />

had passed the 1997 <strong>system</strong> in a modified version. It never occurred <strong>to</strong> me that this<br />

would merely be a preliminary formulation, which did not yet determine the fundamental<br />

form of the country’s <strong>election</strong> <strong>system</strong> as MMM. Nothing indicated, certainly<br />

not <strong>to</strong> most people who read the draft, that what was written in it could be turned in<strong>to</strong><br />

a <strong>proportional</strong> <strong>election</strong> <strong>system</strong>. In general, the comparison <strong>to</strong> 1997 was clear enough:<br />

the formula of 320 <strong>to</strong> 80 replaced that of 400 <strong>to</strong> 100, thereby reducing the <strong>to</strong>tal number<br />

of MPs by 100; the party-list component was changed from one national list <strong>to</strong><br />

four regional lists; the threshold was abolished; and multi-<strong>member</strong> districts were reintroduced.<br />

Both the draft stipulations on the <strong>election</strong> <strong>system</strong> in article 92 and the reasons<br />

that the CDC had provided in its book distributed for the public hearings regarding<br />

the changes it had made over the 1997 constitution clearly confirmed the <strong>mixed</strong><strong>member</strong><br />

majoritarian <strong>system</strong> of the 1997 constitution. Nowhere did the text indicate<br />

that all this, after the public hearing process had ended, could possibly be fundamentally<br />

changed in<strong>to</strong> a <strong>mixed</strong>-<strong>member</strong> <strong>proportional</strong> <strong>system</strong>. 31 This situation was the

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