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INTRODUCTION Basic Processes in EI. A leading paradigm for psychology is provided by cognitive neuroscience. It is assumed that the person is an information-processor who encodes stimuli, builds some internal representation of the world in memory, and selects responses on the basis of that mental model. Studies of brain-damaged individuals, and advanced psychophysiological techniques such as imaging brain activity (e.g., with fMRI) allow researchers to localize processing functions such as perception, memory, and decision-making to specific brain areas. This approach also identifies specific brain areas that may support emotion, such as circuits connecting the amygdala to the cerebral cortex (LeDoux, 1996). There is also increasing interest in “social neuroscience” (Cacioppo, 2006), that is, in understanding the brain systems that control response to social stimuli. Within this general paradigm, we can look for specific processes (i.e., specific brain areas) that contribute to EI. As we have already stated, we could imagine that individual differences in the functioning of the amygdala might contribute to the emotion perception ability. Another place to look is within the frontal lobe of the cortex. Clinical patients with damage to this area often show poor social decision making and emotional instability (recent work implicates a circuit including the amygdala and the ventromedial prefrontal cortex: Tranel & Bechara, 2009). Perhaps normal variation in the functioning of these brain areas feeds into observed EI. We can also explore cognitive functioning without explicit reference to brain areas. The methods of cognitive psychology allow us to investigate how people differ in perception and attention to emotional stimuli, in recall of emotional memories, and in making decisions under stress. For example, Austin (2005) used an “inspection time paradigm” that required people to discriminate very-briefly presented facial emotion stimuli. Fellner et al. (2007) investigated the speed and accuracy with which people could locate a “target emotion” (e.g., an angry face) within an array of emotional faces. Ironically, neither study showed strong relationships between measures of trait EI and performance. 27 Matthews_PTR_Ch 01_12-10-11_1-42.indd 27 10/12/2011 10:46:55 AM
CHAPTER 1 As well as looking at specific processes, we can treat temperament as a basic personal quality. It seems that children with certain temperamental qualities are prone to experiencing outcomes as adults that suggest a lack of EI later in life. A remarkable longitudinal study in New Zealand, the Dunedin Study (e.g., Koenen, Moffitt, Poulton, Martin, & Caspi, 2007), showed that temperament measured at age 3 predicted adult social and emotional problems. Poorly controlled toddlers were somewhat more likely to exhibit behavioral problems and even antisocial and criminal behavior in adolescence and adulthood. Inhibited children were prone to later emotional problems. An issue here is whether we really want to think of a basic temperament, perhaps associated with some biologically based sensitivity to rewarding or punishing stimuli (Corr, 2009), as being an “intelligence.” EI and Skill Acquisition. There is little doubt that at least some social–emotional skills may be learnt or even explicitly trained (see Chapter 6). Successful programs for skills such as assertiveness, anger management, and social problem-solving (Durlak & Weissberg, 2005) attest to the potential role of learning in EI. We might suspect that there is some relationship between basic aptitudes and skill acquisition; perhaps some people acquire social–emotional skills more readily than others. There is an analogous distinction in conventional intelligence theory between fluid intelligence—aptitude for abstract reasoning—and crystallized intelligence—specific intellectual skills fostered by education and being immersed in one’s culture (Horn & Hofer, 1992). To the extent that we think of EI as being “crystallized,” it is worth considering what skill sets are critical. Many of the skills that come to mind are social in nature: understanding the emotions of others, displaying and communicating emotions effectively, and being able to manage the emotions of others for the benefit of self or others. We might also consider the more Machiavellian skills of using emotional displays to manipulate others. Such skills may be either explicit—having a good 28 Matthews_PTR_Ch 01_12-10-11_1-42.indd 28 10/12/2011 10:46:55 AM
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Page 4 and 5: Emotional Intelligence 101 Gerald M
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Page 28 and 29: INTRODUCTION key aptitudes, compete
Page 30 and 31: INTRODUCTION Emotional intelligence
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Page 36 and 37: INTRODUCTION Is EI Really an Intell
Page 38 and 39: INTRODUCTION TABLE 1.3 CAPSULE DESC
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Page 42 and 43: INTRODUCTION what is emotionally in
Page 44 and 45: INTRODUCTION individual’s compete
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Page 50 and 51: INTRODUCTION Third, as with measure
Page 52 and 53: INTRODUCTION More recently, this me
Page 54 and 55: INTRODUCTION challenges that arise.
Page 56 and 57: INTRODUCTION distressing emotional
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Page 60 and 61: INTRODUCTION emotional functioning.

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