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The Indian <strong>Navy</strong><br />
33<br />
Soviet built ships and deal with the Soviets themselves. While the<br />
Russians were friendly on a personal level … India was given little or<br />
no access to operational doctrine. 19<br />
Strategically, the result of the IN’s second phase of intellectual development was a<br />
reprioritisation that, by the end of the 1970s, had cemented the <strong>Navy</strong>’s priorities as<br />
coastal defence, the defeat of the Pakistan <strong>Navy</strong> in the event of war, the defence of<br />
India’s offshore territories, the ability to conduct sea denial operations within India’s<br />
exclusive economic zone (EEZ), and the protection of India’s maritime trade routes. 20<br />
Throughout this phase the Indian Government’s role in the non-aligned movement<br />
and its declaration of an Indian Ocean ‘zone of peace’ served to isolate the <strong>Navy</strong><br />
internationally. 21 Although this stance resulted in an ongoing lack of access to foreign<br />
operational doctrine, it also served to encourage the ongoing development of indigenous<br />
naval thinking. Finally, the clarity and focus of IN intellectual development also<br />
advanced significantly as a result of the <strong>Navy</strong>’s role in India’s 1971 war with Pakistan. 22<br />
The international strategic upheaval of the early 1990s catapulted the IN into its third<br />
phase of intellectual development. As with the transition from the first to second phases,<br />
the transition to the third phase was also a result of the convergence of a plethora of<br />
internal and external factors.<br />
Although the IOR began to play a prominent role on the world stage after the Soviet<br />
Union’s 1979 invasion of Afghanistan, this prominence greatly increased following the<br />
end of the Cold War. Beginning with the 1990-91 Gulf War, the subsequent enforcement<br />
of sanctions against Iraq and more recently the US-led wars in Afghanistan and Iraq,<br />
have given cause for an ongoing and substantial US <strong>Navy</strong> presence in the IOR. 23 Unlike<br />
during the Cold War, when the relationship between India and the US was frustrated<br />
by India’s non-aligned stance and acquisitions of Soviet equipment, the global security<br />
environment since 1991 has brought about renewed cooperation between India and<br />
the US. 24 This has been especially prominent in the realm of naval activities. Indeed,<br />
by 2002, naval cooperation between India and the US had grown to the extent that the<br />
IN assisted in providing security for US shipping in the Malacca Strait. In 2005 this<br />
cooperation was further expanded when the US and Indian navies conducted their<br />
first combined exercise. 25<br />
Enabling this growth in cooperation has been a major change in Indian Government<br />
policy since the conclusion of the Cold War. This change has involved the abandonment<br />
of India’s long-standing position of non-alignment and its substitution with a more<br />
pragmatic approach to alliance (and security) relationships. This change was succinctly<br />
summarised by C Raja Mohan, who stated that, ‘India has moved from its past emphasis<br />
on the power of argument to a new stress on the argument of power’. 26 Underlying this<br />
change appears to be two factors, the first being the Indian Government’s realisation<br />
that no matter how much it might want too, it is not going to be able to keep other