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The Indian <strong>Navy</strong><br />

33<br />

Soviet built ships and deal with the Soviets themselves. While the<br />

Russians were friendly on a personal level … India was given little or<br />

no access to operational doctrine. 19<br />

Strategically, the result of the IN’s second phase of intellectual development was a<br />

reprioritisation that, by the end of the 1970s, had cemented the <strong>Navy</strong>’s priorities as<br />

coastal defence, the defeat of the Pakistan <strong>Navy</strong> in the event of war, the defence of<br />

India’s offshore territories, the ability to conduct sea denial operations within India’s<br />

exclusive economic zone (EEZ), and the protection of India’s maritime trade routes. 20<br />

Throughout this phase the Indian Government’s role in the non-aligned movement<br />

and its declaration of an Indian Ocean ‘zone of peace’ served to isolate the <strong>Navy</strong><br />

internationally. 21 Although this stance resulted in an ongoing lack of access to foreign<br />

operational doctrine, it also served to encourage the ongoing development of indigenous<br />

naval thinking. Finally, the clarity and focus of IN intellectual development also<br />

advanced significantly as a result of the <strong>Navy</strong>’s role in India’s 1971 war with Pakistan. 22<br />

The international strategic upheaval of the early 1990s catapulted the IN into its third<br />

phase of intellectual development. As with the transition from the first to second phases,<br />

the transition to the third phase was also a result of the convergence of a plethora of<br />

internal and external factors.<br />

Although the IOR began to play a prominent role on the world stage after the Soviet<br />

Union’s 1979 invasion of Afghanistan, this prominence greatly increased following the<br />

end of the Cold War. Beginning with the 1990-91 Gulf War, the subsequent enforcement<br />

of sanctions against Iraq and more recently the US-led wars in Afghanistan and Iraq,<br />

have given cause for an ongoing and substantial US <strong>Navy</strong> presence in the IOR. 23 Unlike<br />

during the Cold War, when the relationship between India and the US was frustrated<br />

by India’s non-aligned stance and acquisitions of Soviet equipment, the global security<br />

environment since 1991 has brought about renewed cooperation between India and<br />

the US. 24 This has been especially prominent in the realm of naval activities. Indeed,<br />

by 2002, naval cooperation between India and the US had grown to the extent that the<br />

IN assisted in providing security for US shipping in the Malacca Strait. In 2005 this<br />

cooperation was further expanded when the US and Indian navies conducted their<br />

first combined exercise. 25<br />

Enabling this growth in cooperation has been a major change in Indian Government<br />

policy since the conclusion of the Cold War. This change has involved the abandonment<br />

of India’s long-standing position of non-alignment and its substitution with a more<br />

pragmatic approach to alliance (and security) relationships. This change was succinctly<br />

summarised by C Raja Mohan, who stated that, ‘India has moved from its past emphasis<br />

on the power of argument to a new stress on the argument of power’. 26 Underlying this<br />

change appears to be two factors, the first being the Indian Government’s realisation<br />

that no matter how much it might want too, it is not going to be able to keep other

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