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Globalization and Inequality - Trinity College Dublin

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when she took the decisive step towards free trade. The years after 1860 saw significant European<br />

tariff-cutting: for example, by 1877 Germany “had virtually become a free trade country” (Bairoch<br />

1989, p. 41). In the late 1870s, however, cheap New World <strong>and</strong> Russian grain began depressing<br />

European l<strong>and</strong> values, sparking a powerful Continental protectionist response. In the US, Northern<br />

victory in the Civil War ensured high levels of protection for the rest of the century. On the other<br />

h<strong>and</strong>, in Asia declining transport costs did not have to contend with rising tariffs: China, Japan,<br />

Korea, Thail<strong>and</strong>, India <strong>and</strong> Indonesia all moved towards free trade, most forced to do so by<br />

colonial dominance or gunboat diplomacy.<br />

What were the combined effects of transport cost <strong>and</strong> trade policy developments in the late<br />

19 th century? To answer this question we need to focus on international commodity price gaps, <strong>and</strong><br />

the evidence is striking (O’Rourke <strong>and</strong> Williamson 1999, Chapter 3). Trend estimates based on<br />

Harley’s (1980) data show that Liverpool wheat prices exceeded Chicago prices by 58% in 1870,<br />

by 18% in 1895, <strong>and</strong> by 16% in 1913. Nor was this Anglo-American price convergence limited to<br />

the grain market: it can also be documented for bacon, cotton textiles, iron, copper, hides, wool,<br />

coal, tin <strong>and</strong> coffee. On the European Continent, tariffs impeded international price convergence,<br />

but in Asia trade policy strengthened the impact of technological developments: the cotton price<br />

spread between London <strong>and</strong> Bombay fell from 57% in 1873 to 20% in 1913, while the jute price<br />

spread between London <strong>and</strong> Calcutta fell from 35% to 4%, <strong>and</strong> the rice price spread between<br />

London <strong>and</strong> Rangoon fell from 93% to 26% (Collins 1996). CMI in the late 19 th century was both<br />

impressive in scale, <strong>and</strong> global in scope: indeed, Third World economies were becoming more<br />

rapidly integrated with the rest of the world than their Atlantic economy counterparts during this<br />

period (Williamson 2000).<br />

7

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