Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

122 Integral Liberation Vol. 8, No. 2 June 2004<br />

<strong>DALIT</strong> <strong>ASSERTION</strong> <strong>IN</strong> <strong>NORTH</strong> <strong>IN</strong>DIA<br />

A <strong>View</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>Below</strong><br />

Prakash Louis<br />

Dalit Assertion<br />

Dalit 1 assertion, liberation and emancipation are themes that<br />

have come to the centre-stage of the current sociological<br />

discourse. 2 With the emergence of Dalit assertion, the social scientists<br />

are forced to take note of caste discrimination. The human rights<br />

activists are also directed to look at the specificity of Dalit rights<br />

while engaging themselves in rights issues in general. In common<br />

parlance, to assert is to declare positively, lay claim to, insist upon<br />

and affirm. In the same vein, assertion is defined as ‘the act of claiming<br />

one’s rights’ or ‘a positive statement about oneself or one’s intent’. 3<br />

Thus, assertion could be defined as a positive declaration about<br />

oneself, one’s past, present and future. While spelling out one’s<br />

resolve to determine one’s course of action, this assertion also informs<br />

the others of this resolve. It is here that Dalit assertion confronts<br />

resistance and repression <strong>from</strong> the dominant castes and classes and<br />

their agent, the state. Yet, it is this cumulative effort to build an identity<br />

of their own which provides the space and scope for a long drawnout<br />

struggle for emancipation.<br />

Exclusion, discrimination and marginalisation which emerge out<br />

of the caste system in general and untouchability in particular have<br />

been the historical and societal lot of the Dalits. It is also a fact that<br />

socio-religious reforms, participation in electoral politics, poverty<br />

alleviation programmes and special welfare schemes and even<br />

affirmative action did not have the expected impact on the evil<br />

practices of the caste system and untouchability. While exploitation<br />

and oppression of the Dalits have become the order of the day,<br />

Dr. Prakash Louis is the Executive Director of the Indian Social Institute, 10<br />

Institutional Area, Lodi Road, New Delhi 110 003; Tel.: (011) 24625015,<br />

24622370; Email: prakash@unv.ernet.in, prakashlouis@hotmail.com;<br />

Website: www.isidelhi.org<br />

one should also take note of the anger and the assertion that is<br />

becoming a fact of Dalit society today. A clear case of this Dalit<br />

anger and assertion was witnessed in Mumbai on July 11 th , 1997. 4<br />

The vandalisation of the statue of Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar in Ramabai<br />

Ambedkar Nagar sparked off violent protests and revolts by the Dalits.<br />

This led to police firing in which about 11 people were killed.<br />

Interestingly, this is not the first instance of desecration of a statue<br />

of Dr. Ambedkar in Maharashtra. It is estimated that in the last 5<br />

years about 508 such incidents have been reported. 5 But the social<br />

fact which needs to be noted is that these incidents led to revolt, and<br />

this time the nature of the agitation was more violent and widespread.<br />

This incident immediately provoked reactions, not only in<br />

Maharashtra but also in Gujarat where the Bharatiya Dalit Panthers<br />

gave a call for a bandh. Over the years, many reforms and revolts<br />

have given a specific identity to the Dalits and have established their<br />

assertion on the Indian scene.<br />

Some specific socio-political, economic and cultural factors<br />

provide the space and scope for Dalit assertion. Eleanor Zelliot, in<br />

her perceptive analysis of Dr. Ambedkar’s central relevance to Dalit<br />

assertion, explains that Dr. Ambedkar’s position among Dalits can<br />

be equated with that of a guru, one who leads his disciples to develop<br />

their own identity and wisdom. Dr. Ambedkar’s stance against all<br />

that he saw as evil, as harmful to the lowly and hence to the country,<br />

is a source of mobilisation. Further, Dr. Ambedkar stands tall as a<br />

symbol of achievement. Eleanor goes on to explain that Dr.<br />

Ambedkar’s legend can be seen in contrasting his image to that of<br />

Gandhi. Dalits have been extraordinarily hostile to Gandhi, who is<br />

seen by many non-Dalits as the political leader more responsible for<br />

bringing the concern about the problems of untouchables to the<br />

consciousness of India. The reason is that Gandhi’s ‘Harijan’ is an<br />

object of pity; compassion also, but mainly pity. Ambedkar’s Dalit is<br />

a man or woman filled with pride and self-respect. Social movements<br />

thrive on pride. The multi-faceted Dr. Ambedkar stands for both<br />

qualities: pride and self-respect. 6<br />

The demand by the Ad-Dhramis or the Dalits or the erstwhile<br />

untouchable castes for representation in the Management Committee<br />

of the Baba Nihal Singh Smadh-Gurudwara in Talhan village in

Dalit Assertion in North India 123 124 Integral Liberation Vol. 8, No. 2 June 2004<br />

Punjab highlights the many paths the Dalits have trodden to attain<br />

their social consciousness, better caste consciousness and the<br />

concurrent move to establish their rightful place and role in Indian<br />

society and polity. The incidents which unfolded in Talhan <strong>from</strong><br />

January to June 2003 reveal the nature of caste relations in Punjab.<br />

They also provide us with a good idea of the growing aspirations of<br />

the Dalits. The demand by the Dalits for representation in the<br />

Management Committee is not just a demand for an equal share in<br />

the cake but it is an indication of Dalit assertion for equality and<br />

equal rights. It questions the age-old assumption that the landowning<br />

dominant castes of Jats have the right to the exclusive control over<br />

the economy and socio-cultural resources of the village. It has also<br />

highlighted their resolve to determine their course of action in dayto-day<br />

life as well as in crisis situations. Hence, change in the caste<br />

system is in the offing in rural Punjab.<br />

The Dalit assertion in Talhan like in many parts of the country<br />

has moreover exposed the political parties and the limited scope of<br />

their electoral politics for not only Dalit emancipation but for<br />

restructuring the Indian social order. Identity formation of the Dalits<br />

has been going on unabated and the recent Dalit assertions in various<br />

parts of India have once again provided scope and space for the<br />

discourse on restructuring the Indian social order. The social<br />

scientists, political activists and human rights activists are called<br />

upon to pay serious attention to the emerging Dalit assertion for<br />

emancipation. 7<br />

Dalit Identity Formation<br />

Identity formation is a universal and historical process, 8 which<br />

is based on the experience about oneself and the experience in relation<br />

to others. This experience does not take place in a vacuum but in the<br />

existing socio-economic, political and cultural milieu. It can thus be<br />

stated that identity formation is an interactional process.<br />

Based on an empirical study, Dr. Fernando Franco argues that to<br />

deal with the issue of a group’s identity is to be engaged in the<br />

analysis of a group’s process of becoming. There are two<br />

interrelated components in this process of identity formation. The<br />

first one is the ideological-symbolic component. This refers to the<br />

system of beliefs and practices which flow <strong>from</strong> the understanding<br />

of the position of oneself and one’s own group vis-à-vis others. This<br />

set of beliefs and its various cultural expressions provide the group<br />

with a shared meaning and understanding about who they are and<br />

what their role is in a given social context. The second is the materialproductive<br />

component, which refers to the material, ecological and<br />

economic conditions shaping and determining the primary livelihood<br />

activities of the group and its productive relations with others. In<br />

other words, it includes the factors which determine the economic<br />

life of the group and consequently the relationships its members enter<br />

into with each other and with other groups in the course of earning<br />

their livelihood. 9<br />

The emerging Dalit identity, especially after Independence,<br />

is multi-faceted. Significantly, the term ‘Dalit’ itself is indicative of<br />

the revolutionary progression made within the Dalit community visà-vis<br />

the non-Dalits. To begin with, one should realise the power of<br />

the concept ‘Dalit’ which denotes the assertion of the erstwhile<br />

‘untouchables’ that they are the outcastes, achuts, that is, the<br />

untouchables, the excluded segment of the Indian population. In<br />

extension it is also asserting, “we are a broken people”, “we are people<br />

crushed by oppression and exploitation”. While this sense of<br />

affirmation is only the starting-point, the sense of negation is the<br />

culminating factor. This can be framed as a collective monologue of<br />

resistance: “Yes, we were the broken people, we were crushed, but<br />

now we will not allow ourselves to be broken or crushed by you. We<br />

will not allow you – the dominant castes – to break us or crush us<br />

any more.”<br />

Revising the earlier positions upheld by social scientists, some<br />

of the recent works have become tired of highlighting the salient<br />

features of the emerging Dalit identity. However, the identity of the<br />

Dalits was truly formed in relation to the dominant castes. But this<br />

does not mean all inquiries stop there. The dominant castes were and<br />

continue to be the feudal landlords, headmen of the village<br />

panchayats, moneylenders and the ‘representatives of the state<br />

apparatus’. The Dalits on the other hand were and still are the landless<br />

agricultural labourers, the illiterate bonded labourers and outcastes,<br />

and the ‘beneficiaries’ or those at the receiving end of the welfare<br />

schemes of the state. In this heinously unequal and undemocratic<br />

socio-political milieu where the dominant castes constantly and

Dalit Assertion in North India 125 126 Integral Liberation Vol. 8, No. 2 June 2004<br />

continuously enforced subjugation, domination and dehumanisation,<br />

the Dalits developed a sense of being second-grade citizens.<br />

Though the Dalits were victimised by the process of bondage<br />

and servitude, they continued to protest and resist every form of<br />

oppression. Especially with the enactment of constitutional rights<br />

and privileges, the Dalits began to demand equality of rights for all.<br />

This has further enhanced the political consciousness of the Dalits.<br />

The social ostracism, economic deprivation, political marginalisation<br />

and cultural subjugation the Dalits suffered have augmented and<br />

expanded their resolve to counter all forms of discrimination. It is<br />

this eruption of Dalit determination which has shaken the<br />

‘untouchable and unalterable’ caste edifice. It is not argued here<br />

that the Dalits have attained total liberation or that they are very near<br />

to achieving emancipation. But it is an undeniable truth that the Dalits<br />

have made great strides in terms of forging a long drawn-out struggle<br />

against the caste system and caste discrimination.<br />

The discourse analysis that ensued opened up an array of options<br />

for the social scientists to interpret the emerging Dalit identity. But<br />

for the Dalits, it has become clear like daylight that the Dalits as<br />

individuals and as a collectivity have become politically conscious<br />

and that their social awareness is on the ascent. One can also discern<br />

a confident behaviour pattern among the Dalits. But this assertion<br />

had to encounter the repressive measures of the dominant castes as<br />

well as the state, which often functions as their agent. The findings<br />

of many research studies about the response of the Dalits to repression<br />

have pointed to two interconnected realities. In some cases, the Dalits<br />

and their organisations submitted to the repressive operations of the<br />

dominant castes and the state. In many other cases, the attempt to<br />

stifle the organisational and mobilisational efforts of the Dalits was<br />

countered by much broader and long drawn-out struggles.<br />

Upholding the dignity of their women is one arena where the<br />

Dalits have shown formidable determination and power.<br />

Compared to Dalit men, Dalit women suffer <strong>from</strong> the triple<br />

discrimination of caste, class and gender. Hence, initiating change in<br />

their social condition was a concurrent aspect of Dalit assertion and<br />

Dalit movements. But this is once again only a partial script of the<br />

emerging Dalit identity. Over the years, the Dalit women themselves<br />

have constructed an identity about their lives and struggles. This<br />

identity deals with their multiple roles and problems as individuals,<br />

in the family, at workplaces, in the religious sphere and in the Dalit<br />

and wider society. There is every indication that Dalit women are<br />

taking many strides to liberate themselves <strong>from</strong> innumerable clutches.<br />

But the central and crucial aspect of this liberation is that they are<br />

envisioning their emancipation within the context of both their<br />

concrete deprivations and possibilities.<br />

It is moreover significant to note that at the local, regional and<br />

national levels, the economic condition of the Dalits has not improved<br />

despite scores of developmental schemes. Almost all the Dalits lack<br />

access to or ownership over resources, and control over their labour,<br />

employment, wages, etc. This enforces upon them the necessity to<br />

depend upon the dominant castes, who in turn exploit them. It is this<br />

economic dependence which inhibits every resolve of the Dalits to<br />

fight against the dominant castes.<br />

At this juncture it is expedient to underscore the social fact that a<br />

perceptive comprehension of the consequences of untouchability and<br />

atrocities has become part of the Dalit discourse. This is due to the<br />

socio-political mobilisation of the Dalits. But it would be foolhardy<br />

to claim that this awareness has been evenly spread throughout the<br />

Dalit community, or that every Dalit perceives his or her oppression<br />

and has empowered oneself to resist these onslaughts. But what is<br />

argued here is that this is the general trend among the Dalits. If this<br />

trend continues, it will not be too long before the Dalits engage in an<br />

extended struggle for the total restructuring of the Indian social order.<br />

Finally, it needs to be stated here that the identity formation among<br />

the Dalits followed various alternative processes in different states<br />

and within a state. This is due to the nature of the social milieu, the<br />

counteracting forces, the level of Dalit mobilisation and organisation,<br />

the social mobility that has been possible in the given historical<br />

context, the centrality of Dr. Ambedkar and the strategy followed. In<br />

the given productive relations, the ideological and material-productive<br />

components have contributed to the emergence of Dalit identity. Only<br />

time will reveal which direction identity formation will take in the<br />

future. But it is a fact that anti-caste movements and Dalit struggles<br />

have come to stay. It is they who will alter the very structure of<br />

Indian society.

Dalit Assertion in North India 127 128 Integral Liberation Vol. 8, No. 2 June 2004<br />

Bahujan Samaj Party and Dalit Assertion<br />

The emergence, expansion and consolidation of the Bahujan<br />

Samaj Party (BSP) in Uttar Pradesh <strong>from</strong> the late 1970s offer a<br />

forceful case of Dalit assertion in north India. The breaking of the<br />

alliance between the BSP and the BJP has raised many questions.<br />

But a careful reader of political formation would also recollect the<br />

criticism levied on the BSP for forming an alliance with the BJP, a<br />

dominant caste party in UP. Significantly, this type of alliance between<br />

the BSP and the BJP has been witnessed three times till now. The<br />

long-term impact of these alliances will unfold in the years to come.<br />

But for now there are indications that the BSP has grown <strong>from</strong> strength<br />

to strength. It is this factor which has forced some of the BJP leaders<br />

to snap ties with the BSP. Let us examine the consequences of the<br />

BSP emergence for Dalit assertion.<br />

In her comprehensive study of Dalit assertion in Uttar Pradesh,<br />

Sudha Pai argues that Dalit assertion has been a constant, though<br />

not always visible, feature of UP society since the late colonial period.<br />

According to her, the state has experienced three major attempts by<br />

the Dalits to improve their social status and increase their share in<br />

political power. The first was in the late colonial period when the<br />

Chamar-Jatavs (a numerically powerful and socially mobile Dalit<br />

sub-caste in UP) of Agra, Aligarh, Meerut and a few other districts<br />

renounced the Gandhian ideals under the influence of Ambedkar.<br />

Earlier they had made an attempt to rise in the caste hierarchy through<br />

sanskritisation. With the newly formed party, the Scheduled Caste<br />

Federation of India, they fought elections but lost since their ideology,<br />

strategy and mobilisation were not any different <strong>from</strong> the Congress<br />

Party. With the formation of the Ambedkarite Republication Party of<br />

India (RPI) in 1956, a new phase of Dalit assertion emerged in UP,<br />

but this was absorbed by the Congress in the late 1960s. The<br />

emergence of the BSP in the mid-1980s constitutes the third phase in<br />

this ongoing process of Dalit assertion in the state. 10<br />

Systematic studies about the emergence of the BSP are yet to be<br />

done by social scientists. But even a cursory glance at the powerful<br />

expansion of the BSP suggests that the Dalit assertion has come to<br />

stay in the political arena of UP. In 1987 in UP, Punjab and Madhya<br />

Pradesh, the BSP became a force. The BSP was founded on 14 th April<br />

1984. But before its formation, Kanshi Ram founded the BAMCEF<br />

(Backward [SC, ST, OBC] and Minority Communities Employees<br />

Federation) in 1978. Though its major constituency was the elite of<br />

the bahujan samaj, the BAMCEF made rapid headway in a short<br />

time. The slogan of the time was, “Brahmin, Bania aur thakur chor,<br />

baki sab DS 4” (Dalit-Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti), that is, the<br />

Brahmins, Banias and Thakurs are thieves and the rest are the<br />

exploited lot. 11<br />

Tracing the evolution of the BSP and its ‘Alternative Social<br />

Order’, Sudha Pai states that the first stage witnessed strident critiques<br />

of the traditional Hindu social order and the contemporary socioeconomic<br />

and political system, created by manuvadi leaders after<br />

Independence as hierarchical and discriminatory… This critique was<br />

required to awaken the Dalit-Bahujans and make them aware of their<br />

lowly position in Indian society before an alternative theory could be<br />

propounded… During the second stage in the late 1980s and early<br />

1990s, Kanshi Ram and Mayawati, based on the idea of social justice,<br />

attempted to build, in collaboration with the backwards, an alternative<br />

socio-political structure – the bahujan samaj – which would give the<br />

Dalit-Bahujans their rightful socio-economic and political position<br />

in Indian society… The third stage experienced the translation of<br />

this ideology into practice during the brief periods when the Party<br />

was in power, in 1996 and 1997. 12<br />

It is pertinent to discuss here what has been the consequences<br />

of the rise of the BSP as a Dalit political party. Christophe Jaffrelot<br />

outlines the following achievements of the BSP in UP: “With<br />

Mayawati as Chief Minister, India’s largest state for the first time<br />

was governed by a member of the Scheduled Castes, one who<br />

forcefully advocated the cause of the bahujan samaj. For most Dalits<br />

she became a source of pride. Mayawati’s accession to Uttar<br />

Pradesh’s top post thus played a major part in the consolidation of<br />

the BSP’s vote-bank.” Jaffrelot goes on to recount the impact on the<br />

Dalits: “Such a consolidation also resulted <strong>from</strong> the special treatment<br />

Mayawati granted to the lower castes, of which the Dalits were the<br />

first beneficiaries. Mayawati started with a series of name changes;<br />

new districts were carved out and renamed after Dalit leaders; dozens<br />

of Ambedkar statues were put up. More importantly, Mulayam Singh<br />

Yadav’s Ambedkar Village Scheme, which consisted in allotting

Dalit Assertion in North India 129 130 Integral Liberation Vol. 8, No. 2 June 2004<br />

special funds for socio-economic development under the IRDP for<br />

two years for villages with 50% of SC population, was revised in<br />

order to include those with more than 30%. Under this scheme, roads,<br />

handpumps, houses, etc. were built in the bustees of Dalits.” 13<br />

According to Sudha Pai, Dalit assertion in western UP,<br />

particularly in Meerut district, has taken two forms in recent years:<br />

first, voting and supporting the BSP, and second, new forms of sociopolitical<br />

activities at the grassroots. Through a plethora of activities<br />

such as education, reading Dalit literature, installing statues of<br />

Ambedkar, celebrating his birthday, forming Dalit associations to<br />

protect their interests and collective protest against atrocities, the<br />

Dalits have made an attempt to improve their living standards,<br />

compete with the upper castes in all walks of life, and register<br />

their protest against domination by them. 14<br />

Dr. Vivek Kumar argues: “The BSP has initiated structural<br />

changes in the most populous, and caste-wise, the most fragmented<br />

state of the country. We can then ask, what rights and obligations did<br />

the Dalits and the so-called upper castes have before the BSP came<br />

on the Dalit liberation horizon in UP? Obviously the so-called upper<br />

castes were cumulatively dominant in the socio-economic and political<br />

realms. Their hegemonic dominance rendered the Dalits cumulatively<br />

without a voice of dissent. But gradually after 1984, with the formation<br />

of the BSP, the established social structure has started changing in<br />

UP. Today no ‘upper caste’ can take the Dalits for granted. They<br />

retaliate in whatever manner they can.” For instance, they used arms<br />

against the Thakurs in Mau district and in the village Gopal Khera of<br />

Mohanlal Ganj in Lucknow. The Mayawati-led government moreover<br />

conducted a silent land reform process which benefited several lakhs<br />

of Dalits. 15<br />

In a similar vein, Jens Lerche maintains that the partial<br />

occupational delinking since the 1960s has transformed the social<br />

relations between the dominant caste Thakurs and the Dalits.<br />

The Dalits here no longer accept the harsh ‘master and patron’ rule<br />

by the Thakurs. Instead, they began to develop an interest group<br />

approach, and since 1972 they have gone on strike regularly for higher<br />

wages in agriculture. Moreover, they have stopped participating in<br />

Thakur ceremonies which served to emphasise their inferiority. Since<br />

the emergence of the BSP on the political scene, they have also<br />

managed to use their increased political clout to halt most routine<br />

beatings, rapes, and the occasional murder of Dalits by Thakurs. 16<br />

In the final analysis, it needs to be emphasised that the Dalit<br />

assertion has come to stay. The demand of the Dalits is not limited<br />

to the annihilation of the caste system and the evil practice of<br />

untouchability. It goes further and calls for restructuring the Indian<br />

social order and creating a society where all the downtrodden masses<br />

will have an equal share in resources, power structure, social dignity<br />

and religious traditions. One has to wait and see if the political<br />

establishment of the dominant castes takes this assertion seriously or<br />

not. Whatever may be the response of the ruling castes and classes,<br />

the Dalit assertion has shown that a long drawn-out struggle alone<br />

can provide the space and scope for the Dalits to continue to fight<br />

for building an egalitarian, democratic and plural society.<br />

NOTES<br />

1. The term Dalit is and has been defined both exclusively and<br />

inclusively. In the exclusive definition, Dalits refer only to the Scheduled<br />

Castes or erstwhile untouchables. On the other hand, the inclusive<br />

definition includes the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes under<br />

the category of Dalits. Thus, the 160 mn Scheduled Castes and 80 mn<br />

Scheduled Tribes are clubbed together and called Dalits. In extension,<br />

this group of people is at times also made to include all the exploited<br />

masses within its fold. In this article, the term Dalit has been used only<br />

in the exclusive sense. The term Dalit was popularised by the Dalit<br />

Panthers of Maharashtra in the late 1970s.<br />

2. Prakash Louis, The Political Sociology of Dalit Assertion, Gyan<br />

Publishing House, New Delhi, 2003.<br />

3. Chambers English Dictionary, New Edition, Allied Publishers, New<br />

Delhi, 1991.<br />

4. J.V. Deshpande, “Behind Dalit Anger”, Economic and Political Weekly,<br />

August 16-23 1997, pp. 2090-91.<br />

5. A.K. Jha, “Dalit Ascendancy”, The Times of India, 26 July 1997, p. 8.<br />

6. Eleanor Zelliot, “The Meaning of Ambedkar”, in G. Shah (ed.), Dalit<br />

Identity and Politics, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 2001, pp. 135-137.<br />

7. Prakash Louis and Surinder S. Jodhka, “Caste Conflict and Dalit Identity

Dalit Assertion in North India 131<br />

in Rural Punjab: Significance of Talhan”, Social Action, October-<br />

December 2003.<br />

8. Identity formation is a universal phenomenon cutting across all social<br />

categories. For example, the Jats who today claim upper caste status<br />

and have become economically and politically mobile had to invest in<br />

enforcing a different identity in the past. Rattan Singh thus pleaded with<br />

the Jat community in the Jat Sudhar in 1925: “Fame is greater than<br />

beauty; he who does not respect himself or his country, he is not a man,<br />

he is like an animal and his life a living corpse. He who sacrifices his<br />

life for the betterment of his community, he alone is immortal. Nobody<br />

attains fame through property” (quoted in Nonica Datta, Forming an<br />

Identity, A Social History of the Jats, Oxford University Press, New<br />

Delhi, 1999, p. 167).<br />

9. Fernando Franco (ed.), Pain and Awakening: The Dynamics of Dalit<br />

Identity in Bihar, Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh, Indian Social Institute,<br />

New Delhi, 2002, p. 16.<br />

10. Sudha Pai, Dalit Assertion and the Unfinished Democratic Revolution:<br />

The Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh, Sage Publications, New<br />

Delhi, 2002, p. 5.<br />

11. Christophe Jaffrelot, India’s Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Low<br />

Castes in North Indian Politics, Permanent Black, Delhi, 2003, pp. 388-<br />

409.<br />

12. Sudha Pai, op. cit., pp. 114-115.<br />

13. Christophe Jaffrelot, op. cit., pp. 414-415.<br />

14. Sudha Pai, “New Social and Political Movements of Dalits: A Study of<br />

Meerut District”, Contributions to Indian Sociology, June, no 2, 34, p.<br />

190.<br />

15. Vivek Kumar, “Uttar Pradesh: Politics of Change”, Economic and<br />

Political Weekly, 2003, 38 (37), September 13, p. 3870.<br />

16. Jens Lerche, “Hamlet, Village and Region: Caste and Class Differences<br />

Between Low-Caste Mobilisations in East and West UP”, in R. Jeffery<br />

& J. Lerche, Social and Political Change in Uttar Pradesh: European<br />

Perspective, Manohar, New Delhi, 2003, p. 189.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!