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economic policies. This is necessary in order to bring about the much-needed political will that is<br />

often lacking, to focus adequate attention on food security policies. Without adequate political pressure<br />

for reform, proper food security policies are unlikely to be adopted. There can be no question that<br />

the political mobilization of the poor is required for such a food security policy to be implemented.<br />

All these changes in the understanding and context meant that 20 years after the 1975 World Food<br />

Summit, there was a substantial shift in understanding the meaning of food security. From the 1975<br />

emphasis on adequate food supply, the 1996 World Food Summit declared ‘…food security, at the<br />

individual, household, national, regional and global levels …exists when all people, at all times, have<br />

physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and<br />

food preferences for an active and healthy life.’ (FAO, 1996, 3, emphasis added). The declaration further<br />

recognized that ‘poverty eradication is essential to improve access to food.’<br />

The international discourse on food security has further developed along the lines of the right to food.<br />

This right to food (as discussed in greater detail in the Appendix on Right to Food) derives from the<br />

1948 UN Declaration on Universal Human Rights. Through subsequent instruments, the meaning of<br />

the right to food has been spelt out. In particular, the 1999 International Covenant on Economic, Social<br />

and Cultural Rights clarified the obligations of states in the context of the realization of the right to<br />

food. As put forward in General Comment 12, the right to food identifies three kinds of obligations of<br />

states: not to adopt measures that would prevent access to food; to adopt measures to ensure that no<br />

individuals are deprived of access to adequate food; and to proactively engage in activities that<br />

strengthen people’s access to food, including means to ensure their livelihood and food security. There<br />

is also an obligation of states to fulfil that right directly, when people cannot obtain adequate food through<br />

the means at their disposal (or, normal entitlements) (Charlotte McClain Nhalpo, 2004).<br />

In India, following the case filed by the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), the Supreme Court<br />

has passed a number of judgments and orders on realizing the right to food (see Appendix on Right to<br />

Food for details). These include orders to implement the Mid-Day Meals Scheme (MMS) in primary<br />

schools in all states, the provision of work, etc. Consequently, it is in the context of the international<br />

and national obligations, following the acceptance of the right to food, that this Report looks at the<br />

ways to realize food security.<br />

1.2 Structure of the Report<br />

This report is an effort to provide a district level profile of food security in Rajasthan. As the country<br />

moves towards greater devolution and decentralization, data at disaggregated levels remains a<br />

stumbling block. District-level data is notoriously inadequate and this report urges that greater<br />

attention be paid to data collection and dissemination at the sub-state levels. While Chapter 1<br />

introduces the concept of food security, Chapter 2 provides an overview of the state and places it in<br />

the context of other states in the country. In line with the current and correct approach that emphasizes<br />

8 FOOD SECURITY ATLAS OF RURAL RAJASTHAN

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