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1380984377.3491A History of English Language

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A history <strong>of</strong> the english language 304<br />

vantages <strong>of</strong> <strong>English</strong> for communication both internally and internationally, are sufficient<br />

to overcome the reluctance toward using a colonial language. Swahili is the <strong>of</strong>ficial<br />

language in Tanzania, but government business is routinely transacted in <strong>English</strong>. Some<br />

nations have deferred making the choice <strong>of</strong> an <strong>of</strong>ficial language and continue to use<br />

<strong>English</strong> simultaneously with one or more <strong>of</strong> the African languages. Even more complex<br />

than the choice <strong>of</strong> an <strong>of</strong>ficial language is the question <strong>of</strong> a standard. Among speakers who<br />

learn <strong>English</strong> as a second language there will inevitably be a wide range <strong>of</strong> varieties, from<br />

pidgin at one extreme to a written standard <strong>of</strong> international acceptability at the other.<br />

Because many speakers know no <strong>English</strong> and many know only the patois <strong>of</strong> the<br />

marketplace, West African <strong>English</strong> is remarkable for its varieties. With as yet no<br />

identifiable West African standard, graders <strong>of</strong> examinations <strong>of</strong>ten have difftculty drawing<br />

the line between an incorrect answer and a local variant. Such practicalities illustrate the<br />

larger philosophical problem <strong>of</strong> correctness and acceptability in varieties <strong>of</strong> <strong>English</strong> that<br />

diverge markedly from the international Standard <strong>English</strong> <strong>of</strong> educated speakers in Great<br />

Britain, the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and many<br />

speakers in the West African countries. The question <strong>of</strong> whether a West African standard<br />

will emerge, and if so, whether such a standard is desirable and should be taught, evoke a<br />

wide range <strong>of</strong> answers that reflect a bewildering diversity <strong>of</strong> opinion concerning language<br />

and its use. 23<br />

Examples from Nigerian <strong>English</strong> illustrate the distinctions that must be made in<br />

describing a regional or national standard. We have seen differences in pronunciation<br />

among standard British dialects, and in Chapter 11 we shall see an even more basic set <strong>of</strong><br />

differences between British <strong>English</strong> and American <strong>English</strong>. It is to be expected that the<br />

standard dialects <strong>of</strong> <strong>English</strong> throughout the world will vary according to settlement<br />

history and the local linguistic influences that are at work. In Nigeria the phonological<br />

systems <strong>of</strong> the languages spoken as first languages by the great majority <strong>of</strong> people—<br />

Yoruba and Igbo and in the South and Hausa in the North—have contributed to the<br />

distinctive Nigerian accent. Vowel harmony in Igbo, for example, causes follow to be<br />

pronounced with the same back vowel in both syllables: Hausa speakers tend to<br />

break up consonant clusters by inserting a vowel, so that screw becomes [s u k u ru]. The<br />

smaller number <strong>of</strong> vowel contrasts in the<br />

23<br />

Cf. the contrasting views in M.A.K. Halliday, Angus Mclntosh, and Peter Strevens, The<br />

Linguistic Sciences and <strong>Language</strong> Teaching (London, 1964), pp. 203−4 et passim; C.H.Prator,<br />

“The British Heresy in TEFL,” in <strong>Language</strong> Problems <strong>of</strong> Developing Nations, ed. Joshua A.<br />

Fishman et al. (New York, 1968), pp. 459–76; J.H.Sledd, “Un-American <strong>English</strong> Reconsidered,”<br />

American Speech, 48 (1973), 46–53; and K.A.Sey, Ghanaian <strong>English</strong>: An Exploratory Survey<br />

(London, 1973).

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