Benazir Bhutto - SZABIST
Benazir Bhutto - SZABIST
Benazir Bhutto - SZABIST
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Extremism looms as a threat, but it will be contained as it has been in the past if the moderate middle<br />
can be mobilized to stand up to fanaticism. I return to lead that battle.<br />
I have led an unusual life. I have buried a father killed at age 50 and two brothers killed in the prime<br />
of their lives. I raised my children as a single mother when my husband was arrested and held for<br />
eight years without a conviction -- a hostage to my political career. I made my choice when the mantle<br />
of political leadership was thrust upon my shoulders after my father's murder. I did not shrink from<br />
responsibility then, and I will not shrink from it now.<br />
I am aware that some in Pakistan have questioned the dialogue I have engaged in with Gen. Pervez<br />
Musharraf over the past several months. I held those discussions hoping that Musharraf would resign<br />
from the army and restore democracy.<br />
My goal in that dialogue has never been personal but was always to ensure that there be fair and free<br />
elections in Pakistan, to save democracy. The fight against extremism requires a national effort that<br />
can flow only from legitimate elections. Within our intelligence and military are elements who<br />
sympathize with religious extremists. If these elements are not answerable to Parliament and the<br />
elected government, the battle against religious militancy, a battle for the survival and future of<br />
Pakistan, could be lost. The military must be part of the battle against extremism, but as the six years<br />
since Sept. 11, 2001, have shown, the military cannot do it on its own.<br />
Many issues remain unresolved in our political structure. Musharraf is precluded from seeking<br />
reelection in or out of uniform. Pakistani law requires a two-year wait before a member of the military<br />
can run for the presidency. The general can respond to the people's desire for legitimate presidential,<br />
parliamentary and ministerial elections, or he can tamper with the constitution. The latter choice<br />
would risk a fresh confrontation with the judiciary, the legal community and the political parties. Such<br />
a confrontation could lead to another declaration of martial law, civil unrest, or both.<br />
Civil unrest is what the extremists want. Anarchy and chaos suit them.<br />
The political element in Musharraf's party that presided over the rise of extremism has worked with<br />
every Pakistani administration since my government was destabilized in 1996. Its members are<br />
blocking the democratic change I have tried to achieve with Musharraf. They fear that democracy will<br />
be difficult to manipulate to the benefit of extremists and militants.<br />
My dialogue with Musharraf aims to move the country forward from a dictatorship that has failed to<br />
stop the tribal areas from becoming havens for terrorists. The extremists are even spreading their<br />
tentacles into Pakistan's cities.<br />
Last week brought a fresh challenge. Just days ago, Pakistan's election commission arbitrarily<br />
amended the constitutional provision regarding the eligibility of a person competent to contest for the<br />
office of president. As the constitution can be amended only through a two-thirds majority in<br />
Parliament, a judicial hornet's nest has been stirred.<br />
My party and I seek fair, free and impartial elections to be held by an independent election<br />
commission under an interim government of national consensus. We want a level playing field for all<br />
candidates and parties.<br />
In words commonly attributed to Joseph Stalin, "Those who cast the vote decide nothing. Those who<br />
count the vote decide everything." That's why we have stressed electoral reforms -- although our<br />
efforts have so far been in vain.