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Fiscal policy rules for managing oil revenues in Nigeria

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expenditure, the ability to save w<strong>in</strong>dfalls from excess crude <strong>oil</strong> proceeds by the<br />

government rema<strong>in</strong>s critical <strong>in</strong> ensur<strong>in</strong>g that government expenditure is<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed at a susta<strong>in</strong>able level and consistent with the absorptive capacity of<br />

the economy.<br />

Figure 1a reveals that there is a substantial <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> government spend<strong>in</strong>g,<br />

primary deficit and debt <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong> between 1980 and 2005. The <strong>oil</strong> w<strong>in</strong>dfall<br />

between 1990 and 1992 was followed by rapid growth <strong>in</strong> government spend<strong>in</strong>g<br />

with an average of about 21 percent of GDP dur<strong>in</strong>g that period. However, as the<br />

<strong>oil</strong> market weakened <strong>in</strong> the subsequent years, <strong>oil</strong> receipts were not adequate to<br />

meet <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g levels of demands, and expenditures be<strong>in</strong>g re<strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>ced by<br />

political pressures, were not rationalised. Government resorted to borrow<strong>in</strong>g<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>ly from the central bank to f<strong>in</strong>ance the huge deficits (see figure 1b).<br />

From figure 1b, the CBN absorbs almost half of the <strong>Nigeria</strong>n public debt<br />

follow<strong>in</strong>g Commercial bank and the public. This implies that government is<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>ly f<strong>in</strong>anc<strong>in</strong>g its huge deficits through seigniorage − the so called “fiscal<br />

<strong>in</strong>discipl<strong>in</strong>e.” And when government pr<strong>in</strong>ts money (or use seigniorage), it<br />

<strong>in</strong>creases the money supply and this <strong>in</strong> turn causes <strong>in</strong>flation.<br />

Although the democratically elected government <strong>in</strong> 1999 adopted policies to<br />

restore fiscal discipl<strong>in</strong>e, the rapid monetization of <strong>for</strong>eign exchange earn<strong>in</strong>gs<br />

between 2000 and 2004, another era of <strong>oil</strong> w<strong>in</strong>dfall, resulted <strong>in</strong> a large <strong>in</strong>creases<br />

<strong>in</strong> government spend<strong>in</strong>g. In 2005 alone, government spend<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>creases to 19<br />

percent of GDP from 14 percent <strong>in</strong> 2000. Extra budgetary outlays not <strong>in</strong>itially<br />

<strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the budget <strong>in</strong>creased. Worst till, most of this spend<strong>in</strong>g are not<br />

directed towards capital and socio-economic sectors.<br />

Corollary, primary deficit worsened from an average of 2.6 percent of GDP <strong>in</strong><br />

1980s to one of 6.2 percent <strong>in</strong> 1990s. In 2002 alone, primary deficit <strong>in</strong>creases<br />

to 5 percent of GDP from 2 percent <strong>in</strong> 2000. This <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> deficits results <strong>in</strong><br />

4

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