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Europeanization and Democratization - CIRES

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419<br />

power straight away – there were not even initial democratic openings after the<br />

breakdown of communism. The new elites then opted for an absolutist patrimonial<br />

state: the nadir of options from both a democratic <strong>and</strong> a fiscal point of view.<br />

Situated in between, Russia, the Ukraine, Moldova, <strong>and</strong> Georgia, respectively,<br />

have experienced a mix of these two extremes. A significant mobilization occurred<br />

in many of the countries in 1989-1991 but then it ebbed away. With the exception<br />

of Moldova, one societal fraction was able to get a solid grip on the reins of power<br />

after the initial mobilization. Often, this group undermined the liberal component<br />

of liberal democracy even though they did not ab<strong>and</strong>on it altogether. The<br />

consequence has been an insidious state of limbo which, in turn, explains the<br />

stipulated character of the emerging tax state.<br />

VII. Conclusions<br />

Having completed this theoretical <strong>and</strong> empirical journey through space <strong>and</strong> time,<br />

what may we conclude The point of departure of this paper was the empirical gap<br />

separating electoral <strong>and</strong> liberal democracy in the post-Soviet setting. I then went on<br />

to trace the historical record of the liberal component of democracy to the Western<br />

European past. This exercise led me to the proposition – derived from fiscal<br />

sociology – that the liberal state is a consequence of a quid-pro-quo between the<br />

rulers <strong>and</strong> the ruled; an exchange of rights for revenue. Interestingly, this ‘gr<strong>and</strong><br />

bargain’ only really locked in where the fiscal incentives went h<strong>and</strong>-in-h<strong>and</strong> with<br />

significant societal constraints.<br />

But are these historical mechanisms likely to work in the world of today, one<br />

might ask Seemingly so, is my answer. In the post-Soviet realm, there is a positive<br />

empirical relationship between the sustainability of liberal democracy <strong>and</strong> the<br />

effectiveness of taxation – <strong>and</strong> it becomes very strong when removing the<br />

comm<strong>and</strong>-economy of Belarus from the picture. Furthermore, the political elites in<br />

the fifteen countries faced very dissimilar constraints during <strong>and</strong> after the upheaval

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