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1 Political authority and obligation Political authority and obligation

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<strong>Political</strong> <strong>authority</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>obligation</strong> 15<br />

BOX 1.2 PLATO, LOCKE, HUME, AND ROUSSEAU ON RESIDENCE AS CONSENT<br />

And if any one of you wishes to go to a colony, if he is not satisfied with us <strong>and</strong> the city, or to<br />

migrate <strong>and</strong> settle in another country, none of us, the laws, hinder or forbid him going whithersoever<br />

he pleases, taking with him all his property. But whoever continues with us after he has<br />

seen the manner in which we administer justice, <strong>and</strong> in other respects govern the city, we now<br />

say, that he has in fact entered into a compact with us, to do what we order.<br />

(Plato, 360 BC; 1892: 41)<br />

Every man that hath any possession or enjoyment of any part of the dominions of any government<br />

doth hereby give his tacit consent, <strong>and</strong> is as far forth obliged to obedience to the laws of<br />

that government, during such enjoyment, as any one under it, whether this his possession be of<br />

l<strong>and</strong> to him <strong>and</strong> his heirs for ever, or a lodging only for a week; or whether it be barely travelling<br />

freely on the highway; <strong>and</strong>, in effect, it reaches as far as the very being of any one within the territories<br />

of that government.<br />

(Locke, 1690; 1924: 177)<br />

Can we seriously say that a poor peasant or artisan has a free choice to leave his country, when<br />

he knows no foreign language or manners, <strong>and</strong> lives, from day to day, by the small wages which<br />

he acquires? We may as well assert that a man, by remaining in a vessel, freely consents to the<br />

dominion of the master; though he was carried on board while asleep, <strong>and</strong> must leap into the<br />

ocean, <strong>and</strong> perish, the moment he leaves her.<br />

(Hume, 1748; 1947: 221–2)<br />

After the state is instituted, residence implies consent; to inhabit the territory is to submit to the<br />

sovereign. [Footnote:] This should always be understood to refer only to free states, for elsewhere<br />

family, property, lack of asylum, necessity or violence may keep an inhabitant in the<br />

country unwillingly, <strong>and</strong> then his mere residence no longer implies consent either to the contract<br />

or to the violation of the contract.<br />

(Rousseau, 1762; 1968: 153)<br />

legitimate? It looks, then, as though the residence version of consent theory cannot succeed<br />

without relying on some prior justifi cation for political <strong>authority</strong> that does not appeal<br />

to tacit consent. If such a justifi cation can be found, then political <strong>authority</strong> will already<br />

have been shown to be legitimate <strong>and</strong> consent then becomes redundant.<br />

Voting as consent<br />

A second act that some consent theorists have argued is tacit consent to obey the law is<br />

voting in a democratic election. John Plamenatz, for example, writes that ‘where there is<br />

an established process of election to an offi ce, then, provided the election is free, anyone who<br />

takes part in the process consents to the <strong>authority</strong> of whoever is elected to the offi ce’ (1968:<br />

170). Of course, not everyone in the world has the opportunity to vote in a democratic<br />

election, <strong>and</strong> even among those who do, many choose not to exercise it. But can we at<br />

least say that citizens of democratic states who do cast their vote have freely consented<br />

to obey the law?

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