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304 Notestypical image of the Mandylion. See C. von Schönborn, ‘‘Les Icônes qui ne sont pas faitesde main d’homme,’’ in Image et signification (Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux [LaDocumentation française], 1983), 206.136. See H. Hlavácková and H. Seifertová, ‘‘La Madonne de Most: Imitation et symbole,’’Revue de l’art 67 (1985): 58–65, a shorter version of an article published in Czech inthe journal Umêní 33 (1985): 44–57.137. ‘‘The priest, in effect, inscribes the cross on the bread, and thereby signifies theway the sacrifice was accomplished, namely by the cross. Then he pierces the bread onthe right side, showing by this wound in the bread the wound in the side (of the Lord).This is why he calls the iron object used to strike a lance; it is made in the shape of alance, so as to evoke the lance (of Longinus).’’ Nicolas Cabasilas, Explication de la divineliturgie (14th century), viii, 3, ed. and trans. S. Salaville (Paris: Le Cerf [Sources chrétiennesno. 4 bis], 1967), 89.138. Included in Die Zisterzienser: Ordensleben zwischen Ideal und Wirlichkeit, exh. cat.,Aachen, Cologne, and Bonn 1980, no. F 31, p.571. See also F. O. Büttner, Imago Pietatis:Motive der Christlich en Ikonographie als Modelle zur Verähnlichung (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1983),150.139. See Didi-Huberman, ‘‘Puissances de la figure.’’140. Interpretation, 313–14.141. Giovanni di Genova (Giovanni Balbi), Catholicon (14th century) (Venice: Liechtestein,1497), fol. 142v. I discuss this definition in my Fra Angelico.142. Just as the symptom in psychoanalysis is defined as a cry or ‘‘silence in the supposedspeaking subject.’’ Lacan, Four Fundamental Concepts, 11.143. See Écrits, 255–56 [Fink, 47], à propos the ‘‘birth of truth’’ in the ‘‘hysterical revelation.’’144. ‘‘There was no longer anything healthy in him, from the soles of his feet to thetop of his head.’’ Jacobus de Voragine, La Légende dorée, trans. J. B. M. Roze (Paris: Garnier-Flammarion, 1967), 1:260. See Georges Didi-Huberman, ‘‘Un Sang d’images,’’ NouvelleRevue de psychanalyse 32 (1985): 129–31.145. See Hugo of Saint-Victor, Miscellanea, cv, P.L., clxxvii, col. 804 (‘‘De triplici similitudine’’).And, in general, R. Javelet, Image et ressemblance au xiie siècle de saint Anselmeà Alain de Lille, 2 vols. (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1967).146. See A. E. Taylor, ‘‘Regio dissimilitudinis,’’ Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littérrairedu Moyen Age 9 (1934): 305–6. P. Courcelle, ‘‘Tradition néo-platonicienne et traditions chrétiennesde la région de dissemblance,’’ Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littérraire du Moyen Age32 (1957): 5–23, followed by a ‘‘Répertoire des textes relatifs à la région de dissemblancejusqu’au xive siècle,’’ 24–34.147. On the Kunstliteratur of the entire period, see J. von Schlosser, La littérature artistique,trans. J. Chavy (1924; Paris: Flammarion, 1984), 41–132.148. Theophilus, De diversis artibus schedula, trans. J. J. Bourassé, inEssai sur divers arts(Paris: Picard, 1980). This is an old, very inaccurate translation (first published in theDictionnaire d’archéologie by Migne). The oldest manuscript copy of this treatise dates fromearly in the thirteenth century. Previously, the original text was thought to date from thefourteenth century, but now it is dated to the twelfth century. It has also been conjectured,on the basis of an annotation on the one of the surviving manuscripts (‘‘Theopuliusqui est Rogerus . . .’’), that the pseudonym ‘‘Theophylus’’ hides the identity of a celebratedgoldsmith of the early twelfth century named Roger de Helmarshausen, who signed aportable altar now in the treasury of Paderborn Cathedral. C. Cennini, Il libro dell’arte otrattato della pittura, ed. F. Tempesti (Milan: Longanesi, 1984), the oldest—nonautograph—