(1978). On Facilitating Networks for Social Change ... - INSNA

- 4 5 -. . . Abstracts, cont'dA Comparison of Structure in Behavioral andCognitive Social Network Data(mimeo .)This paper provides a comparison of the triadic-level structure inherent in behavioral and cognitivesocial network data taken on the same group, using a variety of groups whose communication could easilybe monitored .It is found that many types of structure occur significantly more or less than chance in both behavioraland cognitive data, and providing that these are treated in similar ways, there is good agreementbetween the two structures . However, there are several ways to treat behavioral data, and these produceat least two essentially different structures .If cognitive and behavioral triads are compared triad by triad, then there is virtually no agreementbetween them (even though they may both display the same structure on an overall triad census) .Finally, the unlikely hypothesis is proposed that, under many circumstances, behavioral structurenever alters . Change in structure over time apparently occurs because of informant error in the reportingof the cognitive data . A pseudo-transition matrix, giving the probability that a triad is reportedas one type when data are first taken, and a different type at a later date, is calculated . More subtledata will be necessary to disprove this hypothesis .The Reverse Small World ExperimentThis paper considers the reverse small-world technique . Many "starters" are presented with a verylong list (1267) of "targets" . Starters are instructed in the small-world experiment and asked to writedown their choice for the first link in the chain from them to each of the 1267 targets . The location,occupation, sex, and ethnic background of targets was given, and starters indicated which (if any) ofthese pieces of information made them think of their choice . Seven conclusions are drawn from the data :(1) A mean of 210 choices control the world, but this number is an underestimate . Only 35 choicescontrol half the world, however . (2) There appear to be three distinct, and mainly nonoverlapping,networks controlling U .S ., local, and foreign areas . (3) Choices are mainly friends and acquaintances,with strong cleavages by sex . (4) Location is the usual reason for choices, with occupation second mostpopular . (5) The decision as to which choice is made depends primarily on the occupation of thetrigger, and secondly on the distance (near/far) from Morgantown, West Virginia, where the experimenttook place . (6) Half the states in the U .S . are controlled by a single person when choices are made onthe basis of location . (7) As found in previous experiments, the accuracy of informants in estimatingtheir networks is low .Informant Accuracy in Social Network Data IIHuman Communication Research,in pressThis paper repeats and confirms the results of Killworth and Bernard, 1976, concerning informants'ability to report their communication accurately . A variety of self-monitoring, or nearly self-monitoring,networks are used for this study . The conclusion again appears that people do not know, with anyaccuracy, those with whom they communicate .The expanded experimental design permits a variety of other, related questions to be answered :recall of past communication is not significantly more accurate than prediction of future communication ;no one set of data is more accurate than any other ; the maintenance of personal logs of communicationdoes not improve accuracy ; informants do not know if they are accurate or not ; there is no reason tochoose either rankings or scalings as a data instrument save for convenience .It is suggested that future research should concentrate both on improving the accuracy of datagatheringinstruments and on lessening the reliance of data-processing instruments on precise data .