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CULTURE, POWER AND PRACTICES:THE GLOBALIZATION OF CULTURE ANDITS IMPLICATIONS FOR ASIAN REGIONALTRANSFORMATIONSThe Work of 2010/2011 API Fellows

iiCULTURE, POWER AND PRACTICES: THE GLOBALIZATION OFCULTURE AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR ASIAN REGIONALTRANSFORMATIONSThe Work of 2010/2011 API Fellows© The Nippon FoundationFirst published in March 2013Published byAPI Regional Coordinating InstitutionInstitute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University3 rd Floor, Prajadhipok-Rambhai Barni Building,Chulalongkorn University, Phyathai Road,Bangkok 10330 ThailandTel: +66-2-218-7422Fax: +66-2-652-5283URL: http://www.api-fellowships.orgEmail: ci@api-fellowships.orgAll right reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted,reproduced, or utilized in any form or by any electronic,mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,including photocopying and recording, or in any informationstorage or retrieval system, without permission in writing fromThe Nippon Foundation Fellowships for the Asian PublicIntellectuals.A PDF version of this book is available online at http://www.api-fellowships.orgPrinted by:Sunta Press Pte. Ltd., 67 Rong Muang 3 Rd., Patumwan,Bangkok 10330, ThailandTel: +66-2216-4344, Fax: +66-2216-4152The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

viABOUT THE BOOKCULTURE, POWER AND PRATICES: THE GLOBALIZATION OF CULTURE AND ITSIMPLICATIONS FOR ASIAN REGIONAL TRANSFORMATION, is a collection of papers by the 2010/2011Asian Public Intellectuals (API) Fellows. The 23 papers that comprise this volume cover key areas such asmultiple modernities through globalization in the Asian context; multiple identities via the globalization of art,media and performance; multiple identities via spirituality, histories and cultural re-presentations; potential oflocal knowledge and practices; and flux and flows of people, power and practices in relation to social justice. APIpublications can be downloaded at http://www.api-fellowships.org.The API Fellowships ProgramAs Asia enters the 21 st century, it faces political, economic, and social challenges that transcend nationalboundaries. To meet these challenges, the region needs a pool of intellectuals willing to be active in the publicsphere who can articulate common concerns and propose creative solutions. Recognizing that opportunities forintellectual exchange are limited by institutional, linguistic, and cultural parameters, The Nippon Foundation(TNF) launched the Asian Public Intellectuals (API) Fellowships Program in July 2000. The Program’s primaryaim is to promote mutual learning among Asian public intellectuals and contribute to the growth of wider publicspaces in which effective responses to regional needs can be generated.The API Fellowships Program is open to academics, researchers, media professionals, artists, creative writers, nongovernmentalorganization (NGO) activists, social workers, public servants and others with moral authority whoare committed to working for the betterment of society by applying their professional knowledge, wisdom andexperience. The Program is designed to stimulate the creation of a pool of such intellectuals in the region.The API Fellowships Program set three main themes as follows:• Changing identities and their social, historical , and cultural contexts;• Reflections on the human condition and the quest for social justice; and• The current structure of globalization and possible alternatives.Within these themes, the Fellows are required to:• Propose and carry out research and/or professional activities in a participating country or countries otherthan their native country or country of residence;• Conduct research and/or professional activities in compliance with a schedule accepted by the SelectionCommittee;• Attend the API Workshop to exchange results of their research and/or professional activities with otherfellows;• Disseminate their findings and results to a wider audience; and• Pursue a deeper knowledge of each other, and hence of the region.Post-Fellowship Program/ActivitiesHaving entered its second phase of the Program, the API Fellowships Program has intensified its focus oncommunity building efforts. In order to achieve greater social impact and support furthering collaboration amongFellows and beyond, the Program makes efforts to build and promote the API Community and its undertakings,through the following post-fellowship programs:The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

vii1) Regional Committee and Regional ProjectThe API Community has selected ten Fellows as representatives to the Regional Committee (RC) to promoteactivities which are critical for the region, cross-disciplinary in nature, trans-border in scope, and multi-level inapproach, recognizing the interlinkages of locality, nation, and region. The RC aims to foster a greater regionalconsciousness by promoting relationships among cultures, societies, traditions and so forth by initiating orendorsing collaborative activities, and by confronting public issues with discernment, integrity and commitment.The RC initially focused on the launch of the Regional Project.The Regional Project, entitled “Community-Based Initiatives toward Human-Ecological Balance,” was launchedin November 2008 as a joint effort that mobilized the entire API Community. This three-year project coveredfive sites in the region: Biwako (Japan), Batanes (Philippines), Khiriwong (Thailand), Tasik Chini (Malaysia) andKalicode (Indonesia). Completing at its Culminating Event in June 2012, in conducting the Regional Project, theAPI Community was guided by the values of social relevance, public-policy advocacy, network-building,creativity, transparency and accountability. (For further information, please visit www.apirp.com/ and www.apifellowships.org/apievent2012.php)2) API-Salzburg Global Seminar CollaborationThe Salzburg Global Seminar (SGS) was founded in 1947 by three graduate students at Harvard University as ameans to bringing together young Europeans and Americans engage in intellectual dialogue. In an effort to flowwith the tide of globalization, the Salzburg Global Seminar decided to reach out beyond Europe and the UnitedStates, to Asia, the Middle East and Africa. To date, more than 25,000 individuals from more than 150 countrieshave attended Seminar sessions.The Seminar focuses on critical challenges confronting the global community and is designed to formulateinnovative solutions to global problems. Since 2008, the SGS and the API Fellowships Program have collaboratedto provide API Fell01ows the opportunities to expand their intellectual capacities and to share Asian perspectiveswith other regions.3) API Collaborative GrantAPI Collaborative is a new grant scheme launched in January 2013. It aims to support the efforts of Fellows inconsolidating community building, serving the public good and generating social transformation in Asia, inresponse to the region’s key challenges especially in poverty, climate change and disintegrating communities. Thegrant supports collaborative projects with regional implications and transformative potentials, including cleararticulations of possibilities for social change.In addition to the new grant, API supports Fellows’ participation in various regional activities such as the APIPanel Grant for the International Association of Historians of Asia (IAHA) Conference and the Asia-EuropePeople’s Forum (AEPF).The Nippon FoundationThe Nippon Foundation (TNF) is an independent, non-profit, grant making organization that was founded in1962. It supports projects both in Japan and overseas. It funds activities in three areas: domestic social welfare andvolunteer support; maritime research and development; and overseas cooperative assistance. It works with othernon-profit organizations, governments, non-governmental organizations and international organizations in Japanand overseas.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

viiiACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThe API Coordinating Institution (CI) at the Institute of Asian Studies (IAS), Chulalongkorn University, whichoversaw the publication of this book, wishes to express its sincere appreciation to the following people:The API Fellows, for their invaluable contribution in writing the papers that comprise the volume;Ratana Tosakul, the 10 th API Regional Workshop Director, who conceptualized the Workshop andguided the Fellows in their preparation of the papers/presentation materials, for providing substantiveinputs;The members of the ad hoc committee for the 10 th API Regional Workshop, namely, Tatsuya Tanamiand other participants of The Nippon Foundation and Dr. Chaiyan Vaddhanaphuti, Director ofRegional Center for Social Science and Sustainable Development (RCSD), Chiang Mai University, fortheir crucial advice and collaboration in various aspects of the Workshop;The API Program Directors, Program Coordinators and other Program staff for their valuable inputsand cooperation;Marian Chua, Gary Morrison and Mrinalini Rai, Workshop rapporteurs who helped consolidate thediscussion inputs;Sandra Barron, Senior Editorial Consultant, for valuable technical editing inputs and advice, and MaryAn Gonzalez who handled the technical editing with great patience and dedication; andAcclaro Co., Ltd., for the layout work and proofreading.Editorial TeamAPI Coordinating Institution (CI)Surichai Wun’GaeoMichiko YoshidaChadapan MalipanThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

ixTHE CONTRIBUTORS(in alphabetical order according to names as they are spelt)A snapshot of the contributors in their own words is provided here (information as of December 2012)Ambeth R. Ocampo is a public historian with a research interest in the late 19 th century Philippines: its art, itsculture, and the people who figured in the birth of the nation. Ocampo is an associate professor in theDepartment of History, Ateneo de Manila University, a lecturer at the Department of Filipino and PhilippineLiterature, University of the Philippines (Diliman), and Regent of the Universidad de Manila. He served aschairman of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (2005 - 2007) and chairman of the NationalHistorical Commission of the Philippines (2002 - 2011). He writes a widely-read editorial page column for thePhilippines Daily Inquirer and moderates a growing Facebook fan page. His 16 th book, Chulalongkorn’sElephants: the Philippines in Southeast Asian History, is a compilation of essays written during his API fellowship.Aroon Puritat is a graduate of the Department of Architecture, Silpakorn University, Thailand, in 1997. Anarchitect and an artist, his work involves the merging of ideas from the worlds of art and architecture.Alinaya Sybilla L. Fabros (Aya Fabros) is a Filipino researcher whose areas of interest include the sociology ofwork and global labor, urban sociology, ethnography, and democratization and social movements. She has anM.A. in sociology and a B.Sc. in economics. She has written, edited and co-edited several publications on politicaleconomy, globalization, local politics and governance in the Philippines and social movements.Benigno C. Balgos (Ninoy) heads the Research, Knowledge Exchange and Management (RKEM) unit of theCenter for Disaster Preparedness, the Philippines, and teaches at the University of the Philippines. He also servesas a community-based disaster risk reduction and management specialist in a project run by the JapaneseInternational Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the Philippines government. Ninoy has been involved in researchprojects with development agencies such as the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia andthe Pacific (UNESCAP), AusAID, The Asia Foundation, Plan International, the Institute of DevelopmentStudies, and the Asian Disaster Preparedness Center. He is interested in comparative analysis of the Philippinesand Indonesia vis-a-vis disasters, climate change, social protection, and risk-financing.Claire Bongsalo Lacdao is a proud Igorot (the collective name of several Austronesian ethnic groups in thePhilippines from the Cordillera Administrative Region of Luzon: she belongs to the Kankanaey subgroup). Shehas been a paralegal and community coordinator for the Legal Assistance Center for Indigenous Filipinos(PANLIPI), Cordillera branch office, since 2002. As an indigenous human rights worker, she has assisted victimsof human rights abuses who are mostly members of indigenous cultural communities, and has been involved innumerous cases involving arbitrary arrests, detention, and false charges lodged against indigenous leaders andadvocates, ordinary civilians, and activists. She has been extensively involved in research and policy advocacy onindigenous representation on decision-making bodies, and on recognition of indigenous justice systems in thePhilippines. She is an avid traveler and a voracious reader.Dante G. Simbulan, Jr. is a professor at the Department of Physiology, College of Medicine, De La Salle HealthSciences Institute, the Philippines. He trained as a basic neurophysiologist in Japan (Nagoya University), and hastaken his passion for brain science into the field of the mind-body connection, by learning hatha yoga training andconducting research on the mindfulness traditions of Asia.Dianto Bachriadi is scholar-activist and researcher at the Agrarian Resource Center (ARC) in Indonesia. He isalso a member of the Expert Council of the Consortium for Agrarian Reform (KPA) of Indonesia. His researchinterests include the politics of land deals, agrarian transformations, and rural social movements. His publishedworks include, among others: Palm Oil: The Green Gold Changes Indonesia (ARC Books, in-press for 2013),Land Concentration and Land Reform in Indonesia: Interpreting Agricultural Census Data 1963 – 2003The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

x(co-authored with Gunawan Wiradi, Ohio University Press, 2012); A Long Wait That Is Not Yet Over:Reflections on Ten years of Reformasi in the Context of Agrarian Reform (co-authored with Anton Lucas and CarolWarren, Ohio University Press, 2012); Six Decades of Inequality: Land Tenure Problems in Indonesia (coauthoredwith Gunawan Wiradi, ARC Books, 2011); Australian Overseas Development Assistance and the RuralPoor: AusAID and the Formation of Land Markets in Asia-Pacific (the Transnational Institute, Amsterdam, 2009)and Land, Rural Social Movements and Democratisation in Indonesia (the Transnational Institute, Amsterdam,2009).Hikmat Darmawan is an Indonesian movie critic and an independent researcher of popular culture, with aparticular interest in movies and comics. He is a co-founder of www.rumahfilm.org, an Indonesian online moviejournal. He has written for Indonesian national newspapers and magazines such as Kompas and Tempo since1994. He contributed to Paul Gravett’s 1001 Comics You Must Read Before You Die (Universe/Cassell). His bookabout comics, Dari Gatot Kaca Hingga Batman, Potensi-potensi Naratif Komik (From Gatot Kaca to Batman,Comics’ Narrative Potentials) was published in 2005. He is preparing another four books about comics in BahasaIndonesian, including one book about his first month in Japan during the API fellowship. It will be titled Sebulandi Negeri Manga (A Month in Manga Nation).Maria Joselina Anna G. Cruz is a curator based in Manila, the Philippines, where she is director/curator of theMuseum of Contemporary Art and Design (MCAD) at the De La Salle-College of Saint Benilde (DLS-CSB). In2008, she was co-curator for the Singapore Biennale. In 2010, she curated Creative Index, a multi-site exhibitionin Manila, and the following year she was curator for Roving Eye at the S?rlandets Kunstmuseum, Kristiansand(SKMU), Norway. Her other curated shows include You are not a Tourist, at the Curating Lab, Singapore, andAll the Best: The Deutsche Bank Collection and Zaha Hadid, at the Singapore Art Museum. She was alsocurator-in-charge of the Tapies retrospective at the Singapore Art Museum. She received a visitorship from theMondriaan Foundation (The Netherlands) and from the Office of Contemporary Art (OCA) in Norway. Shereceived her M.A. in Curating Contemporary Art at the Royal College of Art, London. She has been nominatorfor several art prizes in Asia and Europe and continues to write essays, reviews, criticism, and art commentary.Kenta Kishi was born in 1969 in Tokyo. He received a B.A. in Architecture from the Tokyo University of theArts and an M.A in Architecture from the Cranbrook Academy of Art in Michigan, the USA. After graduatingfrom Cranbrook, he conducted several experimental design studios at art institutions in Singapore. In 1998, hestarted his professional career in Japan. Since 2007, he has been directing international urban study projects,conducted through the Crisis Design Network (CDN), together with architects, artists and other professionalsfrom the US and Asian countries. He is also directing the urban study organization, Orange House Studio, inSurabaya, together with local partners.Khosit Elvezio Kasikam is a nature lover. After graduating in Thai Traditional Medicine at Chiangrai RajabhatUniversity, Thailand, he began teaching at a development organization. His main interest and intention is to helppeople to realize the preciousness of the wisdom of their ancestors, and how to care for themselves using thatwisdom. He treats people with easily available herbs and using methods that anyone can easily learn. He alsofosters networks of influential persons in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in relation tolocal wisdom.Kritsana Kaewplang obtained her B.A. at Thammasat University in Thailand. Thereafter, she immediatelyjoined the Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation Club, where she gained exposure toenvironmental issues during activities such as a campaign against dam construction on the Moon River in UbonRatchathani province. After graduation, she began a career with environmental and humanitarian nongovernmentorganizations, including the Wildlife Fund Thailand (WWF Thailand), the United Nations HighCommissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), WildAid, and the Bird Conservation Society of Thailand. She returnedto her home town, Surin, after spending a year abroad as an API fellow. Kritsana is the founder of a socialenterprise called the Hug Nature Project. She currently works as an assistant manager for WWF Thailand’sWildlife Trade Campaign. She has also been a freelance creative worker for a TV program, a proofreader, a writerand a painter.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xiLoh Yin San is an independent filmmaker/researcher who is interested in issues concerning social justice and theenvironment. Her API research in 2010/2011 was on the political participation of women in Japan and thePhilippines. Prior to this, she worked as a marketing consultant for a communications company. She currentlyfocuses on living well and exploring the different dimensions of life. In her free time, she enjoys discovering theheritage of her home town, Penang.M. Ichsan Harja Nugraha is an architect and a visual artist. Born and living in Bandung, a city well known for itsArt Deco buildings, he has become an art, history and architecture enthusiast. To promote public awareness ofarchitectural heritage issues, he and several friends published a series of sketchbooks depicting hundreds ofhistoric buildings in Indonesia during 2005 – 2009. The series gained wide support and earned several awards. In2010, the API fellowship gave him an opportunity to engage in a similar project in Kyoto, Japan for almost oneyear. The program greatly enhanced his knowledge of mapping techniques and publication methods commonlyused in promoting heritage projects, while the landscape of Japan influenced the style of his artworks to be morevivid and dramatic. Currently he is working on creating a comprehensive online heritage map for his home townBandung, as well as occasionally hosting art workshops to promote heritage tourism.Nguyen Van Chinh received his Ph.D. from the Amsterdam School for Social Research, University ofAmsterdam, the Netherlands. He is currently affiliated with the Department of Anthropology, Vietnam NationalUniversity in Hanoi as an associate professor and deputy director of the Center for Asia-Pacific Studies. He alsoserves as a member of the board of trustees at the Southeast Asian Studies Regional Exchange Program(SEASREP). His major academic interests focus on issues of migration, ethnic minorities and cross-border ethnicgroups in the Southeast Asia Massif.Pattaraporn Apichit was born in Bangkok in 1972. She graduated from the Faculty of Sociology andAnthropology, Thammasat University. She worked as a newspaper reporter and as editor-in-chief of a healthmagazine before becoming an independent writer, based in Samut Songkram province. There, she jointlyproduces the local magazine Mon Rak Mae Klong (Love the Mae Klong). She has written a book on organicfarming and runs a small caf? at Amphawa Floating Market.Pham Quang Minh was born in Vietnam in 1962. He received his Ph.D. in Southeast Asian Studies fromHumboldt University in Berlin, Germany, in 2002. From September 2002 to June 2006 he served as vice dean,and from June 2006 to March 2012 as dean of the Faculty of International Studies, University of Social Sciencesand Humanities (USSH), Vietnam National University, Hanoi. In March 2012, he was promoted to vice rectorfor academic affairs. His main teaching and research interests, among others, are world politics, Asia-Pacificinternational relations, and Vietnam’s foreign policy. He is the author of more than 50 articles published inVietnam and elsewhere.Resmi Setia Milawati is an independent researcher. She has conducted a decade of work and research in the areasof labor, gender, the urban poor, and globalization. These have included research collaborations with activists aswell as academics from various organizations. She is currently doing consultancy work for international agenciesand is a part-time teacher in Padjadjaran University, Bandung, Indonesia.Rika Terano is a post-doctoral researcher at the University of Putra Malaysia. She studied at the TokyoUniversity of Agriculture, where she earned a B.A. in International Agricultural Development in 2004 and aPh.D. in International Bio-business Studies in 2011. Her research interests include a livelihood approach toregional inequality, and sustainable development in the rice granary areas of Malaysia.Ronnarong Khampha (“Ong”) is a dancer/choreographer from the Lanna region (northern Thailand). Hestudied Lanna dance as a village child and graduated with an honors degree in Thai arts from Chiang MaiUniversity in 2005. Although his background is in traditional dance, Ong is active in contemporary dance. He hasdeveloped his own style using traditional dance as a base, and venturing into contemporary aesthetics.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xiiSri Wahyuni is the director of the Aceh Cultural Institute (ACI) which works on development using culturalmethodology, and of PATIMADORA, which is focused on assisting and encouraging women’s capacity-buildingand participation in development and conflict resolution. Her major fields of interest are social change, culturalethnicity, conflicts, and democracy in Japan, Thailand, India, and Indonesia.Subhatra Bhumiprabhas is an independent journalist in Thailand. She writes for various news and feature outletssuch as Silpa-Wattanatham (Art & Culture) magazine; Matichon Weekly and The Nation, where she formerlyworked as a reporter. Her areas of interest include the history and cultures of Southeast Asia, human rights andgender. She is editor and translator of many books, including License to Rape: The Burmese military regime’s use ofsexual violence in the ongoing war in Shan State, and Shattering Silences: Karen Women speak out about the Burmesemilitary regime’s use of rape as a strategy of war in Karen State. Subhatra received the Amnesty International(Thailand) Human Rights Press Award in 2001, and in 2002 she won the Outstanding Woman in MediaProfessional Award, bestowed by the Gender and Development Research Institute.Yasuhiro Morinaga is a Japanese sound designer, music producer and ethnomusicologist. He has workedcollaboratively on multiple projects in film, contemporary dance, new media installation and product design. Hissound design work for film has been presented at festivals such as the Venice Film Festival, Cannes Film Festival,the Venice Biennale, and at venues such as the Pompidou Centre (Paris), the Smithsonian Institute (USA), theSan Francisco Contemporary Museum and the Museum of Contemporary Canadian Art (Toronto). Heproduced sound and music for Sony’s monolithic design exhibition at Milano Salone, 2010. His website iswww.yasuhiromorinaga.com.Yu Terashima has been working on environment and development issues for a number of years. After joininglocal non-government organizations working on large-scale development projects in Asia, especially those fundedby Japanese Overseas Development Aid (ODA) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), she started to workclosely as a campaigner with local communities affected by a dam project in Kumamoto, Japan.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xiiiWELCOME SPEECHTatsuya TanamiExecutive Director of The Nippon FoundationFirst I would like to thank our hosts for their gracioushospitality and for all their hard work to make thisgathering a success.We are here to congratulate the 10 th batch of APIfellows on completing your fellowship tenure, and towelcome you into the API Community. Yourfellowship is over but your membership of the APICommunity begins here. We hope it will last alifetime.Your fellowship period, from 2010 to 2011, hascoincided with a truly momentous period for theworld.There has been the revolutionary wave of protestsknown as the “Arab spring”. According to my MiddleEastern friends, “Arab spring” is a romantic concept ofWesterners unfamiliar with the Arabian climate.There is no “spring” in Arab world, only “sandstorms”. My friends tell me that the “Arabreawakening” is the proper description.Beginning with a citizen’s uprising in Tunisia lastDecember, authoritarian rule in Egypt, Libya andelsewhere in the Middle East is crumbling anddemocracy is beginning to take root. After years ofWestern domination and the rule of dictators, a newera has begun. However, a citizen’s movement withouta clear leader has to overcome many challenges and wemust watch developments closely. Nevertheless, thisclearly marks the first step in a major transformation.Turning now to Asia, a massive earthquake andtsunami struck Japan’s northeast Tohoku region onMarch 11. This was a disaster on a historic scale. Over20,000 people were killed or remain missing. Manywho barely survived have no homes to return to. Theyare forced to live in temporary housing in difficultcircumstances.This disaster also triggered a crisis at the FukushimaDai-ichi nuclear plant. This is now coming undercontrol, but many questions remain regardingradiation and health risks. And the Japanese peoplehave some big decisions to take regarding the futuredirection of energy policy.Speaking of the Japanese people, we do not have wordsenough to say thank you for all the encouragement andsupport we have received in the wake of this disaster.From all over the world, from rich and poor alike, havecome messages of sympathy and offers of assistance.The Thai people, and the API Community, have alsobeen extremely generous.This experience has taught us that we are not alone,that people of the world live in close proximity to oneanother, and that our lives are interdependent. It hasalso taught us the importance of increasinginternational exchanges and of deepening mutualunderstanding. So, from the bottom of my heart, Ioffer a very sincere thank you.Many other developments have been taking place inAsia. There is no time to list them all, but they includethe release of Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar and signsthat Myanmar’s new administration is inching towarddemocracy. There are still many issues to be resolved,however, including the release of political prisoners, sowe need to watch the situation in Myanmar closely.Here in Thailand, the country has been hit by massiveflooding, posing a major challenge for the new primeminister soon after she took office. The flood damagehas affected many companies, including Japanesecompanies, and disrupted the production and supplyof parts and automobiles. This has impacted the wholeof Asia and world markets. But it reminds us howcentral Thailand is to the supply chain, and it shows usjust how closely interlinked are cross-border businessand production activities.The world is changing. Our institutions and systemsare changing. We are becoming more interdependent.We are witnessing the beginnings of a global societywhere people support each other.But not all change is positive. Because of globalization,economic downturn affects every region and country.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xivThe gap between rich and poor is widening. There aregrowing numbers of poor people. Unemploymentamong the young is worsening. Europe faces a debtcrisis and the way ahead is unclear. The consequencesfor the world economy are potentially very serious.Here in Asia, there are concerns about theenvironment, migration and other emerging problemsthat go beyond borders. Asian nations have to dealwith many issues, and finding solutions will bedifficult.In May last year, we held an event to mark the 10 thanniversary of the API program. We asked fellowswhat they felt were the major challenges facing theregion. We received many replies. Top of list werepoverty and inequality. This was followed by: theenvironment and climate change; violence and thesuppression of civil liberties; threats to culturaldiversity; management of resources; andunderdevelopment and unemployment.A lot of these are problems that politics andgovernments alone cannot solve.The API program was started in 2000 for people whoare actively seeking solutions to problems – problemsdirectly affecting communities, regions, countries andAsia as a whole. We called these people publicintellectuals.There were two objectives.The first was to get outstanding public intellectuals toresearch issues of common concern among Asianneighbors and to provide individuals with opportunitiesto implement their projects.The second was to get like-minded leaders who sharedthe goal of bettering society to form into a group andact collectively – and become a community that makesits collective voice heard.Today, over 300 API fellows belong to thiscommunity, and it is reaching critical mass.A debate is now under way on the role of the APIcommunity after its first decade. What collective,collaborative and proactive activities are taking placeamong the fellows? What linkages are there withnetworks beyond the API Community? How can theadvocacy, the appeals and the solutions coming fromthe API Community be strengthened?You, the 10 th batch of API fellows, are now joiningthis unique community of public intellectuals. You arejoining this debate. We have high hopes for yourfuture activities. You are working for the public good,and we expect you will contribute to the public good.I urge you not to be armchair intellectuals, shut awayin your research labs or in your studies. Please takeyourselves into the community. Meet with the peoplewho are affected by the issues. Listen to them. Get tothe essence of things. Be active public intellectuals.The question put to you is: “How do we make Asiansocieties places where human beings can enjoy safe,stable and peaceful lives?” The times are difficult andthe issues are complex. But with you wisdom,knowledge, experience, and your solidarity andcollaboration with other members in the APIcommunity it will be possible for you to find solutionsthat may lead us to a better world for us all.In the API Declaration drawn up by the API’sfounding father in 2000, it is written: By promotingmutual understanding and shared learning amongAsian public intellectuals, the API Program aims tocontribute to the growth of public spaces whereeffective responses to regional needs can be generated.I hope all you API fellows will go forth with suchdreams in mind.Welcome all to the API Regional Workshop andcongratulations to the 10 th batch of API fellows on thesuccessful completion of your tenure.Thank you, and good luck!The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xvKEYNOTE ADDRESSSombath SomphoneDirector of Participatory Development Training Center (PADETC), Vientiane, Laos;The 2005 Ramon Magsaysay awardee for the Community LeadershipIt is a real honor and pleasure for me to be hereaddressing all of you – the leaders, thinkers, andeducators of the region. I am really overwhelmed bythe fact that the organizers want me to give thekeynote address, as I think there are many morefamous, wise and experienced people in this workshopwho could do this much better than I. Anyway, let mejust throw out a few thoughts as points for discussionto be taken up at later sessions as we ponder over suchimportant issues as the Globalization of Culture andits Implications for Asian Regional Transformation.If we look back over the last 2-3 decades, we mustacknowledge that there has been amazing advances intechnological and industrial development, and withglobalization, many of such advances have spread evento many parts of the less developed world. In generalmore people are living longer and enjoying moreaffluent life styles. Unprecedented advances have beenmade in agriculture and aquaculture, yet more peoplego to bed hungry each day. Many nations have becomevery powerful, but the world has become ever moreinsecure.Now with 7 billion habitants, we begin to beconcerned if we are overshooting the carrying capacityof the earth. The urban population has now overtakenthat of the rural. The gaps between the have and havenotcontinue to widen. Climate change resulting fromindustrial pollution is threatening the life-supportsystem of planet earth. Everyone wants to make moremoney, and everything is monetized.The bulk of the growth and progress comes fromexploiting and extracting our finite resources fromnature. With addiction to growth comes addiction toconsume, and addiction to consumption has led manycountries - as we now see happening in Europe and theUS - into debt and financial instability. Now thecenter of growth has shifted to Asia, or the East, withChina taking the lead, but the fundamental model ofdevelopment has remained basically the same. Nowwe must ask, can the Asian nations follow suchunsustainable patterns of development based oneconomic growth as originated in the West?It seems to me that the shift of center of growth fromthe West to Asia presents both a great challenge as wellas an opportunity for us to re-examine the modelof development and growth and to do somethingright and sustainable. Many of us have, over the pastdecades, pioneered alternative and more sustainablemodels of sustainable livelihoods and development.But many of such models are generally small, isolatedand quickly overwhelmed by major interest groups andcorporations, many of whom control our politiciansand influence development policies. To overcome suchstranglehold, we should make more effort to link theinnovative elements of our research and practicalexperiments of alternative development better andweave these into a fabric of sustainable livelihoods anddevelopment. We need to collaborate with your peersand associates and break away from the traditionalindividualized and compartmentalized modes ofconducting our lives.A conceptual framework of a more balanceddevelopment model:I would like now to share with you a conceptualframework of a more balanced development modelwhich I have used to guide all aspects of my work ineducation and development over the past 20 years, andwhich I have and many of my colleagues have foundquite useful. After years of working on variouseducational and development approaches, I have cometo the conclusion that education and developmentneed to go hand-in-hand and need to be moreintegrated and holistic. Unfortunately, we often leaveeducation to schools and specialized institutionsand then development-to-development planners/specialists and then wonder why people coming out ofeducational institutions seldom link what they learnwith what they do in life. Hence, as educators anddevelopment practitioners we should be stressing theinter-connectedness between four areas of educationThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xviand development mainly: Economy, Well-being,Nature, and Society as the fundamental buildingblocks of sustainability and happiness. In summary,how we live and how we educate (ourselves, ourchildren, and our peers) will dictate our future.Boom: Unbalance growth and development isunstable and under stressA sustainable education and development model is amodel that has a balance between the four dimensions/pillars of economic development, environmentalharmony, promotion and preservation of culture, andspiritual well-being (or the HEART and HEAD).The model of development I propose is one thatstresses human dignity and “happiness”. This modelwas first initiated in Bhutan, but is now taken seriouslyby many countries. In other words, the goal ofdevelopment cannot be based only progress in GNP(Gross National Product), but also improvement inpeople’s well-being or GNH (Gross NationalHappiness. In such a model of development, educationis conceptualized as the foundation for development.The four pillars representing the different dimensionsof development are anchored and are part of theeducation process. Here we clearly see the interconnectednessbetween education and development.The two are inter-dependent and supportive of eachother. At the base of the model is “good governance”,which supports justice and fairness for all.Let’s look at our model of development as it existstoday. The development model that is widely practicedtoday is not very sustainable. So many things do not fit,thus so many “failures” just like in our “schooling”. Forexample, the world is so rich and yet there iswidespread poverty. One can be so rich in materialwealth, but yet so poor emotionally and spiritually.A common model of today’s development stressesGNP or economic growth as its ultimate goal. Thisgrowth comes from the over-taxing our environmentalcapital, human capital, and cultural capital. Everythingis monetized, including “Schooling”. The media takesover the time parents and grandparents normallyspend with the kids. We hand over theintergenerational and societal transfer of knowledge,history, and wisdom to our young to the media. But weknow, the media is supported by business corporationswhose interest is in promoting their bottom-line –hence the media promotes and shapes the viewerseither towards mindless consumption or reduces thenotions of greed and violence as entertainment. Themedia has become a very powerful instrument forshaping societal values.And how can we blame the parents. They have littletime for their children. They have to work very hard tosupport the kids through school as well as to satisfytheir material needs.The government too joins hands with the corporationsto make sure there are enough business activities tocreate jobs and income. And that is not to say thatcreating employment and opportunities for livelihoodis not an important function of government. However,oftentimes corporate interests are given higherpriorities to other areas, such as ensuring adequateenvironmental protection, and investments in socialdevelopment, including investment in education,especially quality and relevance of education.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xviiWithout safeguards for balance in the developmentsystem, development processes will put stress on thesystem, leading to imbalance and instability, whichmay not be apparent in the short-term but certainlywill lead to systems failure in the long-run. Imbalancesare often witnessed in the form of cycles of boom andbust - a way for the system to re-adjust itself. This cycleof boom and bust has been very prominent in ourrecent human history.Bust : Collapsing to readjustIn a world that is changing at such an incredibly paceand distractions, that internal peace is hard to come by.We can however try to cultivate inner peace throughregular practice using techniques of reflection andmeditation and appreciating nature, according to yourown cultural orientation and faith. These practices areacts of internal peace building and can help us todevelop self confidence, dignity, wisdom, compassion,acceptance of others. With the development of theseinner strengths comes the foundation for reducingviolence, and developing the insight to good decisionmaking and reconnect us to our human spirit or ourhumanity. All faith and religious beliefs have thesequalities.Summary:Clearly this model promotes production andconsumption as main activities. It is a system ofconsumerism. The globalization of consumerism ishappening at such a rapid pace that the planet can nolonger sustain it. According to Global Foot PrintNetwork, we have been consuming more than whatthe planet earth can regenerate since the 1970’s. At themoment we are consuming 150% of our only planetearth. In about 30 more years we will be consuming200%, or twice what the planet can reproduce.Essentially we are killing our planet and in the processkilling ourselves along with it.A wake up call has been way overdue:We need to break the vicious cycle of mindlessconsumption and senseless over production. In orderto wake up and break the cycle, we should begin withrecognizing the interconnectedness of all things,mainly the Heart, the Head, and the Hands. To dothis, we need to consciously remind ourselves andreflect regularly that everything is inter-connected in acause-effect relationship. Such mindfulness creates aninternal force of internal peace, which will drive thesustainability of the world. Peace starts with us andwith our every step.I hope that over the next few days as we discuss thevarious development issues and challenges facing ourregion, we should also reconnect with ourselves andwith each other and try to:• Work together to create a shared vision over thenext few days so that you can go back to yourhome countries and convince others and youhave each other to continue to support you onthe journey;• Make use of the up-to-date technological toolsto disseminate and connect further. Social mediahas helped the Arab Spring revolution. In asimilar way we can use it to revolutionize theregion’s holistic transformation.• Invest in your country’s young people’s holisticeducation and development as they are potentialagents of change to gaining momentum behindthe new balanced model of development. Weneed to focus on youth because they have lessbaggage to unlearn. They have energy andcuriosity to learn and to experiment with newideas. We have been saying for too long thatyouths are the future and they are agents ofchange. But so far we have not engaged them andgive them enough space to participate ineducation and in development. It is time to givethem greater role to discover their own potentialand to plan for their own future.• Education must promote more experientiallearning and discovery learning so that the head,heart, and hands of the students arestrengthened simultaneously. This way they willbe well prepared to lead the new developmentparadigm.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xviiiIn closing, I would like to quote His Holiness, theDalai Lama:“Human being is amazing. He spends most of hislife sacrificing his health for wealth. And thenlater in life spends all his hard earned wealth torecuperate his health”Thank you for allowing me to share these experiencesand connect with you all. Together let’s start andexpand our ecology of learning through more of thistype of inter-connectedness. Let each one of us steerourselves, our family, colleagues, and communitiestoward a more sustainable path way.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xixOVERVIEWRatana TosakulWorkshop Director, 10 th Workshop of the API Fellowships ProgramIntroductionAPI fellows are, allegorically, seeds of change for Asiancommunities. Who are they? They are talented publicintellectuals from various Asian countries includingIndonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailandand Vietnam. Of diverse professional backgrounds,they may be academics, artists, creative writers, mediapersonnel, social workers, NGO activists, city plannersor public servants who are committed to working forthe betterment of a society by applying theirknowledge, skills and experiences.The 10 th Asian Public Intellectuals (API) RegionalWorkshop brought together 22 fellows fromIndonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailandand Vietnam in a five-day meeting (November 19 - 23,2011) in Chiang Mai city, a hub of cultures, diverseethnic groups and civil society movements in northernThailand. The fellows had accomplished their yearlongresearch fellowships whereby they conducted fieldwork in at least in one of the participating Asiancountries. They had since taken time to reflect on theirfield work and write up their reports.The workshop in Chiang Mai aimed to encouragefellows to share their research findings and field workexperiences through a lively exchange and discussion.It also aimed at establishing a cohesive network of APIfellows at Asian regional level. Finally, it sought tocontribute to the growth of public spaces whereeffective responses to regional needs could begenerated.Specifically, the 10 th API Regional Workshop aimedto achieve the following objectives:1. To bring together the 10 th cohort of APIfellows to share and discuss their researchfindings on the different countries of the region,2. To exchange ideas regarding common researchissues/themes across the region, and to findpossible solutions for issues or problems raisedin the research projects,3. To promote a cohesive network of API fellowsand others for the sake of regional collaborationand action, and4. To disseminate the research findings to thepublic and publish the papers as proceedings ofthe workshop.The Workshop ThemeTwo interrelated concepts – culture and globalization– provided the main conceptual frame of theworkshop, which was entitled Culture, Power andPractices; the Globalization of Culture and ItsImplications for Asian Regional Transformations.Globalization was an influential paradigm in most APIresearch projects. The majority focused on a recurringtheme – of Asian communities facing globalizationand the cultural implications of this phenomenon onregional transformations. Globalization wasconsidered by these public intellectuals as a multidimensionalphenomenon encompassing not onlyeconomic dimensions, but also a number of noneconomic,most especially social and cultural aspects,reflected in the mixing and mobility of people, art,ideas and practices across the Asian region.The workshop identified major globalization features:the constant flow and mix of people, ideologies andpractices across the globe, heightened economic andsocial mobility, time and space compression, and theintegrating and stretching of cultures andcommunities.Asia as a region has experienced globalizationunevenly. Many responses to the phenomenon areunderway in various parts of the region. A number ofAPI research projects explored how local communitieswere not necessarily victims of cultural globalization,but agents of their own situations. These API projectsdiscussed how local communities shared knowledgeand exchanged experiences to strengthen each other.Many local communities affected by globalizing forceshave established cohesive networks such as civilThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xxmovements to defend their rights, livelihoods andidentities as well as to search for sustainabledevelopment.The Workshop PanelsA total of 22 presentations by API fellows weregrouped into five thematic panels, as follows:Panel I: Multiple Modernities: Globalization in theAsian Context was chaired by Koji Tanaka (Member ofthe API International Selection Committee andProfessor Emeritus, Kyoto University) with SupaYaimuang (Thailand Fellow Year 2006-2007) andPenchom Saetang (Thailand Fellow Year 2005-2006)as discussants. The panel comprised the followingpanelists.• Rika Terano: “Development of Malay RiceGrowing Villages under De-Agrarianization,”• Yu Terashima: “Dams in the Philippines and inThailand: Social and Environmental Impact byNatural Resource Development Projects,” and• Kristsana Kaewplang: “Communication,Education and Public Awareness for Forest andWildlife Conservation in Indonesia, Malaysia,the Philippines and Japan”.Thinking about multiple or alternative modernitiesmeans admitting that modernity is inevitable, whilesimultaneously refusing to accept the predominantlyinfluential Western model as the only absolute modelto follow, though it remains the major source of globalmodernity. In Asia, we have witnessed a multiplicity ofdiscourses on multiple modernities, such as Japanesemodernity, Islamic modernity, socially-engagedBuddhist modernity, the notion of earth democracy inIndia, and so on. In general, most API research projectsdo not pose a binary oppositional notion of theWestern (global) model versus the Eastern (local)model. Rather, they reflect patterns of cultural andglobal exchange and interaction uniquely transforminglocal communities of Asia.Through globalization, local communities in Asia havewitnessed a series of processes including culturalinteraction and exchange that work to promote changein a world where people and nations are interconnected.Local communities have developed diversestrategies to deal with globalizing forces generated byprogressively larger systems - nation, region, and theworld.Three fellows addressed the key issue of culturalglobalization and alternatives to globalizing forces.They sought to understand how globalization wasexperienced in the Asian context. What diddevelopment and modernity mean to Asiancommunities? What were people’s alternatives, visions,and strategies for making a social difference? In otherwords, what were the cultural implications ofglobalization for Asian regional transformations inaction?In addition to documenting negative impacts ofdevelopment directions and policies in differentcountries, panelists were encouraged to highlight theiranalyses of environmental problems, including thedestruction of natural resources and social justice, andto systematically explore how these linked to globalforces. They were asked to examine the impact ofglobalization based on local communities’ viewpointsand experiences.Rika Terano (Japan) discussed the future direction ofrural development in the Malay Peninsula, with a focuson rural economic equity. Her paper raised manyinteresting issues, from economic growth, investment,industrialization and employment structure to incomedistribution among farmers in rural Malay villages.The paper adopted de-agrarianization as its mainconceptual frame, focusing on five economic aspects,including household income distribution,employment structure, the role of on-farm income infarm households, household expenditure in the ruraleconomy, and living standards and quality of life. Thisframework sought to understand how a rice householdfarm generated income from both on-farm and offfarmactivities.Yu Terashima (Japan) examined the social andenvironmental impacts of dam construction projectson local communities in the Philippines and Thailand.Her paper provided rich information on biodiversityin rural areas targeted for dam construction projects.Yu discussed how these natural resources were affectedby national policies on dam construction and howlocal communities coped under stressful conditions.Collaborating with civil society movements led byNGO activists was one of their significant strategies.The national policies were profoundly influenced andfinancially supported by international agencies fromJapan and other nations.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xxiFinally, Kristana Kaewplang (Thailand) reported oncases in Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, and Philippines inwhich actors deployed various means ofcommunication and education to raise publicawareness of the need for wildlife conservation as aconsequence of forest encroachment. Her paperprovided useful details on the various media indifferent countries and their impact on the targetgroups. The lessons learned could be applied to socialcampaigns in other countries. The paper discussedhow globalization was experienced in these countriesand how local communities responded, what methodswere applied, what media were used and whatcampaigns were conducted to cope with the situation.Panel II: Potential of Local Knowledge and Practices: APossibility for Sustainable Development? was chaired byYoko Hayami (Member of the API InternationalSelection Committee and Professor, KyotoUniversity) with Mary Racelis (Member of the APIInternational Selection Committee and ProfessionalLecturer, University of the Philippines) as discussants.There were five panelists for this panel, as follows:• Sri Wahyuni: “Potentials of Local Traditions:A Study on Its Development for SocialTransformation,”• Claire Bongsalo Lacdao: “IndigenousEngagement in Local Government: Experiencesin Malaysia and Indonesia,”• Pattaraporn Apichit: “StrengtheningCommunities from Japan and Indonesia,through Local Spirit, Traditional Culture andSustainable Tourism,”• Khosit Elvezio Kasikam: “The Study of LocalWisdom Concerning the Consumption ofNative Food and the Utilization of IndigenousMedicinal Vegetables for Health Care inIndonesia,” and• Kenta Kishi: “Master Planning” versus“Networking” Approaches to SolveContemporary Urban Crisis in Asian Cities”.Five fellows addressed the second theme; potentials oflocal knowledge for making changes in the globalizingworld. While the first theme focused on multiplemodernities via alternative policies and practices, thesecond analyzed how local knowledge could contributeto making a difference in the globalizing world. Allpresenters brought out the value of learning throughexperience, discovery and connectivity. They reflectedon the nature of cultural mixes, referring to globaloutlooks adapted to local conditions and highlightingthe intersection of local and global cultural synergieswithin different modern social and cultural milieus.Sri Wahyuni (Indonesia) discussed potentialcontributions of local traditions to social changes inJapan and Thailand. In her presentation she describedinterestingly and with great insight the role oftradition in the process of social transformation inJapan and Thailand and activities that reinforcepeople’s cultures and sustain their everyday lives.Claire Bongsalo Lacdao (the Philippines) discussedindigenous engagement with local government inMalaysia and Indonesia. Her paper illustrated howindigenous people in both countries were trying toadapt to local government institutions drawing onadat or customary law, and integrating it in somemeaningful way into their changing lives as theyincreasingly participate in external governmentprocesses.Learning from others, Pattaraporn Apichit (Thailand)studied processes of strengthening local communitiesbased on experiences in Japan and Indonesia via beliefsin local spirits, traditional culture and sustainabletourism. The researcher discussed interestingly thenegative impacts of large-scale tourism on recipientcommunities’ lifestyles, spirituality, and wellbeing. Herstudies in well-known tourist destinations in Japanand Indonesia (Bali) illustrated the importance ofaffected communities having a say in definingoutsiders’ experience of the community attraction.Local people were proud of their culturaldistinctiveness and interested in sharing it withoutsiders. The new thrust towards “eco-tourism”offered local people new possibilities to managetourism on their own terms, and to earn an income.Pattaraporn’s insights from her field work could go farin guiding innovations in tourism promotionprograms.Khosit Elvezio Kasikam (Thailand) investigated localknowledge pertinent to the consumption of nativefood and the utilization of indigenous medicinalvegetables for health care in Indonesia. The researcherinvestigated and categorized a huge array of localplants, animals and fish that Indonesians of diverseethnic groups have utilized for food, medicine andother purposes. Khosit discussed the multiple andThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xxiicomplex relationships between food, health, wellbeing,and religious/spiritual components. The researcherwas alarmed at the threats to long-practiced foodculture posed by globalization, as exemplified in theentry of packaged food and the corresponding declineof organic food along with medicinal plants.Kenta Kishi (Japan) contrasted “master planning” and“networking” approaches to solve contemporary urbanplanning and development crisis in Asian cities. Hecriticized conventional “master planning” as oftendamaging to local cultures, ways of life, and the urbanenvironment. Instead, he proposed “micro-projects”and “network systems” as ways in which people canrework their local urban spaces to suit their needs andpreferences. He finds these approaches moreconducive to generating people’s sense of belongingand beauty, often in the midst of deterioratingsurroundings. The researcher brought out with greatclarity the potential satisfactions of his approach bothfor supportive architects and communities. The endresult may be new kinds of neighborhood exhibitionsthat express vitality in the diversity of city living.Panel III: Multiple Modernities via the Globalizationof Art, Media and Performance was chaired byAzyumardi Azra (Member of the API InternationalSelection Committee and Director of GraduateSchool, State Islamic University, Jakarta) with SunaitChutintaranond (Director, Institute of Asian Studies,Chulalongkorn University) as discussants. This panelcomprised five panelists, as follows.• Hikmat Darmawan: “A Mindscape Like NoOther?: Bits and Pieces on Globalization ofManga Subculture and Visual Identity,”• M. Ichsan Harja Nugraha: “Mapping Kyoto:An Artist Perspective,”• Yasuhiro Morinaga: “‘The Land of Isolation’ -a Soundscape Composition Originating inNortheast Malaysia,”• Maria Joselina Anna G. Cruz: “ContemporaryArt in Southeast Asia: Narratives of a Region,”and• Ronnarong Khampa: “Creative ContemporaryAsian Dance Based on Traditional Techniquesand Spirituality Fusing Lanna (NorthernThailand), Indonesia (Bali and Java) and Japan(Noh Drama)”.Rising global/regional interconnectedness via flows ofideas, practices, art, media and performances is asignificant cultural manifestation of globalization.Through these global processes, people experiencemultiple and somewhat ambivalent and fragmentedidentities. The panel investigated such cultural shiftsin our contemporary modern world. Asiancommunities are undergoing significant changes asthey encounter powerful contestations between globalmodernity and fundamental nationalist narratives.What happens when high-speed cyber technologybecomes a predominant norm in the areas of arts andmedia? Are there any clashes between local, nationaland international cultural norms in our contemporaryglobalizing era? What happens to artists who arecaught in-between contested arenas? What happens ifart and media are controlled by big business andinfluential political factions? What roles do creativearts play in social movements?Five fellows addressed the key issue of shifting ormultiple identities of people in diverse cultural localesand situations following flows of ideas, art, andperformance across Asia.Hikmat Darmawan (Indonesia) investigated culturalimpacts of Japanese comics (manga) on youth lifestylesand on their construction of identity in thetransnational world.The research of Ichsan Harja Nugraha (Indonesia)aimed to create public awareness of the need topreserve old buildings in Kyoto, based on a mappingproject in Bandung. The project associated with theresearch aimed to resolve the classic conflict betweenideas concerned with continually modernizing the cityversus the notion of preserving its established culturalheritage.Yasuhiro Morinaga (Japan) was interested in theprocess of making a recording of sounds from therainforests and the marine environment in northernMalaysia. His contribution helped broaden the field ofmedia and the artistic expression of natural beautythrough sound design and recording, with a focus ontechnical aspects.Maria Joselina Anna G. Cruz (the Philippines)discussed contemporary art practice and production inSoutheast Asia via art exhibitions. Some exhibitionshave sought to make sense of national developmentwithin an Asian regional context. Art exhibitions haveprovided artistic critiques of modernity, tradition, andmore.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xxiiiFinally, Ronnarong Khampa (Thailand) examinedcultural mixes and mobility through the fusion ofcontemporary and traditional dance from Indonesia,Japan and Thailand. The researcher was encouraged toadd more information based on audience viewpointson classical and popular dance. The researcher arguedthat the challenge of traditional dance to survive in theglobalized world depends largely on artists and activeaudiences.Panel IV: Multiple Modernities via Spirituality,Histories and Cultural Re-presentations was chaired byJose M. Cruz (Member of the API InternationalSelection Committee and Dean, School of SocialSciences, Ateneo de Manila University) with ChayanVaddhanaphuti (Founding Director of the RegionalCenter for Social Science and SustainableDevelopment at Chiang Mai University) asdiscussants. There were five panelists for the panel, asfollows:• Dante G. Simbulan, Jr.: “Theories and Practicesof Mindfulness in Asian Traditions: HistoricalContext and Relevance to the Modern World,”• Aroon Puritat: “The Contemporary ArtMuseum in Japan: A Study on the Role andFunction of the Cultural Institution in Today’sUrban Society,”• Ambeth R. Ocampo: “MUKHANG PERA:Banknotes and Nation,”• Pham Quang Minh: “In Search of an AseanIdentity,” and• Benigno C. Balgos: “Collective Memories,Jargons, Rituals and Perceptions: Toward aBroader Scope and General Recognition ofPengetahuan Lokal in Disaster Preparedness”.This panel was an extension of panel three. It focusedon the flow of cultural ideas, practices andrepresentations, showing historical continuity anddiscontinuity across the region. Some key questionswere raised for this panel, as shown in the following. Inan increasingly globalized world, do we have space forspiritual mindfulness? What role does spiritualmindfulness play in relation to Asian transformationsin action? What is ASEAN identity? Why do we needto search for such collective identity? Who benefitsand loses? What roles do museums play in culturalrepresentations of nationalism? How do these culturalrepresentations exemplify the politics ofrepresentation? Which groups have been marginalizedin processes of cultural representation? Why are theymarginalized or excluded? What roles shouldacademics, curators, artists, and creative writers play insocial movements?Five fellows addressed the key issue of spirituality,histories and cultural representation as significantcontested spaces for multiple identities construction inthe globalizing world.Dante G. Simbulan (Philippines) argued that theoriesand practices of mindfulness and yoga practice couldbe of use in the contemporary Asian context. His papershowed how people use spirituality in response toconflicts, stress and poor health. He emphasized theuse of local knowledge and spirituality in healingpractices.Aroon Puritat (Thailand) examined the contemporaryart museum in Japan, pertinent to its role and functionas a cultural institution in contemporary urban society.Museums were considered as contested spaces foridentity and nationalist ideology construction.Ambeth R. Ocampo (the Philippines) studied hownational history was represented in common andeveryday objects, such as coins and banknotesproduced by the state, to instill a sense of identity andnationhood based on the perspectives of the country’sleaders. Pham Quang Minh (Vietnam) focused on thenature of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN). The project investigated the social,historical and cultural factors influencing ASEANidentity. In discussions, people talked about competingidentities rather than a single unitary one. There weremultiple and contested identities of ASEAN atdifferent levels: national, regional, and local.Finally, Benigno C. Balgos (the Philippines) arguedthat local concepts and practices were generallymarginalized in the formulation of policy on climatechange in Asia. Most information on disasters camefrom technological sources, whereas local sources wereoverlooked. Based on his field research, he proposed toextend and broaden the scope of local knowledge andpractice in disaster preparedness and risk reduction.Panel V: Flux and Flows of People, Power and Practices:Issues Relating to Social Justice was chaired by TaufikAbdullah (Member of the API International SelectionCommittee and Chair, Social Science Commission,The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xxivIndonesian Academy of Social Science) with WattanaSugunnasil (Associate Professor, Chiang MaiUniversity) as discussants. There were four presentersfor this panel, as follows:• Resmi Setia Milawati: “Light at Night: How theOffshore Call Center Industry Is ShapingYoung Filipino Workers,”• Alinaya Sybilla L. Fabros: “Re-ImaginingCitizenship and Political Agency: Practices andPerspectives of Migrant Workers in Malaysiaand Japan,”• Loh Yin San: “Political Participation ofWomen in Asia from a Feminist Perspective: ADocumentary Film Project,” and• Nguyen Van Chinh: “China’s ConfuciusInstitute and Its Civilizing Mission in theMekong Region”.Globalization is a world of culture in motion, mixturesand mobility. The flow of people, commodities, ideas,images and influential power across the globe aresignificant characteristics of global/regional culturalmanifestation. People are highly mobile, especiallythose from poor and marginalized communities insearch of any cracks and spaces providing economicopportunities at the local, national, regional and globallevels. Today, many have become cosmopolitanworkers joining the global labor force. In anothertrend, increasingly influential China has accelerated itspresence and role across Asia. All these globalizingforces have led us to ponder issues relating to powerrelations and social justice among diverse parties.What are the consequences of such cultural stretchingand heightened interconnectedness? What relationsexist between culture, power, and history? How doAsian communities experience such power relations intheir everyday practices? What are their perspectivesand strategies for possible solutions?Four fellows addressed key issues relating to “socialjustice resulting from the flux and flow of people,culture, as well as power and praxis in the globalizingworld”. The migration of people, especially of youngworkers, has created ambivalent and shifting identitiesin an age of globalization. Resmi Setia Milawati(Indonesia) examined the incorporation of youngThird World workers into the global economythrough a case study involving the outsourced callcenter industry in the Philippines.Alinaya Sybilla L. Fabros discussed how global workersin Japan and Malaysia conceived, recast and/orpracticed their own political agency as citizens, in viewof the transnational nature of their work.Loh Yin San (Malaysia) produced a documentary filmon women’s participation in politics, focusing onfeminist perspectives promoting the value of justice,empowerment and gender equality. The filmdocumented the political journey of women politiciansin Japan and the Philippines.Finally, Nguyen Van Chinh (Vietnam) discussed theincreasing influence and role of China in the Mekongregion. His research project sought to betterunderstand the nature, extent, purpose and impact ofChina’s rising influence in the region and variousresponses of local people in the Mekong countries.What would be the position of ASEAN pertinent tothis matter?Roundtable: From API fellows to AsianPublic IntellectualsA roundtable was held on the last day of the workshop.API fellows were divided into three groups and askedto discuss the following questions:1. How do you intend to network with APIfellows in the region in the future; how can youbring others into these networks?2. How can you disseminate API information tofellows and the wider public in the future?3. How can API contributions be linked to thedevelopment of Asian identities in the future?The groups comprised current and past API fellows aswell as members of the API selection committees andpartner institutions. Surichai Wun’Gaeo, MaryRachelis and I acted as facilitators.In summary, group responses focused oncommunication and organization. The first group feltthat API should create a regional platform for fellowsto interact among themselves. This platform should beeffective and creative so as to proactively involve thoseinside and outside the organization. The second groupfelt that the current communications channels weretoo static – as there was no one person or group behindthe initiative. Thus, perhaps API should draw onpartner institutions, and also expand its networkThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

xxvoutside of the ASEAN region into the Indiansubcontinentand China. The third group believedthat any communicative framework we develop shouldinclude teaching and training, awareness-raising andpublicity by drawing on the strengths of the fellows,who represent the creative force within theorganization, in order to connect to the wider public.ConclusionIn summing up the conclusion of the workshop,Tatsuya Tanami, Surichai Wun’Gaeo and I made thefollowing observations.First, the themes of culture and globalization weretimely and appropriate for this workshop, as they werereflected profoundly in most API research projects. InAsia, we found at least four kinds of culture: theindigenous culture of a given society, common Asianculture based on Asian civilizations such as those ofChina and India, Western modern culture broughtfrom outside traditional communities, and finallycontemporary culture based upon globalization. Thisindicated significant external forces influencing ourcontemporary globalized culture. Each fellow addeddiscussion on these cultural facets and how theyrevealed themselves in different cultural patternsduring the globalization period. Many topics werecovered by fellows in their presentations, but allreflected in some ways the impact of global forces onAsia, whether spiritually or culturally or more oftenthan not, economically and politically.Second, globalization came from above and below.Many fellows reflected upon the impact ofglobalization from above and below, as governmentstry to manage their nation-state territories and as localcitizens attempt to deal with the forces imposed uponthem by state and non-state sectors, through citizennetworks, civil movements and by adapting theirlivelihoods.Third, regarding the future of API, we aimed atestablishing a cohesive network among API fellows inrelation to their becoming a force for and within localcommunities. Perhaps API should be more inclusive infuture, in terms of involving a greater range of people.We supported fellows to do research in differentparticipating countries of API. Fellows acted as abridge between disciplines and local wider publics.This also led us on to the themes discussed on theclosing day of the workshop, comprisingcommunication and organization, by three sub-groupsof API fellows and alumni.And finally, what was the meaning of “publicintellectuals?” They were people committed to helpingthe plight of local people. They were able to learn fromlocal people, understand people’s situations andeffectively provide organizational and leadershipcapacities to respond to the needs of the people. Theywere concerned with the public interest. When fellowsreturned to their home countries, could the knowledgeand skills they gained from their API research projectsbe transferred to policy-makers and influence thosewithin the state and corporate sectors who wished tomake a difference? This might be one effective way ofwidening the scope of the group. There was also a needto extend the scope of API geographically. The Indiansub-continent and China represent a growinginfluence. All fellows should take responsibility forcommunicating what API is all about to the public.But the question remained - who should take the leadand how? These were matters on which the API needsto engage in the near future.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT1Development of Malay Rice Growing Villages under De-AgrarianizationRika TeranoIntroductionObjective of the projectThis project aimed to clarify the future direction ofrural development in the Malaysian peninsula. In therural sector, rice-farming villages were traditionallypoor, with a good number of the population being partof the agricultural labor force. However, becauseMalaysia had been achieving drastic economic growthsince the late 1980s, economic inequality became amore profound problem between the moreindustrialized and the less industrialized states. Newlybuild factories brought about by foreign directinvestment resulted in off-farm income for employedvillagers of the surrounding industrial zones. In orderto figure out the contemporary socio-economicsituation, particularly in consideration of farminghouseholds and rural livelihood, an analysis of thehousehold economy in terms of only on-farm incomeand farm management would not be adequate. Inapproaching the inequality problem and advancing abetter-adapted policy for rural development, weutilized the framework of “de-agrarianization” thatinvolved diversifying farm households and livelihoodthrough off-farm income and employment. Anattempt to approach the economic inequality at thehousehold level will create possibilities for attainingsocial justice in Malaysia.Framework of the project“De-agrarianization” is an elusive concept indicatingthe process of diversifying the rural sector at the macroand micro levels. In the 1990s, Deborah Brysonproposed labor and income diversification, apart fromagrarian livelihood. Bryson and Rigg suggested fiveperspectives to figure out the phenomenon of deagrarianizationin Asian countries. However, thesewere not suitable to the situation of Malay villages forwhich reason I came up with the idea of looking at thephenomenon of de-agrarianization in Malay villagesfrom the following five perspectives: (1) incomedistribution, (2) employment structure, (3) the role ofon-farm income in farming households, (4) householdexpenditures in the rural economy, and (5) livingstandards and the quality of life. This framework willsee how well rice farm households in main riceproducing areas or granaries balance their householdincomes from on-farm and off-farm income sourcescompared to households in the more and the lessindustrialized areas. I will also suggest how theMalaysian government should support farmhouseholds in each granary.This final report will describe the socio-economicsituation in the rice farming areas of peninsularMalaysia from one main perspective—“incomedistribution”. In order to compare the different levelsof de-agrarianization and to illustrate the socioeconomicsituation in better, two other areas will beconsidered in the discussion.Background of the projectAmong Southeast Asian countries, Malaysia hasachieved the most dramatic economic growth since thelate 1980s. This is largely due to investments by foreignmultinational companies in the manufacturing sector.Demand for labor in the industrial zones increasedsteadily, and Malaysians started seeking employmentas factory workers. While the increase in jobopportunities provided cash income to employedworkers in some industrialized states, agricultureremained the dominant sector in other states. Due tothe difference in employment opportunities betweenthe more and the less urbanized states, regionaleconomic disparities became an acute issue. TheMalaysian government recognized this social problemas a key issue and report this gap to be very wide with a0.441 Gini coefficient in the Ninth Plan period (2006-2010).In order to achieve the Wawasan 2020 (Vision 2020)goal for Malaysia to become a developed nation, thegovernment has put emphasis on rural developmentfor reducing regional income disparities between theurban and rural areas. The paddy rice sector has beenone of the strategic sectors for ensuring food securityin Malaysia. And for this reason, the Malaysiangovernment has implemented a protective policy, i.e., asubsidy scheme for paddy farmers. NumerousThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

2 Panel 1technological changes have raised the yield andproductivity of paddy farming since the 1970s,especially in selected granaries in eight areas ofPeninsular Malaysia. Majority of the Malaysian paddyfarmers are smallholders who work on smalluneconomic plots (Acharya 2000).As the country developed, the role and contribution ofagriculture to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), ingeneral, declined and has been taken over by themanufacturing sector. In his study, Yokoyama (1990)noted that the Malaysian economy developed byrelying on the manufacturing sector, which accountedfor more than 50 % of Malaysia’s total exports in 1989a situation that has persisted since. While in the 1960sthe manufacturing sector was still dependent on thedomestic market, by the 1970s the export of Malaysianmanufactured products had experienced a double-digitgrowth rate annually. This growth of themanufacturing sector entailed structural changes inthe entire Malaysian economy. The share of themanufacturing sector to the GDP increased from12.2% in 1970 to 26.1% in 2009, while the share of theagricultural sector declined from 32.1% to 7.5% overthe same period.Industrialization through the manufacturing sectorbrought job opportunities to the industrial zones andcash earnings in the form of salaries, proof indicatinghow many Malaysian’s livelihoods had become rapidlydiversified. Ooi (2004) traced the transitional phase ofthe Malaysian economy to industrialization from the1970s to the 2000s, and clarified its impact on theemployment structure: with more women employed inthe manufacturing sector, most households beganenjoying double incomes. Although industrialdevelopment had created job opportunities for ruralcommunities, development was concentrated mainlyon the West Coast because of the more convenientinfrastructure and geographical advantage it enjoyed,which in turn increased job opportunities in the area.To determine the actual changes in the household’sstructure on the West Coast, Fujimoto (1995) focusedon socio-economic changes thereat, especially in itsrural sector’s employment structure inclusive of onandoff-farm activities. He clarified that economicdevelopment had changed economic activities at thehousehold level. Off-farm income became a vitalincome source for sustaining farm households in thepaddy growing communities on the West coast areas.As for policy implementation in Malaysia, during theperiod when the Third Malaysian Plan (3MP:1976-1980) was in force, the New Economic Policy (NEP:1971-1990) implemented starting 1971 was mainlydirected at poverty eradication and restructuringsociety. It advanced economic growth through directinvestment in the manufacturing sector, which becamethe main vehicle leading economic growth. As a resultof the employment opportunities generated and thepromotion of economic restructuring (Daquila 2005),people started to work in factories manufacturingelectrical machinery and appliances in the free tradezones. Further, NEP played an important role in thesocial aspects of Malaysian society, and not just in theeconomic sense. In order to attain the objectives forrestructuring, especially in the less developed ricesector, NEP gave high priority to protecting Malayfarmers through the maximization of their incomesthrough protective and conservative rice policies.In January 1984, within the period covered by theFourth Malaysian Plan (4MP:1981-1985), the FirstNational Agricultural Policy (1NAP: 1984-1991) wasannounced, providing a broad direction for thestrategy via a long-term framework reaching up to theyear 2000, especially where the agricultural sector(5MP, 295) was concerned. The objective of the firstNAP was toward the efficient utilization of resourcesand the revitalization of the contribution of the sectorto overall economic development. The gradualliberalization of the agricultural sector was initiatedwith the promulgation of the first NAP (3NAP, 4).The producers were differentiated across a very smallnumber of modern specialized production units and alarge number of traditional units. The Fifth MalaysiaPlan (5MP:1986-1990) presented sharp disparities inthe levels of efficiency, productivity, competitiveness,and, hence income resulting in the high incidence ofpoverty among small farmers (5MP, 296).Traditionally, paddy production played an importantrole in sustaining the paddy farmer’s livelihood inMalaysia, and on-farm income was the main source ofincome of rural paddy households in Malay villages(Purcal 1971). Paddies were the third largest followedby two areas planted to cash crops. Apart from cashcrops such as rubber and palm oil, paddies coveredlarger areas than other food crops (Year Book ofStatistics 2010). However, in the late 70s, a drastictechnological innovation called the Green RevolutionThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT3emerged, causing productivity in many countriesincluding Malaysia, to rise. Although the greenrevolution has evolved around the world, a typicalpaddy farm household in Malaysia has retained itssmallness and on-farm activities continue to beindividually managed at the household level.Nevertheless, as an institution of economic developmentand progress, paddy farm management haschanged and is influenced by changes in the externalenvironment such as the economy, government policy,technological progress and advancements in themanufacturing sector that had transformed themapping of regional society and nature. While farmhouseholds in paddy growing areas were affected bythe external environment to a large extent, changes inthe internal environment such as in farm management,like the use of farming technology and farm inputs,may have had an impact on farm household incomes asa whole.In the 1980s, the manufacturing sector started tocreate economic imbalance between the agriculturaland the manufacturing sectors more quickly thangenerally expected in Malaysia. As a result, the youngerfarmers became part-time farmers, working in the offfarmsector resulting from rapid industrialization.Since then, the rice farming sector began to face seriousproblems such as a dwindling labor force, more idlelands, and increasing competition for land. The firstNAP was reviewed earlier than originally planned andthe second NAP (2NAP1992-1997) was introduced.Although the government proposed the developmentand modernization of the rural areas in an effort toretain the labor force in the small holders sector, thewage difference between the manufacturing andagricultural sectors diminished the attraction of theagricultural sector for domestic labor. The secondNAP addressed productivity, efficiency andcompetitiveness issues in the context of sustainabledevelopment and linkages with other sectors of theeconomy.Until the Ninth Malaysian Plan (9MP:2006-2010),Malaysian policies set their sights lower and lower so asto attain the other side of the policy objective. In 1970,self-sufficiency in rice production was 78%, and duringthe period covered by the Second Malaysian Plan(1970-1975), the Government upheld the target of90% to 100% self-sufficiency in the rice sector. As aresult of government’s giving high priority to the ricesector, it attained 92% self-sufficiency in 1980 (TMP,277). In contrast, from the 1990s up to the 2000s, thedesired target declined from 70% to 65%, which wascompetitive enough with the international market. AsFujimoto (1991) pointed out, self-sufficiency wasdetermined by two different factors: the World Bankrecommendation to abandon the self-sufficiencypolicy, and the importance of the rice sector tonational food security. While ensuring self-sufficiencyin pursuit of national food security, the target level forself-sufficiency was raised to 65% in terms of tomaintain the competitive strength of other crops.However, the government needed to exertconsiderable effort in dealing with the issuesconfronting rice farmers. The rice policy came outwith support measures through the Malaysian Plansand National Agricultural Policies, as follows: theprovision and improvement of irrigation facilities forraising productivity, and the Guaranteed MinimumPrice and the Urea Subsidy Scheme in support of farmincome in the uncompetitive rice sector. TheMalaysian government has been implementing aprotective policy for the rice sector through outputprice subsidies since 1973. The fertilizer subsidy wasfirst introduced in the early 1950s with the objective ofencouraging farmers to use fertilizer, hencedemonstrating the higher pay-off from using adequatefertilizer, both in terms of paddy output and income(Ahmad and Tawang 1999).In conventional policymaking in developing countries,the existence of a stable food supply has generally beenassociated with agricultural development. In order todevelop the rural sector, strategies need to targetsustainable agricultural production mainly (JICA2004). This is because agriculture is the main sectorand its development can play an important role in theeconomic development of a whole country. In mostSoutheast Asian countries, agriculture is the keyindustry, in which enormous labor, land and otherresources are utilized even though agriculturalproductivity in the sector is still low (Nakano 1977).Using the case of Northern Thailand, Rigg andNattapoolwat (2001) showed how changes in the ruraleconomic structure and in rice farming villages tend totake on patterns different from the agrarian pattern.Rigg (1997) argued that the growing importance ofnon-farming pursuits among the young and femaleemployees could cause permanent change in the ruraleconomy. This process of change illustrates thevulnerability of agriculture to macro-economicchanges and the subsequent transformation of people’slivelihood. This transition was labeled “de-agrarianization”in a case study conducted in Sub-SaharanAfrica (Bryson 1997).The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

4 Panel 1According to UNCTAD (2008), under the deagrarianizationprocess, people living in the rural areasincreasingly survive by relying on multiple activities,rather than simply farming. UNCTAD furthermentioned how this phenomenon has been occurringat an accelerating rate. Thus, even though agricultureremains the major employer in most least-developedcountries, the annual increase in the number of peopleseeking work outside agriculture is starting to exceedthe annual increase in the number of people seekingwork within agriculture, showing a major change vis-àvisthe conditions in the 1980s and 1990s.Livelihood represents human life. A livelihoodstructure consists of multifaceted dimensions, butmainly has two dimensions: the economic and thesocial structures. While the economic dimensionincludes all living environments, which make adifference in living standards, the social dimensioncovers the people’s satisfaction standard in livingenvironments. De-agrarianization is a process whichencompasses the transformation of people’s livelihoodfrom a more agricultural to a less agricultural one at theindividual or household levels. Therefore, deagrarianizationis a part of livelihood diversificationaffecting people’s lives under shifting environmentalconditions. Figure 1-1 illustrates two areas where farmhousehold income and the agricultural sector havechanged. The semi-circular arrows indicate thatlivelihood diversification is widespread and found inall locations, as well as across all farm sizes and rangesof income and wealth (Frank 2000). In the case ofMalaysia, the livelihood of farmers has become morediversified due to the additional off-farm income theycan earn in manufacturing factories. Main incomeearning opportunities have shifted from the on-farmsector to the off-farm sector with industrializationtaking place as a concomitant condition or reality.Figure 1. Summary of diversification issues.This study focuses on the main paddy granary areas,where paddy farmers typically hold a small parcel ofland. The objective of the study is to investigateincome structures in terms of on-farm and off-farmincomes in five paddy granary areas on the West andEast coasts. A survey was conducted in these five areasfrom 2010 to 2011 using a structured questionnaire.The specific objectives of this paper are as follows: (1)to clarify the income distribution among householdsin the main paddy granaries, (2) to measure inequalityof incomes among paddy farmer households, and (3)to examine the determinant factors influencinghousehold income in the paddy granaries located inboth coastal areas.The following methods were used in this study. First,income distribution at the farm household level in thefive areas was measured using the household income,which was divided into on-farm and off-farm incomes,as basis. Second, the focus was on computing incomedisparities among farm households using the Ginicoefficientin both coastal areas. This enabled theresearcher to understand the reality of the income gapand of the specific groups, which brought about awider gap in terms of household incomes. Third,determinants of household income in the five areaswere clarified using linear regression analysis.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT5Material and MethodThe survey was conducted in 2010 in the paddygranaries in Peninsular Malaysia. These areas were asfollows: 1) the Muda Agricultural DevelopmentAuthority (MADA); 2) Kemubu AgriculturalDevelopment Authority (KADA); 3) Barat LautSelangor Integrated Agriculture Development Area(IADA Barat Laut Selangor); 4) Penang IntegratedAgriculture Development Area (IADA Penang): and5) North Terengganu Integrated AgricultureDevelopment (KETARA). Random sampling wasdone among select paddy farming household headsusing the same farming and irrigation systems. A totalof 201 farmers were selected as respondents to answerthe questionnaire. Based on the context ofindustrialization in Malaysia, MADA, KADA, andIADA Barat Laut Selangor are in the West Coast,within commuting distance from industry zones likePenang and the sub-urban areas of cities. Meanwhile,IADA Penang and KETARA are on the East Coastand are located far from the main cities (Table 1 showsthe distribution of the samples from each region)MADA,KedahKADA, Pasir MasKelantanIADA Pulau Pinang,Sebrang Prai,PenangIADA KETARA,Kuala Besut,TerengganuSg.Burung,Tanjong KarangSelangorFigure 2. Location of study areas in the Malaysia peninsula.Results and DiscussionTable 1 shows the characteristics of the paddy farmersand their households. While most of the farmers fromIADA Penang were part-time farmers, only a limitednumber of the farmers from IADA Selangor worked aspart-time farmers. Even though both were locatedalong the West coast, the location of IADA Penangwas much closer to the industrial part of the state.Furthermore, though the average farm size in IADAPenang is smaller than in the other areas. There werealso more farm owners in IADA Penang than therewere in other areas. Additionally, the most tenants inKADA, which was covered by Ladang MerdekaManan, had a “landlord”. Most of the households alsobelonged to part-time farm households in the areas,and almost half of the household heads were employedin rice farming but had a second job.- Income distributionTotal household income included all existing incomessuch as on-farm and off-farm incomes, remittancesfrom non-resident children, pensions, and paddysubsidies received by the farm households. The averagetotal household income was highest in Selangor, whileon-farm incomes in Kedah and Penang were thesecond and third highest in Malaysia, followed bySelangor. While average household incomes wereRM4,792 in Penang and RM4,895 in Selangor, therest of the areas had lower incomes than the overallaverage income. There were as follows: RM2,947 inKedah, RM1824 in Kelantan, and RM2,969 inTerengganu. In Terengganu, rubber tapping wascommon and popular among farmers and their wives.Earnings from this supplemented their householdincomes (see Table 2). Figure 2 illustrates the ratio ofon-farm and off-farm income in total householdThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

6 Panel 1income. Although total income in Selangor was thehighest, percentage of off-farm income in Penang wasbiggest among the five areas. While Sg.Burong inSelangor was the most advanced area for rice farming,Penang was well known as an industrialized area.Followed by Penang, off-farm incomes in Kelantanand Terengganu were higher than in the areas on theWest Coast. This suggests that the West Coast is notalways the keyword for diversified household incomesamong these five areas.ItemsMADAIADA PulauPinangIADA BaratLaut SelangorNumber of households studied 40 42 42 37 40Average familly size (persons) 4.8 5.6 5.1 5.0 5.5Job of head of householdFull-time (paddy only) 13 17 17 3 11Part-time 27 25 25 0 29Characteristics of householdFull-time farm household 10 3 14 - 4Part-time farm household 30 39 28 3 36No.of farmers by tenurial statusLandlord 0 9 0 50 0Landlord-owner farmer 0 1 0 1 0Owner farmers 4 21 11 0 9Owner-tenant farmers 17 16 8 1 12Tenant farmers 19 5 23 3 19Average farm size (acre) 8.2 2.7 6.3 0.8 6.9Source:Oen survey 2010 and 2011.Note:farm land size does not include the land of landlord in Penang state.Table 1. Outline of the studied villages and their characteristicsKADAIADAKETARAPenang Kedah SelangorFarm households incomeFrequencyAverage SD Frequency Average SD Frequency Average(ringgit)(ringgit)(ringgit)SDless than 1,000 2 605 261 5 611 133 2 728 3051,000-1,999 3 1,584 172 10 1,408 283 9 1,394 2392,000-2,999 6 2,410 307 9 2,506 326 7 2,687 2803,000-3,999 6 3,470 319 5 3,432 199 7 3,455 2694,000-4,999 10 4,582 296 6 4,447 238 8 4,618 2955,000-5,999 4 5,328 150 2 5,527 252 1 5,756-6,000-6,999 3 6,328 284 1 6,952 -1 6,812-7,000-7,999 2 7,446 71 1 7,577 -1 7,042-more than 8,000 6 9,808 2,557 1 8,779 -6 15,338 7,840Overall average 42 4,792 2,793 40 2,947 1,989 42 4,895 5,335KelantanTerengganuOverallFarm households incomeFrequencyAverage SD Frequency Average SD Frequency Average(ringgit)(ringgit)(ringgit)SDless than 1,000 16 546 246 7 522 281 29 581.4 238.91,000-1,999 8 1,390 351 8 1,417 131 41 1,431.0 256.92,000-2,999 7 2,312 207 8 2,328 288 36 2,507.8 296.03,000-3,999 5 3,400 251 10 3,419 323 33 3,443.3 273.44,000-4,999 1 4,908 0 3 4,610 258 25 4,508.6 287.45,000-5,999 0 - - 2 5,735 139 14 5,547.5 291.16,000-6,999 1 6,083 0 1 6,808 -6 6,547.3 381.47,000-7,999 1 7,092 0 0 - -4 7,288.7 238.9more than 8,000 0 - - 2 10,916 1,885 13 12,258.0 5,992.2Overall average 37 1,824 1,617 40 2,969 2,433 201 3,470.7 3,237.9Source: Own survey in 2006, 2008, 20010 and 2011.Table 2: Income distribution of total household income in the five areasThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT7600050004,8954,79240003,8273,30430002,9472,96920001,5911,7451,8241,7081,95110001,2039651,0190116Selangor Kedah Penang Kelantan TerengganuOn -farm income Off -farm income Total household incomeFigure 3. Average of household incomes in the five granaries.Source: Own survey 2010 and 2011.- Income inequalityIncome distribution is illustrated by the differentcharacteristics of household incomes in terms of onfarmand off farm incomes. In this section, we attemptto measure quantitatively the degree of skewness of theincome distribution using the Gini coefficient. TheGini coefficient indicates the degree of concentrationand income inequality. It is based on the covariancebetween income Y of an individual or household andthe F rank that the individual or household occupies inthe distribution of income. This rank takes a valuebetween zero, representing the poorest, and one,representing the richest. Denoting the mean incomeby Y, the standard Gini coefficient is defined as: Gini=2 cov (Y, F) / Y. Table 3 shows the Gini coefficient ofthe total household income in terms of the on-farmand off-farm incomes in the five areas. A comparisonof the Gini-coefficients in both coastal areas indicates awider inequality in the West coast (0.428 among 121farm households) than in the East coast (0.378 among79 farm households). In terms of off-farm incomes,there was wider inequality in Selangor and Kedah.There were rather lower Gini-coefficients in Kelantanand Terengganu. This could due to the fact that offfarmincome is not a predominant income source inSelangor and Kedah. The Gini-coefficient forKelantan indicated that the state had wider inequalitythan the other areas in farm household income, inboth on-farm and off-farm incomes. Overall, the Ginicoefficientsfor the states on the West Coast weresmaller than for the East Coast, for both on-farm andoff-farm incomes.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

8 Panel 1Gini coefficientAreasTotal income On-farm income Off-farm incomeWest coast 0.428 0.619 0.477Penang 0.280 0.253 0.209Kedah 0.354 0.402 0.620Selangor 0.445 0.498 0.604East coast 0.378 0.509 0.541Kelantan 0.499 0.609 0.517Terengganu 0.396 0.608 0.459Source:Own surveyTable 3. The Gini coefficients of farm household incomes by total income, on-farm income, and off-farm incomes- Determinant factor of household incomeThis section attempts to clarify which variables areinfluential to farm household income by conducting achi-square analysis and a regression analysis. A chisquareanalysis is performed in terms of householdmonthly income per capita, depending on the levels ofhousehold incomes. A regression analysis was likewiseconducted to clarify the detailed mechanism ofhousehold incomes among five areas.Chi-square analysis: Table 4 shows the chi-squareanalysis of monthly household incomes per capita infive areas. Household incomes per capita were groupedinto five, from income below RM300 to incomeshigher than RM900 per month. The result of the chisquaretest of independence shows a significantrelationship between the characteristics of farmhouseholds and household income per capita. Bothcoastal sides between the West and the East coast ofpeninsular Malaysia. Location variables pertaining tohow coastal side paddy farmers live show the tendencyof household incomes per capita on the West coast tobe clearly higher than those in the East Coast. Thefollowing location variables were categorizedaccording to the five states: Kedah, Penang, Selangor,Kelantan, and Terengganu. The chi-square test resultsalso show that household income per capita, especiallyin Selangor and Penang on the West Coast, is higherthan in Kelantan and Terengganu on the East coast(X2 =25.927, p

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT9Variables1. Lowerincomebelow RM300Table 4. Chi-square analysis of household income among five areas.2. Mid-lowincomeRM300-599Housheold monthly income per capita3. Mid-highincomeRM600-8994. Higherincome aboveRM900OverallFrequency % Frequency % Frequency % Frequency % Frequency %West coast (three areas)1.Kedah 10 25.0 13 32.50 5 12.5 12 30.0 40 100.02.Penang 5 11.9 8 19.05 14 33.3 15 35.7 42 100.03.Selangor 6 14.3 13 30.95 9 21.4 14 33.3 42 100.0Perason Chi-square 8.158East coast (two areas)1.Kelantan 17 45.9 8 21.6 7 18.9 5 13.5 37 100.02.Terengganu 12 29.3 15 36.6 5 12.2 9 22.0 41 100.0Perason Chi-square 4.275Tenant status1.Landlord (only in Kelantan) 17 45.9 8 21.6 7 18.9 5 13.5 37 100.02.Owner farmer 11 23.4 8 17.0 12 25.5 16 34.0 47 100.03.Owner tenant farmer 6 14.3 11 26.2 7 16.7 18 42.9 42 100.04.Tenant farmer 16 21.1 30 39.5 14 18.4 16 21.1 76 100.0Perason Chi-square 24.425 ***Farm size1.below 3.0acre 35 40.7 22 25.6 17 19.8 12 14.0 86 100.02.3.0-5.9acre 8 14.0 16 28.1 15 26.3 18 31.6 57 100.03.6.0-8.9acre 5 16.7 14 46.7 4 13.3 7 23.3 30 100.04.above 9.0acre 2 6.9 5 17.2 4 13.8 18 62.1 29 100.0Perason Chi-square 42.518 ***Age of household head1.below 40 years old 4 17.4 7 30.4 3 13.0 9 39.1 23 100.02.40-49 yeard old 4 20.6 27 39.7 11 16.2 16 23.5 68 100.03.50-59 years old 16 28.6 13 23.2 13 23.2 14 25.0 56 100.04.above 60 years old 16 29.1 10 18.2 13 23.6 16 29.1 55 100.0Perason Chi-square 10.839Education of household head1.No education and elementary 11 26.2 10 23.8 10 23.8 11 26.2 42 100.0( incomplete)2.Secondary school 14 29.8 11 23.4 13 27.7 9 19.1 47 100.03.High school 11 24.4 14 31.1 7 15.6 13 28.9 45 100.04. Above 14 20.6 22 32.4 10 14.7 22 32.4 68 100.0Perason Chi-square 7.168Farm household1.Full-time farm household 15 40.5 12 32.4 3 8.1 7 18.9 37 100.02.Part-time farm household 35 21.2 45 27.3 37 22.4 48 29.1 165 100.0Perason Chi-square 9.123 ***In terms of tenant status, the owner and owner tenantfarmers earned higher incomes per capita (X2=24.425,p

10 Panel 1There was a tendency for households with part-timeworkers to have higher incomes. On the other hand,education was not an important factor in determiningthe income group of households. This is because of thefact that just like in the farming sector, most off-farmemployment opportunities such as those in factories,rubber tapping and contractor did not require highereducation background.As described previously, household incomes in eacharea have different characters. This section attempts toclarify which variables are significant in determiningfarm household income by conducting a regressionanalysis. The model used is as follows:Y=a + bi Xi+...+bjXj+u;Where;?-Y is the total monthly household income(Ringgit).-X1 is the number of family members (persons);-X2 is the farm size in acres;-X3 is the age of the head of the household inyears;-X4 is a dummy variable for the characteristics ofthe household: 0 for full-time and 1 for part-time farmhouseholds;-X5 is a dummy variable for the occupation ofthe head of the household: 0 for a full-time farmer and 1 for a part-timefarmer;-X6 represents the location: 0 is given for theEast coast while 1 represents the West coast;-X7 is a dummy variable for Kedah: where 1 isgiven for Kedah and 0 is given for the otherstates;-X8 is a dummy variable for Penang state: 1equates to Penang and 0 is given for the otherstates;-X9 is a dummy variable for Selangor state:where 1 is given for Selangor and 0 equates to theother states;-X10 is a dummy variable for Kelantan state: 1represents Kelantan and 0 represents the otherstates;-X11 is a dummy variable for Terengganu state:1 equates to Terengganu and 0 is given for theother states,One of the characteristics of a household in thegranary area is the pattern of employment: are thefamily members employed as workers in the off-farmsector or are they employed in the farm itself?The other characteristic is the occupation of the headof the household: is he a full-time or a part-time paddyfarmer? Four regression models were created: 1) ModelI examines the differences in household incomes in theWest vis-à-vis the East Coast areas; 2) Model IIexamines the differences between the two areas on theEast Coast; 3) Model III examines the differencesamong the three states on the West Coast except forKedah; and 4) Model IV examines the differenceamong the three areas on the West Coast except forSelangor. The results of the regression analysis areshown in Table 5. The regression analysis for Model Ishows that the differences in the farm size andhousehold characteristics of full-time farmers and parttimefarmers were statistically significant at the 1%level, which had a positive sign for household income.The tenancy (renting of land) was significant at the 5%level, which had a negative sign. This meant that whenpaddy farmers rented more land for farming, it actuallyhad a negative impact on their income even though thefarmers could produce more paddy in the larger area.Between both coastal areas, household income on theWest Coast tended to be higher.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT11RegressioncoefficientModel I Model II Model III Model IVT-valueRegressioncoefficientT-valueRegressioncoefficientT-valueRegressioncoefficientT-valuea 6.828 *** 5.480 347.013 0.158 -6,555.441 *** -3.103 -3,705.300 * -1.862Farm size (in acre) 0.381 *** 5.656 264.609 *** 4.503 443.788 *** 10.528 443.788 *** 10.528Age of HH (in years) 0.000 -0.352 -18.833 -0.621 50.014 * 1.618 50.014 * 1.618Education of HH (in years) -0.073 -1.088 -13.999 0.203 174.770 ** 2.274 174.770 ** 2.274Farming experience of HH(in years) -0.032 -0.565 9.207 0.35 1.208 0.55 1.208 0.055Occupantion of HH(Full-time=0, Part-time=1) 0.196 1.399 1,464.991 * 1.971 -475.264 -0.787 -404.558 -0.751Full and part-time farmhousehold (Full=0, Part=1) 0.599 *** 3.584 727.853 0.857 2,540.656 *** 3.538 2,540.656 *** 3.538Number of family member(in person) -0.676 *** -5.906 362.673 *** 3.193 120.119 0.976 0.976 0.331Tenancy(Renting land in=1, No rent=0) -0.340 ** -2.393 -1,549.959 - -1.648 -404.558 -0.751 -404.558 -0.751Location dummy(West coast=1, East coast=0) 0.503 *** 3.908Location dummy(Terengganu=1, Kelantan=0) -772.239 -0.678Location dummy(Kedah=1, other areas=0) -2,850.141 *** -5.077Location dummy(Penang=1, other areas=0) 3,887.644 *** 5.709 1,037.503 1.559Location dummy(Selangor=1, other areas=0) 2,850.141 *** 5.077R square 0.368 0.417 0.602 0.602F-value 14.070 5.408 17.059 17.059N 201 77 121 201Source: Own surveyNote: On-farm income includes subsidies.: *** denotes significant at the 1% probability level. ** denotes significant at the 5% probability level. * denotes significant at the 10%probability level.Table 5. Determinant factors of household monthly incomes in the five areas.Model II showed that the number of family memberswas an important factor on the East Coast. Becausethere are numerous self-employed jobs in Kelantanand Terengganu such as rubber tapping, the number offamily members had a positive impact on householdincome. The location factor showed that there was asimilar trend in total monthly household incomebetween both areas. In Model III, the type ofemployment on the farm (full-time or part-time) wasan important determinant and was statisticallysignificant at the 5% level. This is because off-farmincome could have influenced household income onthe West coast, especially considering the fact that thePenang granary is located near industrial parks.Locational differences showed that farm households inPenang and Selangor tended to earn more householdincome in Model III, but farm households in Kedahwere shown to earn a lower income in Model IV.ConclusionAverage household income was RM4,895 in Selangorand RM4,792 in Penang. These were the highest andsecond highest average household income in the fiveareas respectively. Also the average household incomein Terengganu and Kedah were similar at RM2,947 inKedah and RM2,969 in Terengganu. We measuredincome differences in household income in terms oftotal household income that comes from on-farm andoff-farm incomes. Household income in Penang wasinfluenced the most by de-agrarianization among fiveareas. However, the other areas in West Coast did notget much influence from de-agrarianization as shownin income diversification.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

12 Panel 1There was a wider inequality on the West Coast areas(0.428) than on the East Coast areas (0.378).Household income in Penang had the lowest Ginicoefficient which came to 0.280. In fact, the Ginicoefficients for both on-farm and off-farm incomes inPenang were very low at 0.253 and 0.209, respectively.As for the East Coast, although Terengganu had alower Gini coefficient compared to Kelantan,inequality in Terengganu was still higher than inKedah state on the West Coast. The Gini-coefficientfor off-farm income was higher in Selangor and Kedahthan the other areas. This is because there are feweropportunities to earn an off-farm income from asecondary job in both of these areas, which means thatthe households in these states rely a lot more on onfarmincome than on off-farm income.We examined the determinant factors influencinghousehold income in paddy granaries in both coastalareas of Peninsular Malaysia. The results of theestimation indicate that characteristics like full-time orpart-time farm occupation status, tenant status,education, and farm size were the main variablesaffecting the paddy farmer’s incomes throughout thefive areas. Location was also an important factorinfluencing household income. It was shown thatfarmers located in Kedah, Terengganu and Kelantanhad lower incomes.This study investigated the actual structure of farmhousehold incomes not only in terms of income level,but also in terms of income differences among theselected five main granaries in Malaysia. It showed thatthe granary areas in Penang and Selangor had thehighest income households, while Kelantan,Terengganu and Kedah had much lower incomehouseholds. However, income structures were not thesame as the income household levels between thehigher and lower income households. For example,even though the level of total household income inTerengganu and Kedah were almost similar on average,the direction of rural development needs to beconsidered in a different way. In Terengganu, forexample, off-farm sector activities such as rubbertapping help increase household income. In the case ofKelantan, the policy has to leverage the on-farm andoff-farm sectors in order to increase the people’slimited household income.Further prospects for the studyThis study was conducted in Malay rice farming areasthrough personal interviews with local farmers. Inorder to indicate the trend of the household economyin the rural sector, we focused on livelihooddiversification amidst de-agrarianization. A comparativestudy of the five areas including two areaswhich I had done surveys on for my doctoral thesiscould clarify the level of livelihood diversification inthe household economy of rice farmers, which factorplays key roles in rural development in Malaysia. It isnecessary to develop the rural economy for the sake ofrice farmers, in light of the actual situation in each areagiven the different characteristics of their householdeconomies. While I proceed with the analytical andwriting parts of this project further, more in terms ofthe rest of the perspectives, I am also going to startconducting my next project in Malaysia, targetingsingle rice cropping together with other crops in thenon-granary areas, especially those areas located in thefar and disadvantaged states like Kelantan, Kedah, andTerengganu.REFERENCESAcharya, S. S. 2000. Sustainable agriculture, poverty, and foodsecurity: Agenda for Asian economies. Proceedings of the 3 rdConference of the Asian Society of Agricultural Economists,Jaipur, India. October 18-20. Rawat Publications.Ahmad, T.M and Tawang, A. 1999. Effects of tradeliberalization on agriculture in Malaysia: commodity aspectsWorking paper series 46, The CGPRT center.Bryceson. 1997. De-agrarianisation in Sub-Shara Africa:Acknowledging the inevitable. In Farewell to farms: Deagrarianizationand employment in Africa. Edited by D.Bryceson and V. Jamal. Ashgate, England.Fujimoto, A. 1995. Structure and changing patterns of ruralemployment in Malaysia: A study of a rice growing village. InRural employment in Southeast Asia. Edited by K. Mizuno.Japan: Institute of Developing Economies.Nakano, M. 1977. Agricultural development. Tokyo: Meibun.(In Japanese)Ooi, G. 2004. Female employee and gender issue in Malaysia.Journal of law and political studies 60: 97-128. (in Japanese) .The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT13Rigg, J.1997. Southeast Asia: The human landscape ofmodernization and development. London and New York:Routledge.Rigg, J. and S. Nattapoolwat. 2001. Embracing the global inThailand: Activism and pragmatism in an era ofdeagrarianization. Journal of World Development 29(6): 945-960.Yokoyama, H. 1990. Malaysian economy: Policy and structuralchange. ASEDP series no. 9. Japan: Institute of DevelopingEconomies.ACKNOWLEDGEMENTMy deepest appreciation goes to The Nippon Foundation forenabling the conduct of this project in Malaysia. My profoundgratitude to Prof. Dr. Zainalabidin Mohamed of the Universityof Putra Malaysia who has supervised me. I would also like tothank Dr. Ismail for choosing my foster family in Kedah state,Dr.Amin who helped me in the pre-survey in Terengganu, andMr.Rizar in Sg.Burong, Selangor state for conducting interviews.Also I would like to mention the warm hospitality of my fosterfamilies in MADA area and the KETARA area. I reallyappreciate their support and generous hospitality.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

14 Panel 1Dams in the Philippines and in Thailand: Social and Environmental Impactsof Natural Resources Development ProjectsYu TerashimaAbstractLarge-scale development projects in Southeast Asiasuch as dams and irrigation schemes,have often forceddrastic change on local communities. Although localpeople are the most seriously affected by the projects,they have often been left out of decision-makingprocesses and without even access to relevantinformation. However persistent challenges fromcommunities and their allies in Thailand and thePhilippines have shown that local communities,together with outsiders such as domestic andinternational NGOs and academics, can play animportant role in calling for alternative approaches.Outside groups such as NGOs can supportcommunities by sharing information, networking,lobbying government and project proponents andintroducing various other ways to supportcommunities to make responsible decisions bythemselves.IntroductionIt is well known that for some decades, ruralcommunities in Southeast Asia have been facing rapidchanges and the loss of traditional livelihoods thatdepend on natural resources such as mountains, riversand forests. Today, the need is clear for greaterawareness of the limitations of central government-leddevelopment projects, and of the importance of localpeople’s participation, open consultations,Environmental Impact Assessments, socialenvironmentalguidelines and other open processes.Rapid economic growth in recent decades in urbanareas has areas also seen substantial change in ruralareas. Such changes include a move from self-reliantagriculture to the production of cash crops for export,population movement to cities, and the restructuringof cultural and territorial bonds. Large-scale projectshave been implemented under the name of nationaleconomic development or community development,but have also caused exhaustion of forests, rivers,wetlands, mountains and traditional agricultural lands.New approaches are being taken to solve or mitigatethese negative impacts. Communities today can learnfrom the experiences of others and can often predict aproject’s impact before it starts. With anunderstanding of their own past, present and futuresituations, they are better able to reflect upon andchoose their own alternative development for theirareas. Communities already negatively affected byprojects are working to solve their problems andimprove their situations. These efforts are sometimessupported by local, national or international nongovernmentorganizations (NGOs).Objective and significanceThis research was conducted to identify processes ofpeople’s participation around large projects, toascertain how the communities felt about processesimplemented by project proponents, howcommunities acted to try to avoid negative impacts,and how NGOs and academics became involved. Iconducted interviews with community members andNGO workers connected to three separate projects;The Songkhram river basin dam in NortheasternThailand, and the San Roque Dam and the BoholIrrigation Project in the Philippines. The Songkhramriver basin dam was planned in the 1990s but wascanceled in 2002 because of a strong oppositionmovement by the river basin communities and theinfluence of an Environmental Impact Assessment(EIA). The San Roque Dam in north Luzon Island, thePhilippines, was planned in the 1970s and completedin 2003. The Bohol Irrigation Project, which includesthree big dams and water management systems in thecentral Visayas islands, the Philippines, started in the1980s and was completed in 2007.MethodologyThe objectives of the intensive interviews were toidentify:1. Project Information2. The possible and actual project impact on thelocal communities and on natural resourcesThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT153. How people were informed about andparticipated in the decision-making process ofthe project4. What the project proponents / the concernedcommunity / the NGOs or academics did tosolve or mitigate negative impact from theproject5. The present situationThailandThailand’s First National Economic DevelopmentPlan (1961-1966) began the country’s economicdevelopment in earnest. At the beginning of the 1970s,however, the economic gap between the cities and therural communities became a prominent social issue.Thailand began to move away from importsubstitutingindustrialization towards export-orientedindustrialization. The development of naturalresources, a population policy and poverty reductionwere identified as ways to reduce the domesticeconomic gap. In the mid-1980s industrial exportsovertook agricultural exports. The main agriculturalproduce for export included kenaf pulp, tapioca, sugarcorn, corn and natural rubber. Agri-businesses such asfrozen shrimp and broilers also developed in thisperiod. The market price for agricultural produce fellbut the arrival of more private companies from Japan,Korea and Taiwan helped the Thai GDP to grow. In1997, the Asian Financial Crash halted growth butsince then the Thai economy has gradually recovered.In a speech by the King Bhumibol Adyulyadej after theeconomic crisis, the concept of Seethakit Phoo Phiang(Sufficiency Economy) was elaborated and has sincebecome a pillar of the national development strategy.Songkhram river dam: Project outlineThe Songkhram river is located in northeasternThailand, also known as Isan. It is 420 km long andflows through Nong Khai, Udon Thani, and SakhonNakhon provinces before joining the Mekong river inNakhon Phanom province. The name Songkhrammeans “indigo-blue forest” in the local language. TheSongkhram river dam project was planned as a majorpart of the Kon Chi Mun mega-project. This projectwas started in 1992 and was intended to develop theMekong river, the Mun river, (a tributary of theMekong river), and the Chi river (a tributary of theMun river). It was designed to create electricity,improve irrigation, and help turn the “poor” and “dry”Isan into a green and rich area with agriculturalproduce throughout the year.When communities began to learn about theSongkhram dam project in the early 1990s, itsobjectives were understood to be focused on fisheries,tourism and flood-control. However through the mid-1990s, the Rasi Salai Dam and the Pak Mun Damprojects became widely known and gained notoriety inThai society. The Rasi Salai Dam in Si Sakhetprovince was constructed in 1992 for irrigationpurposes, but caused widespread salt damage inagricultural fields. There was a serious reduction of fishstocks after the construction of the Pak Mun Dam inUbon Ratchathani province in 1994. These twocontroversial dams influenced the communities alongthe Songkhram river to form a strong movement with adesire to save the river as “the last river without damsin Thailand”. Meanwhile, the Thai government hadestablished the Enhancement and Conservation ofNational Environmental Quality Act (NEQA) in1992. Five years later in 1997 the passing of the newConstitution of Thailand guaranteed communities theright to participate in the process of conductingEnvironmental Impact Assessments.As a result of the EIA for the Songkhram dam project,the committee proposed that the project wasinappropriate, citing imbalances betweenenvironmental issues and economic factors, and theimpact on biodiversity. The Thai cabinet approved thecommittee’s proposal and in 2002 the Songkram Damwas canceled.Impacts for the local communitiesThere are 30 communities along the Songkhramriver basin and produce from the river feedsaround 20,000 persons. There is richbiodiversity in the seasonal flooded area calledPhaa Bun Phaa Tam, a flooded forest located onthe river bank and on the lakeshore. Its fertilesoil and diverse eco-system provide thecommunities with wild vegetables, herbs,bamboo shoots, mushrooms, small edibleanimals and insects and rice fields. In the rainyseason, flood waters flow into the lowlands andforests, creating u-shaped lakes, natural pondsand tributaries that are sources of fishing,agriculture, wild harvesting and alsotransportation. Local people feared they wouldlose these rich flooded forests and with it thefertile land for farming and the fishing since thelower dam gate would cut off the seasonalmigration of fish.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

16 Panel 1Participatory process and informationThough people had heard about the dam project sincethe 1990s the project proponents failed to informcommunities that the dam construction could result inthe submerging of the Phaa Bun Phaa Tam, theirfields, and some homes. They were also unaware of thepotential impacts on fish stocks. “The governmentdidn’t explain about the dam to us. When we noticed,the dam site was already purchased and then thegovernment gave information to the local people,” afisherman in Don San village said. The communitiesreceived genuine and detailed information throughtheir contacts with outside groups, such as TheAssembly of the Poor, a local people’s networkorganization, and TERRA/PER, an environmentalNGO in Bangkok, that were already working closelytogether to solve issues around deforestation of acommunity forest and problems caused by commercialeucalyptus plantations.NGO roleThe flooded forest had already been decreasing sincethe 1980s because of eucalyptus plantations and cattlegrazing.The communities had seen great changes totheir natural environment over many years. There wasintensive deforestation because of farm expansion,charcoal gathering and logging. There was watercontamination as a result of the use of agriculturalchemicals, increasing population and commercialindustries. The capacity of the flooded forest had beenreduced as a result of aquaculture, overfishing,inappropriate fishing gear and changes to naturalstreams due to the construction of irrigation systems.By collaborating with NGOs and academics, localcommunities succeeded in raising awareness of the richbiodiversity of their area and about their opposition tothe dam. NGOs and local community networksresearched the Songkhram river basin’s potential andproduced an alternative community development planin 2001. These activities empowered the communityand raised awareness in wider Thai society.It took intensive work and a lot of collaboration fromTERRA/PER and the Assembly of the Poor to raisethis local issue to the level of a nationwide issue. TheNGOs supported the communities on the dam issueby giving information, organizing a network,conducting campaigns and supporting advocacyactivities to the government.A village leader looked back at that time with deepemotion. He said: “We had two important issues atthat time but couldn’t keep them separate. The biggestfear over the Songkhram Dam was that our villagewould be a second “Rasi Salai” or “Pak Mun”. NGOsbrought us very necessary information, includingabout the legal system and about how to organize amovement”.Reevaluation of local resourcesThe activities in relation to the dam raised awarenesswithin the communities as well. As a result of research,workshops, campaigns and collaborations with othercommunities, academics and NGOs, more peoplerealized the urgent situation that they were facing, andthe close connection between their daily lives and theirlocal natural resources. This change in awarenessgradually raised the level of networking among 30different communities along the river basin.After the dam was canceled, the communities andNGOs conducted a four-year project in all thecommunities along the river basin in order to submit aCommunity Alternative Development Plan to theDepartment of Natural Resource Strategy in 2005.The objective of the project was to make sure the damwould not be continued and to prove that rather thangoing down the road of modernization orindustrialization, the best option would be to usetraditional industries and livelihood methods in analternative form of community development. Thegroups coordinated public fora in Sakhon NakhonRatchapat University and Mahasarakham Universitywhich were supported by the Ministry of NaturalResource Management and other public bodies andwere attended by more than 700 people.In addition, in 2003-2004, the World ConservationUnion (IUCN) and Thai NGOs and people’sorganizations (POs) conducted Thai Baan (Village)Research at four villages along the Songkhram riverbasin as part of the Mekong Wetlands and BiodiversityProject (MWBP), funded by the Mekong RiverCommission (MRC) and the United NationsDevelopment Program (UNDP). The Thai Baanapproach was a participatory model of social andenvironmental research. The communitiesdocumented local resources, knowledge about the useof resources, knowledge of livelihoods based on sixdifferent species of fish, fishing gear, local vegetation,agriculture and gardens, cattle and buffaloes, and localecosystems.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT17The PhilippinesAfter gaining independence in 1946 from the UnitedStates, successive Philippines governments haveintroduced numerous development plans. During theperiod of reconstruction after World War II thecountry introduced an export-orientedindustrialization policy. Foreign and technologicalinvestment increased. There was agrarian reform toincrease agricultural production. However, theeruption of social and economic problems in the1970s, including an extreme population explosion inthe cities, a widening of the gap between the cities andrural communities, unrest under the Marcosgovernment and deterioration of the internationalbalance of payments resulting in an increase inaccumulated debt, created an economic crisis whichled to negative economic growth in the 1980s. By theend of the 1980s, agrarian reform, industrialdecentralization and a policy of liberalization andinviting foreign capital to the country was adopted.The present Arroyo government is aiming at economicgrowth, poverty reduction, and increased levels ofemployment.1. San Roque Dam project: Project outlineThe multi-purpose San Roque Dam on the river Agnoin northern Luzon island was completed in 2003. Thedam aimed at generating as much as 345 MW ofhydropower, the irrigation of the downstreamPangasinan plain and to improve flood-control in thearea. It is the largest dam in Asia, with a height of200m, a gate of 1.2km width and a reservoir of 850million square meters. The project proponents werethe San Roque Power Corporation (SRPC) and TheNational Power Corporation (NPC) of thePhilippines. The dam was supported by JapaneseOfficial Development Assistance (ODA) loans.Japanese private companies also funded the SRPC.The impact on the local communitiesThe vast area of land, which became the submergencezone was home to indigenous Ibaloi people. As manyas 2,500 Ibaloi farmers who worked fields on the damsite and gold panners who collected gold dust in theAgno river started an anti-dam movement in the mid-1990s. Gold from the river had become the main orside income for many people. Farmers, for example,sometimes used their income from gold panning tobuying rice seed rice or fertilizer. A total of 780households were forced to leave their homes because ofthe project. The dam also affected the lives of manypeople living in the upper basin, around the gate and inthe lower basin.Participatory process and informationThe Ibaloi people living in upstream Benguet Stateswere concerned that the accumulation of silt mighteventually bury their villages and opposed the projectsince the 1990s. They have complained of a violationof the Indigenous People’s Rights Act of thePhilippines (IPRA), because the proponentsimplemented the project without agreement from theindigenous people. The committee having jurisdictionover the IPRA conducted research and issued a finalreport recognizing it as illegal.The gold panners insisted that they were not formallyor appropriately informed before the construction ofthe dam, and that they would in effect lose their jobs.After the construction started, they began to organizethemselves into a federation and requested propercompensation for the money that they had lost so farand demanded substitute livelihoods from the SRPCand the NPC.Failed livelihood programPeople affected by involuntary resettlement wereallowed to choose between compensation in the formof cash or substitute housing. Four new substitutecommunities were proposed. The SRPC introduced alivelihoods program with projects such as pig-raising,growing vegetables and fruits, producing banana paper,growing rice, stock- raising, managing a grocery store,micro-finance and so on.The projects were not a great success. The substitutefarms were often too small for farmer’s needs, the soilwas sometimes unproductive and the union of stockraisers that was organized under the programcollapsed. A training program for making sandals andsewing was implemented, but few of those whoparticipated were able to establish businesses, andthose who did were left with incomes too small toprovide a livelihood. Today, the lives of affected peopleare getting worse year by year. In Kamangan substitutecommunity where 180 households settled after theproject, around 50 households had to sell or rent outtheir houses because of poverty in 2010.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

18 Panel 1In 2004, the gold panners’ federation had to beorganized formally in order to become a subject forcompensation from the proponents. After approvalfrom the SRPC, the NPC and the localadministration, they were allowed to participate in acattle-fattening program. Their request for cashcompensation was refused on the grounds that theywere asking for too much. The fattening programneeded to be continued for several years and, thus far,the income from it is very small. Those who lost theirmain livelihoods have been unable to find realisticsubstitutes.NGO rolesLocal people organized as a movement of indigenouspeople and under the Peasant Movement to Free theAgno River, (TIMMAWA). The Cordillera PeoplesAlliance working on local issues in the northern Luzonor a university student group also supported thecommunity. In 2006, Mr. Jose Doton, the leader of theTIMMAWA, was shot and killed in a politicalmurder 1 . After this affair, the anti-dam movement aswell as some local NGOs became much weaker. Only afew outside NGOs, including FoE Japan, are nowmonitoring the resettled people’s situation. Thereremain many unsolved issues. FoE Japan is lobbyingthe Japanese government and private companies askingthem to take responsibility as the largest donor andmajor shareholders respectively in the project.2. Bohol Irrigation Project: Project outlineBohol Island is located next to Cebu Island in thecentral Visayas. The idea for the Bohol IrrigationProject started in the 1970s, for the purpose ofstrengthening the base of agricultural production,increasing production and improving farmer’s livingstandards. The construction of the project, includingthree large dams with water systems, was intended tosupply water to an area of 10,000 hectares.Construction lasted from 1988 to 2007. The threedams are the Malinao (Pillar), Bayongan and Kapayasudams, and the project proponent was the NationalIrrigation Administration (NIA) of the Philippines.The Malinao and Kapayasu dams were completed inthe 1990s and the Bayongan dam, was completed in2007. The project was supported by the JapanInternational Cooperation Agency (JICA) whosupported a feasibility study. It was funded partly byloans of 12 billion yen from the Japan Bank forInternational Cooperation (JBIC). The total expenseof the project was 17 billion yen.Impacts on the local communitiesA total of 200 households were to be resettled to newcommunities and 6,000 farmers were supposed tobecome the beneficiaries of the three dams.Water management unions were organized for eachgroup of farmers receiving water from the samepipelines. Members had to pay a water fee based on thenumber of hectares they owned, irrespective of the sizeof harvest they got for that year. It has turned out to bea heavy burden for farmers. Some fields have notreceived water but the farmers still have to pay the fee.Farmers also had taken out loans to pay for the levelingof their lands. Many are now in debt as a result.In 1996, the Malinao Dam was the first to beconstructed. The project forced farmers to changetheir fertile farms totaling 2,953 hectares into land tobe used for rice paddies. Land-leveling was carried outfor this purpose from 1996 to 1998. Farmers had topay for the land-leveling, which put some of them intodebt. The money had to be paid back within 10 yearsand if not, they will have to hand over the deeds of theland to NIA, in accordance with the Memorandum ofAgreement.However, the water from the dam reaches only 30percent of the project area, leaving some farmers whoonce produced corn, coconuts, cassava, sweet potatoand bananas continuously throughout the year arenow left with unproductive rice paddies. Withoutreceiving water from the dam, the new rice fields canproduce only once a year from natural rainwater. It isbecause rice-growing that depends on rainwater isinfluenced easily by the weather each year that localpeople produced diversified crops. Some people losttheir entire livelihood. Some can produce crops butonly get very unstable incomes. Even in the paddiesthat the water reaches, regular water shortages causesconflict between farmers in the upper stream anddownstream who are living along the same pipeline.Participatory process and informationThe movement to oppose the project began to grow inthe 1990s. But it was weak from the start as manypeople were afraid the government would deprivethem of their land using the Compulsory PurchaseAct. The movement faltered and the project wentahead.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT19The proponent, the NIA, explained to the affectedpeople that the project would provide them withplenty of water so they could produce rice more thanonce a year, gaining a lot of income by selling it on themarket. The NIA asked people to sign a document tojoin the project. But some people, at least, said that nooneever explained the loans connected with the landlevelingand the possibility of losing the deeds of theirland to them.The farmers who would benefit from the MalinaoDam would have to pay a water supply fee of 150kg ofrice per hectare. This amount is fixed by the NIA withthe water management union. The farmers do nothave any rights in the decision. The water managementsystem was originally formed by the localadministration. The NIA and the water managementunion, often doesn’t function properly and causesconflicts concerning the amount of water supplied tothe various communities.While I was conducting my research, in December2010, a consultation for the people affected by theMalinao Dam was organized by the NIA. It was thesecond multi-stakeholder meeting to try to solve thenegative impacts caused by the dam (the first had beenheld two months earlier in September 2010). JICA,which is the largest donor to the Malinao Dam and toother future prospective mega-development projectsplanned for Bohol, had encouraged the NIA to holdthe meeting.The first meeting had decided that at the secondmeeting NIA would report on the progress of its studyto evaluate the situation at the paddy fields wherefarmers had complained that water hadn’t reachedthem. However, the attending farmers complainedthat the study was faulty, that sites surveyed had been“hand-picked,” and that measures proposed to solvethe shortages were very general and impractical. In themiddle of the meeting, attending farmers and NGOsfound out that the NIA had forged the memorandumdocument agreed to in the first meeting. and that afarmer’s signature had been added to show that she wasin agreement with the NIA’s study when in fact shehadn’t signed at all 2 .Local people began to say that they could no longertrust the NIA, and that their assumptions of itssincerity were misplaced. They felt that the “goodgovernance” talked about by JICA and the NIA wasmeaningless and that the participatory and fairprocesses necessary to mitigate the project’s negativeimpacts remained unsecured.NGO roleFarmers affected seriously by the Malinao Dam, alsoknown as the Pilar Dam, organized a federation ofpeasants who suffered damage from the project(ALMABIPDA), and have since worked together withNGOs to solve problems experienced because of theproject.The NGOs working with the farmers include TheFarmers Development Centre (FARDEC), a localNGO based in Bohol city, the People’s Network forLife and Environment (KINABUHI), another localNGO based in Bohol city, the Women’s DevelopmentCenter (WDC), a network NGO working for women,farmers and primary health care issues in Bohol islandCentral Visayas, and FoE Japan, a Japanese NGO.The local NGOs help the farmers to gatherinformation and to inform people all over thePhilippines and in the international society of theirsituation. In 2010 WDC conducted a hearing andcreated a video documenting farmer’s views on theirsituations. The Japanese NGO advocated to theJapanese Government and JICA to put pressure on theNIA to make a response. This succeeded in the holdingof the first stage of an evaluation of the situation byNIA, affected farmers and NGOs, even thoughunfortunately the consultation has been spoiled so farbecause of NIA’s betrayal of the confidence that hadbeen built up in the relationship.In the Philippines, even if the affected farmerscomplain repeatedly to the NIA, they have not so farbeen able to get a satisfactory response. The politicalsituation makes the local people’s movement nervous 3 .It seems that it is more effective to complaininternationally by raising awareness, spreadinginformation, setting up a dialogue by usinginternational pressure and holding peaceful rallies inurban centers.ConclusionsThrough this research I realized that the definition of“development” should not be confused with economicgrowth. The general thinking behind economicglobalization is that economic development is anessential and supremely important element in theThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

20 Panel 1process. But to put the economy first can causedepletion and disruption of natural resources, theenvironment, and health. The negative impacts candestroy the very basis of local communities.Genuine endogenous development is necessary forcommunities to develop independence and solve theproblems they face. Endogenous development wastheorized after the 1970s as a development modelwhich would solve industrial pollution and othersocial and environmental issues within localcommunities. The key elements of endogenousdevelopment could be characterized as follows:• Local development must have its basis in localtradition, culture and resources• Independence and participation of thecommunity is a prerequisite• Evaluating positively connections and exchangewith those outside of the community• Regarding ecology and environmentalconservation as an important part of themethods used for community development• Regarding development not as economicdevelopment but as a broader concept which hasat its center the expression of human potentialand improvements in the quality of life andamenities.Economic growth is only a part of development. Thedevelopment of each community evolves should evolvenaturally from its social, historical, environmental andeconomic background, and should include thestandpoint of human development and be based onself-governance by the community itself. Whendevelopment from outside is difficult for thecommunity to accept, for example if it needs to destroythe natural resources their lives are based on, it isreasonable for them to oppose and reject it. If otherexternal connections such as with NGOs threatentheir culture and basic resources, they may also rejectthose approaches. Such external approaches andconnections may have success in developing thecommunities’ potential, but only if the communitiesthemselves are motivated, in agreement, and ready tomake changes from within.In Thailand, as civil society grows, matures andbecomes more democratic, NGOs and academics areworking closely with communities. They provide theirspecial knowledge, skills, networking, information andother supports that are necessary for communities toclarify their situations and support them to make theirown best decisions. The outsiders’ role is always quitedifferent to that of the communities.In the Songkhram river basin, the joint attempt by thecommunities and outside groups was not limited tothe anti-dam movement but geared to developalternative development visions.It is not always necessary that NGOs or other outsidersparticipate when a community tries to protect itsrights and livelihoods and propose alternatives. Somecommunities already have members to gatherinformation, to recognize their own situation and tolead e community members in harmony with theircultural and social background. In Songkhram thepeople, local leaders, POs and NGOs worked togetherto complement each other. Local people were providedwith information and the external networks that theyneeded, without compromising their independence. Inthe relationship between directly affected local peopleand outsiders who are willing to support thecommunity, it is important that the outsiders shouldunderstand the community, guarantee local people’sindependence and continue to support them as theychoose a responsible future by themselves.In the two case studies in the Philippines the projectsare completed. However a number of affected peopleare in distressing circumstances as a result of theprojects. Due to the local political and social situation,NGO commitment is sometimes difficult. A leader ofthe farmers involved in the anti-San Roque Damproject was murdered in 2006. POs and NGOs arenow working together with local people to solveproblems, whilst respecting their independence andthe fact that some may fear for their lives.For the most part, policy-making for large-scaledprojects is carried out according to the wishes ofgovernments and private companies. There is minimalinvolvement by those with the least power and thosemost affected by the projects.The terms “participatory development” or“endogenous development” are commonly knownnowadays. However it is not clearly theorized orunderstood how outsiders including NGOs, academicsand even international cooperation institutes can getinvolved with the community to create thisendogenous development. Essentially standardmodernization theory is still the main idea behind thegreat vortex of globalization.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT21NOTES1 A local human rights NGO announced 700 as the number ofNGO activists, journalists, or churchmen, who were victimsof extra-judicial killings from 2001 to June 2006.2 A woman attending the meeting pointed out that the NIA’sreport said she agreed to the resolution for water shortageNIA presented, although NIA had never visited her whencarrying out the study. By referring to the original documentof the agreement, she and her allies found the signature on itwas different from hers. The NIA provided no satisfactoryexplanation.3A local leader of the farmer’s movement involved in solvingthe Bohol irrigation project was killed in a political murder in2006.REFERENCESLauren Baker. 2004. Thai Baan Research in Lower SongkhramRiver Basin, Thailand. A Publication of the Mekong WetlandsBiodiversity Conservation and Sustainable Use ProgrammeFoE Japan. “Project Monitoring”. FoE Japan Public Finance &Environment program, http://www.foejapan.org/aid/Hiroaki Obitani. 2004. Environmental Movements againstDam Construction and Community Revitalization in Japan:The Dynamics of Conflict and Collaboration. Showado.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

22 Panel 1Communication, Education, and Public Awareness for Forest and WildlifeConservation in Indonesia, Peninsular Malaysia, the Philippines, and JapanKritsana KaewplangIntroductionGlobalization has serious implications on naturalresources worldwide because of the availability ofadvanced communications technology and modes oftransportation that spur the growth of economies. Forinstance, wildlife traders can make money by sellingwild animals through the Internet to importers. In thiscase, the natural resources utilization of one countrycan have an effect on the wild animals’ countries oforigin. The increase in palm oil bio-dieselconsumption worldwide also causes the loss ofrainforests in Malaysia and Indonesia, where, alongwith those in the Philippines, these rainforests arehomes to different kinds of endangered species. Thenumerous tropical rainforests are the source of a widevariety of genetic resources and are therefore precious;but development has led to the rapid loss of plants andanimals, and these are hard to recover,notwithstanding the establishment of protected areasto ensure the conservation of forests and wildlife.Many other issues result from transboundary activities,such as climate change, forest fires, and the depletionof exotic plants and animals, among others. But in allthese, it is clear that environmental degradation,particularly the loss of biodiversity, has never beenimputed as a manufacturing cost. This study found outhow Indonesia, Peninsular Malaysia, the Philippines,and Japan face environmental problems similar tothose experienced by other countries in the world.Change is unpredictable. The demand for naturalresources continues to increase due to the growth ofeconomies and pressure from growing populations.Unfortunately, natural resources are limited.Nowadays, for example, Indonesia is facing a seriousdeforestation situation due to logging and the settingup of oil palm plantations on what were formerlyrainforest lands. These plantations serve the growth ofpalm oil processing and biodiesel production, biodieselbeing an alternative energy source.In Japan, likewise, human activity and rapidurbanization have increased pressure on the naturallandscape. As a result, many plants and animal speciesfrom the wild are faced with extinction. For instance,the populations of Rothschild’s Myna, the Bali Mynaand the Indonesian cockatoo in Sumba are decliningdue to hunting and the loss of habitats. The use ofchemical fertilizers and pesticides in Japan have put theOriental White Stork at risk of extinction. In light ofall these, communication, education and publicawareness are widely used in combination with lawenforcement and scientific research to avert the crisis.Rodrigo U.Fuentes, Executive Director of the ASEANCentre for Biodiversity (ACB) has declared:We need to know how we can mobilize to addressthe issue. And so, I think it’s where CEPA becomesa crucial element in the programs of the UnitedNations. That’s why they have devoted the CEPAprogram for communicating so that the people willbe educated and be aware that their actions haveimplications on biodiversity.ACB aims to strengthen the capacity of ASEANmember states to effectively implement theirbiodiversity communication, education and publicawareness (CEPA) program.Communication leads to extensive collaborationand social changesThe key element to success in conservation is toexpand partnerships with various sectors andstakeholders. We need to communicate with people todevelop understanding and awareness. The studyfound that most organizations widely use CorporateCommunication and Internal Communication toolssuch as websites, magazines, newsletters, brochures,and posters to provide information and promote theworks of their organizations. For instance, the OsakaNanko Bird Sanctuary regularly provides informationin its website and content to other media publicationsin Osaka City. The Sanctuary also providesinformation to newspapers, TV and radiobroadcasting companies directly. Still, considered themost effective tools is its revised website, http://www.osaka-nanko-bird-sanctuary.com which targetsthe citizens, in general. Such communication helpsThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT23raise the awareness of government officers and has ledto the recognition of the work done by Nanko. It hasalso drawn the attention of the general public toconservation issues.The Osaka-Nanko Bird Sanctuary located in Osakashi,Osaka Prefecture is a wild bird sanctuary that usesan artificial tidal flat. A development project was aboutto be launched in the area when a group of NGOs andlocal residents tried to stop it by proposing theestablishment of a bird sanctuary instead. After a seriesof negotiations between the NGOs and the localgovernment in 1995, plans were revised and an NGOwas assigned to recover the natural habitat for birdsand create the Nature Center. Since then, theSanctuary has been used for both conservation andrecreation purposes by Osaka residents. In addition,various groups of users such as researchers, universitystudents, school children, and the general public cometo visit.In the Philippines, Tatet Kibnat of the PhilippinesEagle Foundation indicated that it is important for theorganization to let the people know what it is doing sothat the foundation’s work and its problems will beunderstood by them and support generated for thefoundation. Prof. Blas Tabaranza, Jr Chief OperatingOfficer, Haribon Foundation, Philippines explainedthat they translate data on birds obtained fromresearch and studies into communication action andpromote it through communication to makeconservation on the ground more effective. Tabaranzaalso mentioned that the foundation’s website is themost effective tool in getting support from thebusiness sector. Haribon also demonstrated howAdvocacy Communication is an important tool forresolving social issues. For instance, a successfulcampaign against illegal logging for commercial andmining purposes in the natural forest gathered onemillion signatures that were submitted to thegovernment. The campaign’s success inspired thefoundation to move forward and create Road to 2020,a campaign to plant 1,000,000 hectares to nativerainforest species.Haribon has been working on biodiversityconservation for the past 38 years. And in the lastdecade, it actually created a lot of awareness in thePhilippines through partnerships with GMA7 TVnetwork, the Manila Times, and five FM radiostations. These entities gave support in kind: freeairtime for more than five television ads in the past fiveyears, free print space in the Manila Times, and freeairtime over the radio. Media exposure was a veryeffective tool in awareness raising for conservation,according to Anabelle Plantila, Director of HaribonFoundation. Meanwhile, Lina Reyes, a journalist inMindanao, stated that the need for an intensiveawareness raising campaign, especially in thecommunities away from cities, remains, since thepresent generation has lost its linkage or connectionwith the land and forests. This alienation might makethem allow outsiders to use these precious lands andforests for other purposes, provided that they givesomething in return.In Malaysia, the Malaysian Nature Society (MNS)conducted an awareness raising campaign to save theBelum and Temengor forests. The campaign consistedof publications, radio and television exposure, andconferences. In six months, the campaign gathered80,000 postcards that it gave to the State of Perak andled to a declaration of conservation areas that stoppedlogging concessions in Belum and Temengor. For thecampaign to succeed, a website and social media werewidely used.Thus far, Belum and Temengor are the two remainingtropical rain forests that have yet to receive strongprotection. Of the 13 hornbill species in the world,exactly 10 species are found in the forests, among themthe 2,000 Hornbill Plain-Pouched, whose continuedexistence is threatened globally. This particularexample indicates how important the conservation ofBelum-Temengor forests is, according to Elena Koshy,Communications and Events Manager of MalaysianNature Society (MNS).In Japan, the Fishermen Group of Saga, FukuokaPrefecture led by Nobukiyo Hirakata, is campaigningagainst the reclamation of Isahaya Bay. Thereclamation project aims to develop farmlands andcontrol disasters. The fishermen started the campaignin 1986 in an effort to protect the largest tidal flat ofJapan, which is rich in aquatic varieties and is animportant feeding site for migratory birds. Thisproject will also affect industrial fishing. Despite thebay’s importance, a reclamation project continues toclose off the Bay by way of a seven-kilometer floodcontroldike begun in April 1997 and completed in2008. The tidal flat dried up and the large volume ofpolluted water discharged from the reservoir into thebay can cause red tides. A group of fishermen sued thegovernment and made a request to stop thereclamation. In 2008, a court judgment ordered theGovernment to stop operating within three years sinceThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

24 Panel 1the adjudication, but the local authorities rejected theorder and have not acted on it until today. TheFishermen Group has received legal assistance fromlawyers from Fukuoka and NGOs. Minoru Kashiwakiof Ramsar Network Japan stated that the peoplestarted to realize the importance of Isahaya Bay aftermedia released news about the campaign. In 2010, thegovernment acknowledged the importance of the tidalflat and said it realized the need for it to work togetherwith the NGOs.Advocacy’s basis should be academicIn Iwaishima Island, Japan, the Association of theIwaishima Island People opposing the KaminosekiNuclear Power Plant is led by Sadao Yamato. Yamatohas been working closely with nature conservationgroups in opposing the construction of a nuclearpower plant on Nagashima Island, Kaminoseki Town,Yamaguchi Prefecture, which is located fourkilometers opposite Iwaishima Island. The fishermenin the area refused to receive compensation fromChugoku Electric Power Company that planned toconstruct two nuclear power plants on the coast ofKaminoseki (2 x ABWR, 1,373 MW). The campaignagainst the nuclear plant’s construction persisted for30 years, in the people’s desire to protect theirhomeland and livelihood.For its part, the Ornithological Society of Japan heldgeneral meetings and issued statements about theimportance of sea birds, the Japanese Murrelet and itshabitats. Shinichi Watanabe, an ornithologist fromFukuyama University, indicated that the feeding siteof the Japanese Murrelet (Kanmuri-umisuzume,Synthliboramhus wumizusume) suffered from thepossibility of being affected by the temperature of thetreatment water discharged from the operating systemof the nuclear power plant. The Japanese Murrelet hasbeen categorized as an endangered species by theIUCN, the International Union for Conservation ofNature, while the Ministry of Environment of Japanhas declared it a Natural Monument of Japan, giving itprotection status.Midori Takashima, representative of the NatureConservation Group, stated that the fishermen’sgroup had asked her group for help, after whichdiscussions began. They have been working togethersince 1999. Takashima explained that there were manysymposiums organized to review scientific data and todisseminate information to government agencies andthe public, thereby allowing government officers andthe general public to gain a clearer understanding ofthe impact of the nuclear power plant. However, theconstruction of the nuclear power plant site is stillgoing on, despite the intensive and continuouscampaign against its construction for many years now.There are four active local conservation groupsincluding the Kayaking Group led by Kaki Okadafrom Hiroshima Prefecture.Community based conservation management- asustainable development strategyFor 10 years, Burung Indonesia had been working toresolve the land encroachment problem involving theManuper Tanadaru National Park on Sumba Islandthrough a participatory process called “Rural NatureConservation Agreement” (RNCA). After the RNCAwas finalized, the first mechanism was implementedthrough the Participatory Boundary Demarcation(PBD). As a result, a boundary measuringapproximately 270,860 kilometers was agreed upon(2003-2007) with 18 villages. The process waswitnessed by stakeholders comprising the DirectorateGeneral of Forest Protection and NatureConservation, the Forest Planning Agency, and theDistrict Government. Yohanis Balla Djawarai, theSumba Field Officer in Burung Indonesia explainedthat the survey questionnaire determined audio-visualpresentations to be an effective communication toolfor getting across communities. Thus, BurungIndonesia decided to use films and documentaries onbirds, fish, and animals, but with limitations.Billboards were also put up to disseminate informationabout the endemic bird species in Sumba Island. Thesewere installed in public places such as markets,hospitals, airports, and schools, among others.Burung also created a teacher’s guide entitled Forestand Birds of Sumba Islands. It had regular radio spotsand produced t-shirts for distribution. Apart fromthese, a biodiversity survey was conducted in 2002,2004, and 2008 focusing on endemic birds andhabitats inside the National Park. The communityleader noticed that after joining the project for sometime, the women began to speak up and the menlistened to them. They also discovered that thepopulation of the cockatoo, an endemic bird in SumbaIsland, has increased significantly. Threats to thecontinued existence of the cockatoo are posed byhunting and the degradation of the bird’s habitat.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT25The Head of Conservation of the Manuper TanadaruNational Park indicated that the project helped fostera good relationship between the park rangers and thelocal communities. The 23 communities have a strongconnection among themselves and they supportconservation efforts. For instance, whenever they findpoachers, they inform the committee and park rangers.Those who want to collect wood, on the other hand,have to ask permission from the committee. Parkmanagement, however, works with some limitationsdue to budget constraints. It can only hire so manypark rangers, and has no budget for a patrol unit andfor a forest fire control unit.In the Philippines, Haribon Foundation has beenworking closely with the Local Government Units(LGU) and communities surrounding Protected Areasto generate participation in Protected Areamanagement under the Golden Forest-Governanceand Local Development for the Endangered ForestProject. Haribon has conducted trainings, workshops,and cross-visits activities for LGUs and localcommunities. The works of Haribon have influencedthe paradigm shift and philosophy behind the work ofthe government agencies. Cooperation amonggovernment agencies, NGOs, and local communitieshas increased.Haribon also focuses on the youth via its Green SchoolProject, youth camp, and theater arts workshops. EdelGaringel, training officer of the foundation believesthatTheater arts is age appropriate and more youthfriendly. The youth likes dynamic activities liketheater arts. So, what we are bringing them iswhat we call “informance”. Informance is a newart form that means INFOrmation throughperfoRMANCE. The importance of theatre artslies in the message it conveys to its audiences.CEPA helps extend partnerships for birds andwetlands management in JapanThe degradation of habitats and the use of chemicals inagriculture are major threats to the existence of certainbirds in Japan. There are many bird species, amongthem the crane, the oriental white stork, the swan, andwild geese that utilize wetlands and rice paddies asfeeding ground. The Japanese Association for WildGeese Protection (JAWGP) takes the lead inprotecting White-Fronted Goose which breed in tundraand migrate 4,000 kilometers away to the northeast ofJapan during winter. The White-Fronted Goose’spopulation has rapidly declined due to hunting andhabitat degradation. In 1971, JAWGP proposed thatthe bird be put under protection status. Since then thebird’s population has increased to 60,000 birds buthabitat restoration has not been successful. Asmentioned, this species needs a wide wetland and ricepaddy as resting and feeding ground. There areestimates that their home range is 10 kilometers.JAWGP and the Rice Paddies Network Japan havebeen promoting organic farming and are finding waysto keep the rice fields as long as possible. They havesimilarly been promoting Winter-Flooded Rice Fieldsor Fuyumizutanbo, the traditional rice cultivationmethod in Japan. The key element of this method isretaining water after harvesting in order to keep a smallaquatic species alive. Frogs, fishes, craps, and tadpolesare food for water birds. During winter, wild geesespend the night in flooded rice paddies and feed duringthe day in dried rice paddies. The birds eat the ricegrains left in the paddies after harvesting. Hence, it isessential to manage rice paddies since the birds rely onit.Organic farming and winter-flooded rice paddies helpreduce the amount and cost of fertilizer and chemicalsused. The farmers can also benefit from the use of birddroppings as organic fertilizers, aside from which theiruse in lieu of chemicals is beneficial to the farmers’health.Rice Paddies Network Japan works closely with localgovernment agencies and farmers to monitor thequality of soil, water, plants, and various species in theorganic rice paddies. A national survey by academicsand volunteers from different backgrounds found thatthere are 5,668 species of living organisms in the ricepaddy ecosystem. Nowadays, they are trying topromote winter-flooded rice paddies throughoutJapan by sharing their experiences and networkingwith other NGOs. They wish to see wild geese, cranes,and oriental white storks fly throughout Japan. Thiscould happen only when wetland restoration iscompletely successful and the use of chemicals iswidely decreased. However, the lack of farmers hasbecome a serious issue in Japan. Interviews withMisayuki Kureichi, President of JAPWG and ShigekiIwabuchi, Director General of Rice Paddies NetworkJapan yielded the aforementioned information.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

26 Panel 1In Toyooka, local government agencies, NGOs, andcommunities work together to save the oriental whitestork, a species that used to be common throughoutJapan but later on dwindled due to the loss ofwetlands, and the use of chemicals and fertilizer in ricepaddies. The breeding center was set up before theextinction of the species from the wild in 1971.It takes considerable effort for a breeding program tosucceed. The key to success is the getting thecooperation of farmers under the “Stork FriendlyFarming” program, which aims to minimizeenvironmental damage by promoting organic farming.Moreover, fish ladders have been installed to connectthe rivers, irrigation channels, and rice paddies. Theseenable various fish and amphibian species to movearound in these networks. Through these farmingpractices, they have been able to synchronize riceproduction, i.e., the economic activity essential for thelocal livelihood, with the conservation of biodiversity.Mayor Nakagai Muneharu of Toyooka stated that there-introduction of storks has contributed to thecreation of eco-tourism in Toyooka. About 400,000tourists visit the Eco Museum Center every year to seethe storks. This translates to about $11 million dollarsin tourism revenue per year. Setsuo Satake, Director ofthe Wetland Action Circle for the Oriental WhiteStork said that there are lots of students, farmers, andtourists who visit the Wetland Education Center, aplace where people can observe the storks’ behavioreither directly or through a monitor. Students are alsoprovided hands-on activities such as rice planting,wetland restoration, and species monitoring.In Kushiro, Hokkaido, there were formerly lots of redcrowedcranes. Later on, their population rapidlydeclined due to hunting and the loss of wetlands. Thelast flock of birds was rediscovered east of Hokkaido.Then the government declared the red-crowned cranea Special Natural Monument in order to protect thespecies.Seiji Hayama, manager of the Conservation Divisionof the Wild Bird Society of Japan (WBSJ) said thatWBSJ has been working with government agencies,communities, and academics for years to restore thewetlands and the bird species. Cranes utilize large areasof wetlands and are very sensitive to any disturbance.It was in 1966 when Mr. Ito Yoshitaka, a farmer, beganto feed cranes. This initiative is challenging becausethere are about 400 birds in one feeding site.WBSJ currently has a pilot project in line with its questto create an area where cranes can find some food bythemselves during winter. There are volunteers,farmers and junior students who help make a waterfloor and cut some branches to make it suitable forcranes in winter. The WBSJ also organizes meetingsamong stakeholders to resolve issues involving thebirds and the farmers.At the site level, WBSJ distributes Tancho’s teacher’sguide and conducts workshops for school teachers,who then teach their students and talk to touristsusing the information from the teacher’s guide. Theschoolchildren who come in groups are made to helpfarmers grow grain from cranes but the most popularactivities among them are the wetland tour, birdwatching, and doing illustrations of cranes and nature.All their illustrations are exhibited at the Museum.This activity has been ongoing for 17 years already.There are some students who develop a deep interestin this project and bring their parents to the wetlands.Matsumoto Fumio of the Akan International CraneCenter explained that CEPA is an important tool forcrane conservation since the people do understandcranes but not the environment, so a major subject isto conserve the crane. By conducting lectures oncranes, CEPA is able to make everyone see them withtheir own eyes. The CEPA approach also entailsfacilitating a dialogue between the local farmers andlocal government agencies for them to understandeach other better. Fumio has been working closely withthe local conservation NGO, Trust Sarun Kushiro.Trust Sarun Kushiro has carried out national trustactivities for Kushiro Marsh. Sarun translates to“marshland” in the indigenous Ainu language.Due to the long history of crane feeding, cranes are notafraid to get close to people. An attitude survey ofgeneral farmers revealed that while they do not likecranes damaging their crops or getting close to theirfarmland, they appreciate the beauty of cranes. CEPAhelps make the farmers recognize the existing problemsof the crane and this is important because the farmers’attitude toward the cranes needs to change. Actually,in Kushiro, farmers do not grow rice but corn for cattleso the cost of the damage is different from that inIzumi, where farmers grow rice and are not keen to askfor compensation. People in Kushiro feed cranes withcorn.Recently, the population of the red-crowned craneincreased to 1,300 birds. Their major habitat inThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT27Hokkaido Island is Kushiro Marsh, the last largemarsh in Japan. Kushiro Marsh was designated as thefirst Ramsar site in Japan. It is part of the KushiroShitsugen National Park.Kushiro city hosted the fifth conference of thecontracting parties in the Ramsar Convention. At thattime, there were many events related to the conferenceand there was a big campaign to save Kushiro as aresource for sightseeing, an embodiment of richbiodiversity, and a habitat of endangered species. Theconference meant to enhance the wetland’s image as atourist site for local and foreign tourists, according toSayuri Saito of Kushiro International Wetland Centre.The Kushiro International Wetland Centre alsoplayed a major role in promoting the Kushiro Wetlandas the host city of the conference in 1993, through theinternational cooperation utilizing activities ofKushiro area. (e.g. training, workshop regardingwetland ecosystem and biodiversity, technologyexchanges There are four Ramsar sites in Kushirowhich includes Kushiro Wetland, Lake Akkeshi/Bekambeushi Wetland, Kiritappu Wetland and LakeAkan (as of 2008).The white-naped crane and the hooded crane havebecome symbols of Izumi, Kagoshima Prefecture. Theconservation of the crane has drawn public attentionand has increased income from tourism. In addition,cranes are used as an education tool.Crane conservation in Izumi started a long time agowhen two farmers fed the birds and prevented cropsfrom being damaged. Later on, an increase in the birdpopulation led to conflicts among the farmers. Theproblems were resolved when local government gotinvolved and proposed to pay compensation to thefarmers whose farms were foraged. In addition, thegovernment decided to rent two plots of rice paddiesin order to control crane dispersion.The bird feeding started in November when 1,500kilograms of rice and 400 kilograms of fish per daywere given out until February, when the birds returnedto Siberia. The budget for this was provided by themunicipality of Izumi, the government, andKagoshima Prefecture. There were 12,000 birds byMarch 2011. Due to their high density, thegovernment has planned to disperse the birds coveringsix sites in Kyushu, which includes Yashiro,Yamaguchi Prefecture. However, none of birdsmigrated to the other sites even though these wereprepared to serve the birds.In Yashiro, the farmers have been practicing a religiousceremony related to cranes for more than 100 yearsnow, because cranes used to populate the area.According to researchers, Yashiro might not have ahealthy enough environment for birds. Thisinformation was revealed in interviews with Ms YokoHarakuchi of Izumi Crane Park and Izumi CityMuseum, Nishida Satoshi of Japanese Crane and StorkNet-Work, Mr. Masuyama of Crane Research CenterYashiro.The Wajiro tidal flat in Fukuoka Bay, FukuokaPrefecture, was under the reclamation project ofFukuoka City 23 years ago that meant to put up alandfill. But the Save the Wajiro Tidal Flat Associationwas established by local people who intended to saveWajiro for the next generation. The movement was ledby Hiroko Yamamoto, an artist born in the Prefecturewho lived close to the Bay. The three major activitiesconducted by the association consisted of biodiversitymonitoring, a bird population survey, and birdwatching activities for school children and the generalpublic interested in nature. The Save Wajiro Tidal FlatAssociation has been working closely with theWetland Forum of Fukuoka Prefecture, anorganization that gathers a group of birdwatchers,artists, and architects who love and care for nature.The association led by Satoru Matsumoto is mannedby people who all work on a voluntary basis by sharingtheir knowledge and skills.Meanwhile, the Fukuoka research on the black-facedspoonbill group also works hard to save the black-facedspoonbill, a large shorebird and resident species foundin Korea, China, Taiwan, and Japan. These birdsutilize tidal flat and wetlands as their feeding groundand inhabit grasslands near the feeding sites. Loss ofhabitats and accidents arising from fishhooks posethreats to birds. So does considerable garbage in theriver. Thus, the group started the campaign todisseminate information about birds and their habitatsto the local people, the fishermen, and the universitystudents. The Group also organizes volunteers tomonitor threats to birds and collect garbage in theriver, according to Hattori Takurou of the FukuokaWetland Conservation Research Group in aninterview.The study also found that after the CoP 10 meeting in2010, what happened? Two new groups have beenestablished by media agencies, academics, the privatesector, and the public sector called “CEPA JAPAN”and “Green TV Japan”. These aim to raise awarenessThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

28 Panel 1through websites, the radio, television, and socialmedia by disseminating information related toenvironmental issues according to Kawatei Masahiroof CEPA Japan and Mizuno Masahiro of Green TVJapan. Prof. Satoshi Kobayashi of the Kushiro PublicUniversity stated that CEPA is quite popular in Japan.Many organizations have printed more or less the samematerials on the subject matter and provided facilities.Their people try to reach local groups includingchildren, and have many successful stories to share.Environmental Education through Hands-OnActivitiesIn Japan, many NGOs play a major role inenvironmental education (e.g., the Wild Bird Societyof Japan, the Rice Paddies Network Japan, the NatureConservation Society of Japan (NACSJ), the WetlandForum, the Osaka Nanko Bird Sanctuary, theYutsuhigata Nature Observation Reserve, and theCrane Park Izumi, among others). They haveproduced several educational materials such asmanuals, poster, teacher’s guides, and CDs. There aremany volunteers devoted to bird conservation, amongthem elderly people who care about nature and have allthe time to help out. Money is not a problem for themeither. In return, they derive benefits to their health.For example, NACSJ has provided EnvironmentalEducation Training to Nature ConservationEducators since 1978 on local nature watching.Working together, local governments, citizens groups,corporations, and schools have conducted almost 450training courses in 30 years. Over 25,000 people havetrained so far according to Noriko Kaihatsu, SecretaryGeneral of NACSJ.Hiroko Okamoto, Chief of the Education Division,WBSJ, stated that the most important thing was toencourage people to appreciate nature and consider itas their own, and then take action, spread the word ormessage to some other people, to do volunteer work. Inline with this she created a program called “GreenHoliday”, allowing people to get involved in WBSJ’swork and the activities of WBSJ rangers (e.g., habitatconservation, work for Japanese cranes and Blakiston’sfish owl ). “This is a new style of volunteer program, Iwant to spread it throughout Japan,” said HirokoOkamoto. WBSJ plays a major role in EnvironmentalEducation in Japan and established the UtonaiSanctuary Nature Center as the first sanctuarymanaged by an NGO. WBSJ now manages 11sanctuaries.In the case of the Yutsuhigata Nature ObservationReserve located outside Tokyo City, lots of volunteershave joined events and nature rehabilitation activitiesas guides. The center provides EnvironmentalEducation focused on the importance of nature andwildlife to the public. Besides, the center has beenworking with other organizations and groups for theconservation of tidal flats and the preservation ofshorebirds. An international exchange project formigrating shorebirds and nature has been launchedthrough networks. In the past, residents utilized thearea for aquaculture (e.g., a nori farm) and saltmanufacturing. But these development projects facedpressure from the local residents who campaigned toprotect the area. In 1993, Yutsu Higata was designatedas a National Wildlife Protection Area, and wasdesignated as a Ramsar site in 1996. In addition, YutsuHigata joined the East Asian-Australiasian Shore BirdReserve Network in the 6 th Conference in Brisbane,according to Tatsuya Shibahana, a Chief Ranger.In Malaysia, the Malaysian Nature Society (MNS) hasbeen working on environmental education for almost16 years through the “co-curriculum system” called theNational School Nature Club (Kelab Pencinta Alamor KPA). KPA was set up in 1991 in 12 schools aroundKlang Valley. With the support of the Ministry ofEducation and a small grant from a private company,MNS embarked on recruiting schools to be part of theMNS umbrella. Today, after 20 years of KPA, there are430 schools that have joined the project. KPA provideshands-on activities through six zone camps (in thenorth, south, east, central, Sabah and Sarawak); araptor watch camp; an International Bird Race (forteachers and children who come every two years); awater conservation project in schools selected from thezone. A small grant is available for the project. Thereare 6 to 10 participants in the project, but only one isselected winner. The camps dwell on watermonitoring, forest ecology, waste auditing, insectstudy, and caving among others. In addition, KPAprovides education materials (e.g., Buku Pan duanKPA, KPA Guidebook for teachers to set up a NatureClub) and organizes a teacher’s meeting every year.The Ministry of Education provides support in kind,while the private sector sponsors the various activities.Apart from this, MNS has developed nature centers toprovide hands-on activities for children, such as theFRIM-MNS-SHELL Nature Center, the SepangNature Interpretation Center and Batu Cave.Information on the camps was shared by I.S.Shanmugaraj, Head of the Environmental EducationDivision.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT29In the Philippines, Haribon Foundation, thePhilippine Eagle Foundation, and the Wild BirdSociety of the Philippines play a major role in birdconservation, with particular focus on an educationprogram. Various activities and education materialsabout birds and the ecosystem are provided to thecommunities and schools surrounding a ProtectedArea, as well as to people in the city.In Indonesia, Burung Indonesia has produced abulletin, a poster, leaflets for members and the generalpublic. It has also produced a teacher’s guide for theschoolteachers of Sumba Island. The teacher’s guide isgiven to teachers who undergo training courses.Lesson Learned1. In Japan, NGOs receive financial support fromthe government to implement anenvironmental education program, while inMalaysia, NGOs receive support in kind fromgovernment, with financial support mainlycoming from the private sector.2. To establish the Environmental EducationCenter, a big budget for the building is notnecessary. It can be a small, simple building asseen in Malaysia and Japan. However, in Japan,there are both types: big and small buildings, forexample, the Yutsu Higata Nature ObservationReserve, the Osaka Nanko Bird Sanctuary, theIzumi Crane Exhibition Center, and theOriental White Stork Museum in Toyooka. Allthese places have a beautiful, fully functionalbuilding located at the site, while in Fukuoka,the Save Wajiro Tidal Flat and Wetland Forumhave a one-block cabin for their equipment andmaterials. It is clear that the most importantconsiderations are location and curriculum, andtheir consistency.3. The collaboration and involvement ofstakeholders are key elements of successfulconservation as seen in the Philippines,Peninsular Malaysia, Indonesia and Japan.4. A community-based conservation approachhelps cover every element and recognizes thelocal community that lives close to theprotected areas, which is very important becauseresidents can either be protectors or poachers.So, they should be engaged.5. In Japan, the local government uses a paymentsystem to compensate the farmers affected bythe wild birds.6. Local and international mechanisms are used asimportant tools to protect the various speciesand their habitats (e.g., a the NaturalMonument of Japan, the Ramsar site, theProtected Area, the East Asian andAustraliasian Shore Bird Reserve Network).ACKNOWLEDGEMENTI would like to thank my host institutions: Burung Indonesia,Haribon Foundation, Malaysian Nature Society and RamsarNetwork Japan. Thank you to the following, too, for theirassistance and support: Yoppy Hidayanto, Prof. Blas Tabaranza,Jr., Yeap Chin Ik, Minoru Kashiwaki. I would like to thank mykey informants, namely, Anabelle Plantila, Mithi Gonzalez,Tatet Kibnat, Mike Lue, Norikata Ichida, Prof. SatoshiKobayashi, Noriko Kaihatsu, Kazuaki Naito, Honjo Shiro,Setsuo Satake. Misayuki Kureichi, Satoru Matsumoto, MarikoHatta, Ishi Masaharu, Chiaki Ono, Tatsuo Ina, YutakaYamamoto, Yoko Haraguchi, Hiroko Okamoto, MasakoHayashiyama, Midori Takashima, Yoshino Ando, YashimaSatoru, Kawatei Masahiro, Nakaoku Masaaki, ShinichiWatanabe, Miyagaki Hitoshi, Shigeki Takano, Seiji Hayama,Hiroko Yamamoto, Teppei Dohke, Tatsuya Shibahana, MizunoMasahiro, Matsumoto Kumio, Noboru Nakamura, YohanisBalla Djawarai, I.S. Shanmugaraj, Andrew Sebastian, and manyothers whom I could not mention here but recognize andappreciate. I would also like to thank my host families, SetsuFurakawa, Cristi Nozawa, Shigeki Iwabushi, Chiyoko Yoshida,Nobukiyo Hirakata, Kaoru Mori, the Oka family of Tai Village,Din Din of Ibuan Village, Lucy Teow and Pattarin Ikawa.Thanks to my translator, Wulansari Sutito. Special thanks alsogo out to the API Partner Institution (PI), the APICoordination Office (CO), Nippon Foundation, and my familyfor their generous support. Without you all, my work wouldnever have been completed.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

30 Panel 2Potentials of Local Traditions: A Study on Its Development for SocialTransformationSri WahyuniIntroductionThis research sought to explore the phenomenon ofsocial transformation within the context ofdevelopment in the different monarchical systems ofThailand 1 and Japan 2 where I witnessed a synergybetween traditions of the past and developmentsbrought about by progress in both countries. Thechanges and development in Japan were brought aboutby its modernization and restoration, shortly after thevast destruction caused by World War II. Japan’srecovery was partly linked to the historicalinterpretation of the Meiji Restoration in 1868. Itsrestoration has been regarded as either the result ofpurely internal social, economic, or intellectualhistoricaldevelopments, or as the consequence ofexternal pressure.Meanwhile, at the end of the Second World War,Thailand was one of the world’s poorest countries. Itseconomy had been stagnant for at least a century and ithad suffered significant damage from the war. Mosteconomic observers of the time rated its prospects ofrecovery poorly. However, Thailand’s governmentundertook more radical planning to develop thecountry between the 1960s and the 1990s, such thatdevelopment growth was regarded as impressive withinthat period. In many documents, Thailand wasrecorded as “the fifth tiger” rivaling Korea, Taiwan,Hong Kong, and Singapore.The radical development in both nations was not onlyaffected by external factors, but also by internal ones,possibly in the form of political policy, the people’smanner of thinking, and their cultural drive to effectchanges among the populace. The radical changescould also have been influenced by long-drawn habits,which later evolved into patterns and remained in thecommunity as continuing traditions.Substantially, tradition is whatever has becomepersistent or recurrent through transmission,regardless of its substance and the institutional setting.The definition of tradition—which is handed downprimarily—is inclusive of material objects, beliefsabout various sorts of things, images of persons andevents, practices and institutions. It also includes allthat a society of a given time possesses and which hasalready existed (Edward Shills 1983, 12) 3 .Yet, ideally, development should also involve gendersensitivity, because any kind of development initiativewill affect both men and women. It is impossible tochange a community dynamic in a certain way suchthat only the men or only the women will benefit fromit. In many parts of the world, what is now alsobeginning to happen is a shift to the regard of humansas passive recipients of development, rather than asactors or producers. But development is not only aboutemphasizing the provision of facilities andinfrastructure to assist in the transition to a modern,capitalist and industrial community. 4 Fordevelopment to be sustainable, changes should not bedominated only by those factors closely associated witheconomic growth. According to sociologist NabileKabeer, who is focused on development studies,“Development studies not so much by questioning thecontent of the growth models of economists, but bysuggesting that they ‘presuppose certain social andcultural condition’s (Berstein as cited by Kabeer,2003).I use the terminology “social transformation” todescribe the sustainable process over occasions whereattitudes and values are held in a completely newparadigm, based on different assumptions and beliefs.Social transformation is a fundamental shift withregard to how society forms itself and defines equalityand participation in development, and manifests itsattitudes and values in daily life. Thus, socialtransformation is interpreted herein as a process ofchange for encouraging and promoting genderequality, without marginalizing either gender in thecourse of development. For this reason, the study didnot take the individual per se as the subject of casestudies, but the individual in light of his or being partof the social system.For the research objectives, I adopted the following:first, to identify and illustrate local traditions ineveryday living; and, second, to reflect on theirpotential to influence social transformation given theThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?31current situation. Through both approaches, we couldobtain insights on social transformation byemphasizing the importance of thinking locally andpromoting the positive side or strengths of the localtradition.The research was conducted using a qualitativeresearch methodology to obtain primary andsecondary data. Participatory observations were madepossible by staying with families in their houses,getting involved in community activities, andundertaking in-depth interviews and group discussionswith the local people. Activities conducted in villagesin Lhampun Province in Northern of Thailand, 5 andin the Yamazoe village in Nara Prefecture andNaramachi, in Nara City, Western Japan, 6 will, atleast, demonstrate that up until today, developmenthas been a problem of gender and paradigm.ANALYSISHow have the governments of Thailand and Japanresponded to the need to achieve development withgender sensitivity?The governments of Thailand and Japan have beenseriously considering gender sensitivity in theirdevelopment plans. Both have politically publishedvarious instruments to mainstream gender equality inthe development process.One of the historical documents pertaining todevelopment and gender sensitivity in Thailand is theendorsement of a piece on “The Symbol of NationalProsperity in Women’s Circumstance”. It was said tohave been initiated and written by King Rama VII,who was known as King Vajiravudh during his reignfrom 1881 to 1925 (WALT 2009, 12). 7 Thismanuscript has been perceived as significantlyindicating the social oppression of women via normsand tradition. The criticism of his majesty’sobservation in the article noted that law and customwere regulated to suffocate and control women for thesake of men’s expediency (WLAT 2009, 12).Hence, the gender issue was included in the 1932Constitution of Thailand, the first constitutionpromising gender equality through the decree ofuniversal suffrage and equal opportunities in politicalparticipation for women. The real effect of theprovision was felt about 17 years later (1949), while itwas in 1972 when that development in gendersensitivity was first put into law through the NationalDevelopment Plan, particularly the Third NationalDevelopment Plan covering 1972-1976.The Thai government ratified the Convention on theElimination of All Forms of Discrimination againstWomen (CEDAW) in 1985. The first women’sdevelopment plan was prepared during the period1982-2001, with the initial purpose of ensuring thatthe gender equality component is articulated in thelong- term planning. Furthermore, the clause aboutgender equality in Thailand is clearly mentioned in theConstitution of the Kingdom of Thailand B.E. 2550(2007) which has an article on the equal rights of menand women in Section 4, Chapter I. The GeneralProvisions state: “The human dignity, rights, liberty,and equality of the people shall be protected”. 8How about Japan? Japan’s Law of Election or Guide tothe Imperial Japanese Diet during the MeijiRestoration did not espouse gender sensitivity. Article8 of Chapter II on the Rights to Elect and to BeElected read: “One possessing the followingqualifications is entitled to the right to elect: (1) Hemust be a male Japanese subject and be not less thanfull twenty-five years of age”. The year 1920 was themost critical where discrimination against women wasconcerned, with the men enjoying a higher status inmost areas of life. This situation encouraged one of thewomen activists or feminists, Fusae Ichikawa, 9 whodetermined that the position of women as mothersmust be improved. Driven by her intense aversion toinequality, she started her political activities andachievements by proposing the revision of the law thatforbade women from taking part in politics.In 1921, the Japanese Parliament overruled Article 5of the Police Security Act by granting women the rightto attend political meetings. However, Article 14 ofthe Constitution of the State of Japan, which was thefundamental law of Japan enacted on 3 May 1947 asthe new constitution for postwar Japan, had thisprovision on the rights and equality in development ofeveryone: “The Constitution guarantees equalitybefore the law and outlaws discrimination based onpolitical, economic or social relations, or race, creed,sex, social status or family origin”. Meanwhile, Article44 states: “The rights to vote cannot be denied on theground of race, creed, sex, social status, family origin,education, property or income”. In addition, Article24 states that, “Equality between the sexes is explicitlyguaranteed in relation to marriage”.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

32 Panel 2A factual situation happened from the 1960s to the1970s where economic growth produced a large massof white-collar husband and housewife couples. Theinstitutionalization of Women in Development(WID) and Gender and Development (GAD) inJapan dates back to the early 1990s, or some twodecades behind Western countries.Internationally, women’s issues and development werefirst linked in the beginning of the 1970s. By 1985, theJapanese government had ratified the Convention onthe Elimination of All Forms of Discriminationagainst Women.The history and framework of women in traditionaldistinctness.Discussions on gender equality and development, likeit or not, eventually often concern how the traditionalsetting assigns women to the lower positions in thesocial hierarchy. Women are accorded value asmothers and wives under the jurisdiction of fathers,husbands, and sons. These things have happened inJapan. Initially, it was hard to see the socialtransformation in Japan within the developmentcontext, or by reconciling local tradition withmodernization, as the above observation indicates.Somehow, in the public sphere, local tradition hasbeen perceived as something light and simple, and hasbeen used to express disapproval rather than support ofdevelopment.Although Japan is known to be the only fullyindustrialized nation in Asia and as having initiatedmodernization in response to a perceived threat fromthe West, tradition is still seen in terms of culturalidentity–disparate views indicating the capacity ofsociety to maintain continuity, coherence, andintegrity inspired and sustained by meaning. Thisperspective may make it easier to see how localtradition has the potential to be the medium of socialtransformation in Japan. This is also in accordancewith the manner of thinking of Japanese studiesscholars, who examine the development differencesexisting between Japan and the West. They have seenhow modernization and the change process in Japantook place under social and cultural circumstancesvastly different from those of the West.A brief look at the history of Japan might help usunderstand the face of its development. The termWakon-yosai, which literally means “Japanese spiritand Western science”, was coined to describe aphenomenon in daily life in Japan, particularly withregard to how tradition has pretty much inspireddevelopment in the country. Perhaps, the civilizationprocess in Japan was strongly influenced by theAmerican Occupation force with respect to democracyreforms, land reform, the dissolution of the zaibatsu(wealthy clique), 10 and the emancipation of tradeunions (Yamada 1998). Moreover, indeed, thesereforms contributed significantly to Japan’s post-wardevelopment. However, actually, Japanese ideology isessentially different from Western thought (StLeonards, Allen, and Unwin 2002, 6). In addition,Japan’s development was largely influenced bytradition formed in the pre-war years.It has been noted how traditional ideas still persist inJapanese society. During the rapid industrializationand urbanization phase of the Japanese economybetween the 1950s and the 1970s, the norm was forthe males to serve as breadwinners and the females ashomemakers. This set-up is considered “problematicand fatal” in the modern world. As it is in manycultures around the world, the patriarchal frameworkhas been entrenched in Japan for many centuries.Educated women are strictly limited to assumingdomestic and maternal functions—an ideology calledryosai kembo, or “as a good wife and wise mother”.Meanwhile, Onna daigaku, a manual widely spreadthroughout Japan from the Meiji period, put emphasison married women as being similarly subservient totheir parents-in-law and unconditionally obedient totheir husbands. In attempting to explain thetraditional idea’s relationship to economicdevelopment, Kreiner (1996, 6-7) cited Confucianismas having a great influence on Japan developmenthistory and the Japanese people’s lives. The Confucianethical system emphasizes a harmonious society inwhich a hierarchical structure is maintained, with thisvery structure also transferred to and adapted in worksettings to achieve high economic prosperity. It teachespeople loyalty, piety, and respect for superiors andauthorities; it also emphasizes internal strengths suchas integrity, righteousness, and warm heartedness. Infact, Hendry (2003, 39) stated that there wereprincipal values of Confucian dimension, Buddhism,and the Samurai culture that strongly influencedJapanese society in the development of its interactionmodel, in relation to the family system where themale’s position is higher than the female’s. The spiritbehind this belief is that it encourages the Japanesewomen to just stay at home, doing household choresThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?33and raising the family, while the responsibility to earnmoney lies in the male.However, there is another observation in historydating from the pre-historic period to thecontemporary era, declaring that women had occupiedand continue to occupy a high status position in Japan.But the strength of the belief in this idea has beenvariable. Japanese mythology and other historicaldocuments lend light that Japan was initially amatrilineal community (Bingham and Gross 1987,12). It has also been acknowledged that in the years“…..572 and 770 half of the rulers of Japan werewomen,” (Giele and Smock 1977).Recently, feminist groups introduced legislation thatwould allow married couples to maintain separatesurnames, a practice which in Japanese is referred to asfufu bessei (husband and wife different-surname), butsuch legislation has not yet been passed.So, how about Thailand?When we talk about Thailand where this research tookplace, we are facing the fact that Thailand has aheterogeneous, even diverse community. The diversityin northern Thailand can be captured in the manynational ethnic groups such as Karen, Burmese, A Kha,Chinese, etc., that subscribe to Islamic, Christian, orother belief values. The people’s beliefs influence theirdaily lives, in general, and their political as well aseconomic posturing. Interaction and exchange ofculture are not rare, even in religious ceremonies.However, Thai dialects are used as major mediums ofcommunication amongst the people and Buddhism isthe religious belief of majority of the population.When it comes to the size of its population and theirparticipation in the development movement, Thailandis unique in its own way. According to the Central ofStatistic in Thailand, the total Thai population isroughly 50% men and 50% women. However, in thereal development process, there is still a gap betweenthe men and the women in certain aspects, such asemployment opportunities and income, as well aspolitical engagement and representation at the highestlevel of civil service.There are certain perspectives on how people seewomen in Thailand in their daily social life. I thinkthis is sort of a social construction although there is apossibility that belief or other forms of normativemight be inserted in the descriptions. According to theTheravada view of Buddhists, “a woman is seen to havehad bad karma or lack of merit in a previous life,” andis therefore reincarnated a female. Despite this“seemingly static view” of women’s being damned fortheir gender, “transience in gender is observed by theThai people and thus, women accept their role insociety as being temporary”.The term kulastrii refers to a woman, and can be freelytranslated in terms of her being proficient andsophisticated in household duties; graceful, pleasant,yet unassuming in her appearance and social manners;and conservative in her sexuality. Any woman can bereferred to as kulasatrii if people think she behavesaccordingly. The term might be erased at any timewhen the woman stops behaving as she should. I guessit can go away anytime a woman stops behaving theway society expects her to behave.In the Thai tradition, the status of a female can beconsidered to change when she grows up and bearschildren. At that point, she would be regarded semiformallyas mae or mother. The citation “mae” isusually not used to refer to single women. Thai menrefer to the female gender with a sense of reverence, as“the gender of mothers” (phayt mae), effectivelyacknowledging the women’s burden in childbearingand their parenting responsibilities. The ultimateinsult from Thai men is yet mae, indicating the utmostdisrespect to mothers in the Thai culture.The persistent stereotyping of females and males inThai society has been acknowledged. However, therehas been growing awareness of the impact of genderstereotypes. Women now have more roles in thetraditionally male-dominated fields. Still, mostcontemporary Thai women wholeheartedly endorsethe kulasatrii notion without resentment, regarding itas a sign of dignity and honor, a sense of culturalidentity in which they can take pride.Another idiom describing gender relation in a Thaitraditional proverb is Chai Kao-Pluenk Ying Kao-Sam,which literally means “women are fragile”. Women arebelieved to be vulnerable in terms of security andchastity. That is why women have to live their livesmore carefully (than men).The factual situation and the potential situationDuring my field research in Thailand, I personallywitnessed how a married couple worked hand in hand,both in their household chores and in their economicThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

34 Panel 2undertakings. I stayed and closely related with somefamilies.One interesting finding was how a married coupleworked to develop a garment and weaving enterprisewhose outputs were exported to Malaysia, anddistributed to other areas in Thailand. When theenterprise belonged to the wife’s parents, it producedlimited amounts of woven garments, for which thevillage was famous, and distributed their productsaround north Thailand only. When the parents passedaway, the wife took over the business. She was thenspending most of her time tending to the family’sfarmland and raising their children, while the husbandworked in another place far from Lhampun. After theplanting season was over, the wife would stay at homeand weave, while the husband came back to workelsewhere. During the harvest season, both of themtended their crops and sold their produce to their loyalcustomers. Then she would go back to her routine, andso would her husband.Until one day, they decided to focus on their weavingof garments and developed it into a business. Theyboth took control of the management of the businessand recruited some more people to help them in theirworkshop. They worked on household matters andraised their children together. They made this decisionin order to fulfill their dream to send their children toa better school so that they would have better lives.These days, the wife is actively involved, once a week,in economic empowerment activities in her village.These activities are held either in the center of thevillage or in the temple. The couple has also been activein village meetings and temple rituals. In the templeactivity, the wife would join other women of the villagein preparing for the worship rituals and othertraditions. There have been times when she would bein the temple only to prepare for the worship ritual.During the wife’s busy time with her social and ritualactivities, her husband would take over the business, aswell as the household chores. Their workshop andshop are located in the same yard as their house, so ithas proved easier to oversee their business from home.Photo 1: Married couple engaged in entrepreneurship following thefootsteps of their parents. In Lhampun, Northern ThailandI also found different backgrounds and motivations insome couples and singles during my research inYamazoe, Nara Prefecture, Japan, whereentrepreneurship and agriculture have been the mainlivelihoods in the village, passed from generation togeneration. One of my respondents, Mrs. W has owncafe was actually not a local villager, but she becameone of the locals when she married a local man who is apolitician. Both were raised by entrepreneur families soit was almost natural that the wife could see anopportunity to create a business in the village.However, when asked why she started theentrepreneurial?, she said it was merely a hobby thather husband also supported.Mrs. W-café owner explained her business motivation:“I like cooking and making new recipes, just likewhat my mother did. She used to cook forcustomers in her restaurant”.“I wanted to make a bigger cafe where I candisplay my homemade cookies. My husbanddoes not object to my activities, he even helpedme find a location for this cafe. This cafe wasactually an empty place. We rented this placebecause of its location: it is not far from myhouse and family”.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?35There seems to be no economic background thatmotivates her entrepreneurship since she emphasizedthat hobby—cooking and making new recipes as wellas inspired by her mom. While working onentrepreneurship she also fulfills her householdresponsibilities like picking up her son from school andtaking him to her mother-in-law.Although she is not actively involved in villageactivities, attending village meetings only once in awhile, still she was asked to speak several times abouther entrepreneurship (entrepreneurial) spirit and tomake known the need to create more jobs for theyoungsters, especially the females, so that they do nothave to leave the village to find jobs in the city.Photo 2: Entrepreneurship handed down for development to takeplace in JapanThe case above could be interpreted asentrepreneurship’s being like a tradition handed down,with entrepreneurs being purely products of their localculture. But entrepreneurs can also upset the statusquo by unlocking predetermined paths ofdevelopment, thus acting as agents of change withinsociety. Gerschenkron (Alexander 1962, 5) alsopointed out that there were many examples ofhistorical settings in which entrepreneurial activityhad flourished outside or even against prevailingnational social norms. The socio-cultural perspective,he insisted, had missed Schumpeter’s 11 basic premisethat entrepreneurs often acted as agents of changerather than as captives of their environment.Likewise, as reflected in traditional rural lifestyles inThailand and Japan, men and women work together inthe farm but perhaps in different areas performingdifferent tasks. Women often support activities thatare considered “male” activities and may even serve asleader in some tasks. Men generally engage only inincome generating activities, while women do bothincome and non-income generating activities.As told by the respondent, Ms. X : 12“I am finally able to be actively involved in thevillage’s policy making and planning after Istarted my business. I understand that I am notyoung anymore. In the beginning, I rarely cameto the village meetings and to community eventsand when I did come, it was only out ofnecessity. But, then Mae S 13 insisted that Ialways come to the meeting. Having my voiceheard and accommodated as a result of attendingmeetings was really something”.Referring to the statistic, the women in an agricultureorganization in Japan called Japan AgricultureCooperatives (JA) constituted 4.9% in 2009. This mayseem a small number, but this might just be thebeginning of the process of breaking through thepatriarchal system within agriculture’s traditionalframework.From the early twentieth century to the end of WorldWar II, the economy of Thailand gradually becamepart of the global system. Major entrepreneurs wereethnic Chinese, who eventually became Siamesenationals. The export of agricultural products,especially rice, was the most important economicendeavor. Thailand has been among the top riceexporters in the world since that time until today.About 49% of the population is employed inagriculture, with more than 47% of the total beingwomen.Given the statistics just mentioned, ever since thewomen began contributing to farming from aneconomic standpoint, they have been allowed toparticipate in decision-making regarding land andfarming policies, and are also actively involved inproviding ideas to improve public services. Theirinputs are strongly influenced by their dailyexperiences. This development can be seen as a shift ora transformation; with the women have an equalbargaining position as the men and being involved inthe decision making that involves the community, ingeneral.It is actually unfair when the existence of women isacknowledged only when they are financiallyindependent and can contribute to the family andcommunity’s economic welfare. Their position thenallows them to participate in the community’sdecision-making process. While this is true, the pointof this research finding is to determine how toThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

36 Panel 2deconstruct the common mindset of the people byempowering the tradition that exists in thecommunity.As mentioned by the respondent in Japan, prior to herhaving a business, Ms XY 14 in Yamazoe village, NaraPrefecture, Japan, did not have the courage to step upand express her opinion during the village meetings.But when she became a businessperson, the men in thevillage acknowledged her presence and regarded heropinion as something worthwhile. Had she neverdecided to stand up and start a business, she wouldhave stayed out of the picture dominated by men.Her statement:“Yes, I was invited by the Village Head to attendmeetings about village development. There areplans to develop our village as a tourist spot. Ican voice my opinions in the meeting freely. Ialso have women group activities in the village.The members are housewives who like to makewool from sheep. We display our productsduring our center activities. We sell the productsas well”.that during the Meiji Restoration. It was noted indocuments that the country was divided into fiefdoms,and feudal lords encouraged the production of localproducts in their domains. In Kagoshima Prefecture atthe southern tip of Japan, for example, the lords of theSatsuma fiefdom encouraged the growing of sweetpotatoes and mandarin oranges, and the production offish paste. Many other fiefdoms promoted localspecialty products in similar ways. As in Thailand,entrepreneurship was often started when agriculturalinfertility provided fertile ground for rural nonfarmindustries. Reviving the alternative rural textileindustry is an appealing prospect. By the history of theThai textile industry, evidence from archeologicalexcavations has confirmed that prehistoric Thai peoplelearned to use natural materials for cloth weaving andtraded these in China, Laos, and England. The ruraltextile industry has traditionally been the exclusivedomain of women.Photo 4: The Women’s Center in OTOP village, LhampunProvince, ThailandPhoto 3: Women’s Center in Yamazoe village, Japan: a socialinstitution to achieve equalityIn the case of Japan, if we refer to one the meanings oflocal tradition, which concludes that the value breaksground in every generation, then it is understandableand makes sense that thinking entrepreneurshipthrough home production as well as farming is a formof tradition. In Japan, we can refer to the Edo period(1603-1867), which preceded the Meiji Restoration inthe period 1868-1922.During the Edo period, local production was alreadybeing encouraged, but with a different approach fromBoth the Edo and Meiji periods were capitalistic, butduring the Edo period, the approach used was morelikely to achieve equality between men and women,who had the same chance opportunity to improve thequality of their economic life throughentrepreneurship based on local products. The periodalso offered a good chance to enhance the women’sstatus for it to be equal with the men. It wassignificantly different from what happened during theMeiji period, when Western values started to penetrateand change mindsets to become achievement oriented.This orientation required long work hours andphysical strength, and made it impossible for womento meet the requirements. In consequence, it wasdifficult for women in Japan to reach high-levelpositions. With GEM and GDI are serving asreferences, while the gender sensitivity issue was notThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?37among the fought-for needs of “grass-root” communities,it probably became one of the constraints toachieving equality. 15Even though in the worldwide terminology, there arecomponents consisted in GEM and GDI as the globalreferences point for gender equality in development,however, its achievement can be started by recognizingand raising the strength of local tradition andcommunity awareness. It can be considered a“demand”, so that the movement for change can bedone more equally and initiated from the grassrootslevel.However, for change initiated by the grassrootscommunity, it is possible but difficult to moveforward, if synergy with other social systems whichtraditionally have higher authority is not striven for.The social system mentioned here is a device ofgovernment as part of the social institution. Therefore,a specific strategy has to be conceptualized patientlyand intensively in order to obtain the intervention ofthe government as a real force in the process oftransformation toward gender sensitive development.Such steps had been taken by Mae S as a religiousleader, although it was not common practice at thattime. Usually, temple beliefs and tradition in Thailandapply Theravada Buddhism, which subscribes to aperception of women similar to that in BuddhistThailand. Gender notions can be shown to derive fromsources that formulate a Buddhist worldview. ThaiBuddhist culture does not relegate women to areligiously inferior status relative to men, however. Asthe religious leader’s wife in the village, Mae S did notseem to encounter any problem when she performed asa female monk.Mae S has been a religious leader for more than 20years. She has spent most of her life giving religiousservices to the community in her village, in Lamphun.Her role in the temple is similar to her late husband’srole. She leads the religious ceremony, and receives andfacilitates prayers for the pilgrims, just like a malemonk. The only significant difference between her roleand that of her late husband is that he did not need toprepare “equipment” for the ceremony, like flowerarrangements, offering sustainers, and rituals oncertain days, because all these preparations wereundertaken by the women. However, Mae hassomehow optimized her role as a religious leader byproviding services and empowerment at the same time.As she says:“Almost all my life I have dedicated to thepilgrims by doing services in the temple. I may bea woman, but it does not matter, maybe becausemy husband was a respected religious leader. Hedid not mind my active involvement in thetemple or around the village”.She proceeded: “I follow and apply the threevalues of Buddha’s lessons in my life. By meetingthe community in the village, I listen and get asense of their condition, living in the village. Iactually have no problems concerning financessince my children are already grown up. Whenthey were younger, I had to work hard with myhusband to fulfill our needs. My husband and Iwere doing religious services in the community”.She described the reason behind her efforts andpassion for empowerment thus:“Traditionally, when women in the village getmarried, they will be drowned in their domesticchores while also taking care of their husbandand children. This is very common in Thailand.At that time, I realized that the women in thevillage where I lived in were helpless and poor.They did not have skills and had no access toimproving them. I realized that when I gavereligious services. This situation encouraged meto do something to improve the women’s statusand the families’ resources. Weaving has been anold tradition in this village, so I started to findways to link their skills and distribute theirproducts in the market. This way the villagecould generate income from their skills”.As told by Mae S, it takes considerable time looking forassistance and raising awareness regarding thesignificance of the economic role of the femalepopulation’s being on equal footing with that of themale population. She created approaches for andawareness of the door-to-door method, until itattained mass consciousness at the grassroots level. Hermoves were taken positively by the governments in theregion, which established the women’s center. Thiswas in contrast to the experience of Ms XY, when sheinitiated the establishment of the women’s activitycenter; although later on, it did also elicit a positiveresponse from the state apparatus. Ms XY alsodeveloped empowerment activities by encouragingsome women in the region to get involved.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

38 Panel 2ConclusionIndeed, gender inequality in development triggered thesocial construct that made women take on traditionaloccupations, and stick to primary household chores orfamily matters. The traditional setting assignedwomen to the lower positions in the social hierarchy.Women were valued as mothers and wives under theauthority of fathers, husbands, and sons. Hence, weoften heard that the main duties of women were forthem to be mothers and to raise children.Their duties were therefore double because theseincluded carrying their babies to term, undergoinglabor and breastfeeding these babies, before beinginvolved in raising and educating them. Even thoughthey worked harder than the men did and their workwas indispensable to the well-being of the family, thevillage, and the tribe, the women usually did notcontrol the fruits of their labor or participate in theirdisposition and distribution. This is according toKatherin K Young (1987) who suggested thatpatriarchal societies and patriarchal religions arepredicated on a correlation of historical, psychological,sociological, and biological stress points.The phenomenon I saw in the research locations inThailand and Japan proved that local tradition isimportant in helping the women achieve the standardand quality of life they want. They should reproduceand transmit the value of their local tradition withinthe context of the present so that tradition is nottrapped in time and space. Instead, it is translated intoconcrete actions and everyday experiences, and iswoven into how the women fulfill their roles andresponsibilities as individuals.As tradition can grow more gradually since it hasgreater longevity, so is it highly possible for tradition toinfluence the manner of thinking and acting of thepeople, and eventually contribute significantly to thetransformation process. Substantially, tradition iswhatever is persistent or recurrent throughtransmission, regardless of substance and institutionalsetting. It looks different from the principles of themodernization theory that is precise and rigid in itsconcept of social change as occurring in reference tothe Western concept of growth and values that shouldbe the obvious byproducts of industrialization. Indeed,the western concept strictly controls and separates theidentified economic and non-economic factors, whichwill eventually motivate and generate the will tochange, or, on the other hand, halt economic growth.NOTES1 Development in Thailand has been driven by the politicalrole played by the monarchy and by the development ofpolitical economy as stated in the Constitution of theKingdom of Thailand, B.E. 2550 (2007). Section 2 states thatThailand should adopt a democratic regime of governmentwith the King as head of State; Section 3 declares that “Thesovereign power belongs to the Thai people. The King asHead of State shall exercise such power through the NationalAssembly, the Council of Ministers and the Courts inaccordance with the provisions of this constitution”.2 Japan has a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentarygovernment. There is universal adult suffrage with a secretballot for all elective offices. Sovereignty previously embodiedin the emperor is now vested in the Japanese people, and theEmperor is defined as the symbol of the state and of the unityof the people. He has a purely ceremonial role.345Edward Shils (1983) emphasizes the signification of traditionthus: a process of industrial production is not tradition.Production is not a tradition. The act of exercising authorityis not tradition. The performance of a ritual action, whetherit is an act of communion or the celebration of an anniversaryor a loyal toast to a monarch, is not tradition; rather, it is a setof words and physical movements expressive of a state ofsentiment and belief. None of these states of sentiment ofmind is a tradition. None of these physical actions and socialrelationships is tradition. None of these ideas is a tradition.None of them in itself is tradition. But all of them can, invarious ways, be transmitted as tradition; they can becometraditions.In the past decade, the discourse on the advancement ofwomen and its relation to the development process evolved.Essentially, it has shifted in focus from the approach ofWomen in Development (WID) to the approach of Genderin Development (GAD). The policy orientation of WID didnot address the basic structure of inequality in therelationship between women and men, as a central categoryof analysis. In this context, the GAD approach requires thatsocial, political, and economic structural, and thedevelopment policy be re-examined from the perspective ofgender relations.Lamphun Province is the region known as the centralproducer of Pha Mai Yok Dok (ผาไหมยกดอก), an elaboratematerial woven in the traditional method. Originally used inthe northern royal court, it became popular during the reignof King Rama VI. The distinctive craftsmanship and skillsneeded to produce this type of silk have endeared it to thosewho prefer traditional designs. The handmade cotton fabric(ผาฝายทอมือ) is moderately priced. Its designs and colors,which have not been altered yet, retain the indigenous feeland tradition. It is generally made into tablecloths, plate rests,drapes, and other household items. I chose this locationbecause it has development project sites that continue toobserve local tradition.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?396Yamazoe village is located in the northeastern corner of NaraPrefecture, where the local government promotescommunity empowerment of the local entrepreneurs, basedon local potentials such as agriculture, farming, and weavingusing material made from sheep wool. Naramachi in NaraCity is the oldest historical city in Japan. It has acomprehensively reinvigorated and well-utilized community,which factors in its resources and traditional components inthe quest for community development.7 By 1968, the women lawyer’s society had formed theassociation known as the Women Lawyer’s Association ofThailand (WLAT), which decided on having for its mandatethe following: to represent women’s demands in reformingthe law, particularly, to ensure the equal rights of men andwomen as pointed out in the Constitution. These demandsarticulated by WLAT were neglected by the militarygovernment; later, however, the 1973 political uprising led tothe formation of a democratic government that drafted the1974 Constitution which manifested equality rights.8Former Prime Minister Abhisit states that the promotion ofgender equality and women empowerment reflected in theConstitution of Thailand has improved. Several laws havealso been enacted to ensure women development and theprotection of their rights. For instance, mechanisms havebeen devised to facilitate the implementation of the 2007 and2008 Acts, which instruct all ministries and departments toemploy a deputy secretary or general director to be ChiefGender Equality Officer. Around 19 ministry offices with131 agencies have been installed to promote gender equalityin their office environments.9 Having finally achieved her dream to ensure equality of rightsacross genders, she found other causes to champion. Sheargued that if only the Japanese women had been moreempowered, Japan would have been less likely to be drawninto the costly, crippling conflict. In her tireless efforts topromote equality between women and men, she became oneof the most attractive women activists who voiced the needfor Japan to sign the Convention on the Elimination of AllForms of Discrimination against Women.10 Any of the large capitalist enterprises of Japan before WorldWar II, similar to cartels or trusts but usually organizedaround a single family.11 Wikipedia writes that Joseph Alois Schumpeter (8 February1883 – 8 January 1950) was an Austrian-Hungarian-American economist and political scientist. He had a theoryabout business cycles and development. The hero of his storyis the entrepreneur. He stated that the entrepreneur disturbsthe equilibrium and is the prime force behind economicdevelopment, which proceeds in a cyclic fashion along severaltime scales.12 Ms X lives in OTOP village, in Lhampun, Thailand. Withher husband, she has been managing the farm which is thesource of their family income. However, she also has weavingas a home business.13 Mae S is the main resource person in the research site inLhampun. She is a woman leader who was previously areligious nun.14 Ms XY is the woman leader in the Yamazoe village. Shemanages the Women Equality Center whose main activity isempowering village women through wool farming,production, and entrepreneurship skills.15 As discussed with Mr Ok. He was the main resource duringmy research in Yamazoe village. Mr Ok is a native house ofrepresentative member in Yamazoe. He is a politician fromthe Communist party. Which is consistence implementingthe 30% female quota system in the legislature.REFERENCESGeertz, Clifford. 1993. The Interpretation of Culture. London:Fontana Press. An imprint of Harper Collins Publisher.Gerschenkron, Alexander. 1962. Economic Backwardness inHistorical Perspective. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Pressof Harvard University Press. Harrison, Lawrence E. and SamuelP. Huntington. 2000. Culture Matters: How Values ShapeHuman Progress. New York: Basic Books.Hobsbawm, Eric and Terence Ranger. 2009. The Invention ofTradition. UK: Cambridge University Press.Kabeer, Naila. 2003. Reversed Realities, Gender Hierarchies inDevelopment Thought. Great Britain: Biddles Ltd.Klausner, William J. 1993. Reflection on Thai Culture. Thailand:Sayam Samakhom.Kreiner, Josef (ed). 1996. The Impact of Traditional Thought onPresent-Day Japan. Muchen-Tokyo: Iudicium-Verl.Mole, Robert L. 1973. Thai Values and Behavior Patterns.Rutland, Vermont: C. E. Tuttle Co.Murayama, Mayumi. 2005. Gender and Development in theJapanese Experience, in Comparative Perspective. New York:Palgrave Macmillan.Sanderson, Stephen K. 1999. Social Transformations. UnitedStates of America: Rowman & Littlefield Publisher.Shils, Edward. 1983. Tradition. Chicago: The University ofChicago Press.Sugimoto, Yoshio. 2011. An Introduction to Japanese Society.New York: Cambridge University Press.Somswasdi, Virada and Sally Theobald. 1997. Women, GenderRelations and Development in Thai Society. Chiang Mai,Thailand: Women’s Study Center, Faculty of Social Sciences,Chiang Mai University.Van Esterik, Penny. 2000. Materializing Thailand. Netherland:Berg Publishers.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

40 Panel 2Indigenous Engagement in Local Government: Experiences in Malaysia andIndonesiaClaire Bongsalo LacdaoIntroductionIndigenous peoples have the right to freely determinetheir political status and pursue their economic, social,and cultural development. No less than the Charter ofthe United Nations has recognized and affirmed this,with the adoption of the United Nations Declarationon the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), aswell as numerous other international instruments.That said, Indigenous peoples remain excluded frompolicy making and governance.As observed, their lack of participation has resulted inadverse policies and programs that have severelyaffected their way of life: their rights, traditions, lands,territories, and natural resources have been abrogated,encroached upon, stolen, and denigrated in the guise ofdevelopment. Their way of life and distinct views ondevelopment are often disregarded and ignored bylocal and national policy makers alike. In instanceswhere policies exist, most are non-inclusive andassimilative in nature, which creates dependency onthe government and does not promote meaningfuldevelopment (a development that protects theircultural, social, political and economic integrity).Thus, projects and programs are often not sustainedand Indigenous peoples are left without their lands andterritories, and the natural resources, exhausted.Indigenous peoples, however, continue to adapt theirtraditional decision-making processes and institutionsin dynamic ways. Some have taken to participating inthe mainstream political processes and engaging thelocal government. This is seen as an alternative, ameans by which they can become part of and influencethe mainstream decision-making process. It is a riskthat they have either chosen consciously, or have littlechoice, but to take.In recent years, the engagement of Indigenous peopleshas become of import in view of the growing interestin and support for local development. This is because“successful local development” has been identified asessential to meet the Millennium Development Goals(MDG). As such, attention has shifted from thenational to the local level, which has put into focuslocal communities, including Indigenous peoples, andtheir engagement in local government and meaningfulinclusion in the decision-making process.This paper looks into this aspect of local development,the participation and engagement of Indigenouspeoples in the decision-making aspect of localgovernment. It looks into their experiences of in termsof the nature and extent of their engagement; theproblems of and constraints on indigenousengagement; and the present and potential roles ofindigenous women and youth.The Indigenous PeoplesDuring my fellowship, I was often asked about what Iwas researching. Whenever I would say I wasresearching on Indigenous peoples, almost always, Iwould get a long “okay” or just a blank stare in reply.The reaction was the same, regardless of whether I wastalking with a student, a professional, or just a regularperson on the street. Often, I would have to giveexamples before they could figure out to whom orwhat I was referring– that is if they even had any ideaat all.The question as to who exactly are the Indigenouspeoples has always been a contentious one. Even theUnited Nations (UN), or any UN-System Body, hasnot adopted an official definition. Rather than definethe term, the approach has been to identify. This isbased on the fundamental criterion of selfidentificationunderlined in a number of human rightsdocuments and affirmed in Article 33 of the UnitedNations Declaration on the Rights of IndigenousPeoples (UNDRIP), which underscores itsimportance–that Indigenous peoples themselvesdefine their own identity as indigenous.A modern understanding has been developed based onthe following: the Indigenous people’s selfidentificationat the individual level and theiracceptance as members by the community; theirhistorical continuity with pre-colonial and/or presettlersocieties; their strong link to territories andThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?41surrounding natural resources; their distinct social,economic, or political systems; their distinct language,culture, and beliefs; their being non-dominant groupsin society; and their resolve to maintain and reproducetheir ancestral environments and systems as distinctivepeoples and communities.The term “indigenous” has actually been commonlyused for many years. However, others includingminorities, aboriginals, tribes, first peoples or nations,ethnic groups, ethno-linguistic groups, adivasi(Indigenous peoples of India), janajati (Indigenouspeoples of Nepal), and the like, have been preferred bysome. Occupational terms like hunter-gatherers,nomads, pastoralists, or peasants; and geographicalterms like hill and valley peoples, highland dwellers,and the like also exist. For all practical purposes, theseterminologies can be used interchangeably with“Indigenous peoples”.In Malaysia, the Indigenous peoples refer tothemselves as Orang Asal. They comprise the OrangAsli of Peninsular Malaysia and the natives of Sabahand Sarawak. Numbering about four million andconstituting about 15 percent of the nationalpopulation, they consist of more than 80 ethnolinguisticgroups. Based on the 2005 State/DistrictData Bank of the Department of Statistic of Malaysia,of the respective state’s population, the Orang Aslicomprise about 0.6 percent, the indigenous groups inSabah about 60.7 percent, and those in Sarawak, 69.1percent.“Bumiputera” which means “princes or sons of thesoil” is another term often used when referring toIndigenous peoples in Malaysia. It refers to Malays,natives, and aborigines or Orang Asli. The MalaysianConstitution defines an “aborigine” or Orang Asli onlyas “an aborigine of the Malay Peninsula”; but theAboriginal Peoples Act 1954 states that an aborigine isa person whose parents are both aborigines, or has oneparent, male or female, who is or was, a member of anaboriginal ethnic group, speaks an aboriginal language,and habitually follows an aboriginal way of life, itscustoms and beliefs. In Sabah, a “native” is a citizen,child, or grandchild of a person of a race indigenous toSabah, born either in Sabah or to a father domiciled inSabah at the time of the birth. Under state laws,however, it is possible for a person who is not born anative to be deemed a native, by applying to the nativecourt. The native status may likewise be attained byvirtue of residence, assimilation into the culture of anative community, good conduct, and language. A“native” in Sarawak is an indigenous person who isborn of parents who are both natives.The Orang Asli, translated as “original peoples” or“first peoples”, are the indigenous minority inPeninsular Malaysia. It consists of three main groups:the Negrito, the Senoi, and the Aboriginal Malay(Proto-Malay) which are further divided into 19various ethnic subgroups–Negrito: Kensiu, Kintak,Jahai, Lanoh, Mendriq, and Bateq; Senoi: Semai,Temiar, Jah Hut, Temoq, Chewong, Mah Meri, andSemaq Beri; and Aboriginal Malay: Temuan, Semelai,Orang Kanaq, Orang Kuala, Jakun, and Orang Seletar.These subgroups have varied ways of life. Most livewithin or close to forested areas where they engage inswidden farming, and hunting and gathering activities.Those that live near the coast are mainly fisherfolk.Some are engaged in agriculture and manage their ownfarms planted mainly with palm oil, cocoa, or rubber.They also trade in forest products such as rattan,resins, rabong, fruits, and other products for cashincome. A very small number are still semi-nomadic inorder to take advantage of the seasonal bounties of theforest.The indigenous communities of Sabah speak morethan 50 languages and 80 dialects. The Dusinic,Murutic, and Paitanic groups make up the larger of theethnic groups. Each of the main groups consists ofseveral ethnic groups — Dusun: Bisaya, Dumpas,Kujiau, Kadazandusun, Kimaragang, Lotud, Rungus,Tatana, Tinagas, Tobilung, and Gana; Paitan: AbaiSungai, Kolobuan, Lobu/Rumanau, Tampias Lobu,Tombunuo, Makiang, Segama, and Sinabu; andMurut: Ambual/Nabai, Baukan, Kalabakan, Kolod/Okolod, Paluan, Selungai, Sembangkung, Serudung,Tagal/Tagol, Tidung, and Timugon. The other groupsare Banjur, Bajau/Sama, Begahak/Ida’an, Brunei/Kedayan, Bonggi, Bugis, Chavacano, Cocos, Iranun,Melayu Sabah, Molbog, Tausug/Suluk, Wolio, andYakan. These ethnic groups occupy distinctgeographical areas of settlement. The Dusunic groupoccupies western, northern, and central Sabah. It is themost dominant group. The Murutic group,meanwhile, resides in the southwest interior of Sabah.The Paitanic group resides in the northeastern part.The Rungus group dominates the northern part ofSabah. The Bajau and Malayic groups predominantlyoccupy the coastal area. The diversity in Sabah in termsof climate, landform, soils, and vegetation provides adiverse agro-ecosystem for the many indigenousThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

42 Panel 2communities. Indigenous communities are locatedmainly in the rural areas and are mostly subsistencefarmers utilizing traditional practices. They rely on thediverse plants in the forest for their food, medicine,fuel, building materials, and other household needs.Those settled along the coastline and river constitutefishing communities. The various groups sell theirsurplus food crops, jungle produce, fish, and other cashcrops in the market to supplement their cash incomes.In Sarawak, the indigenous communities arecollectively called Dayaks. The two biggest Dayakgroups are the Iban or the Sea Dayaks, and theBidayuh. The Dayaks living in the interior of Sarawakare often called Orang Ulu or people from the interior.The Ibans constitute over 31 percent of thepopulation. These main groups in Sarawak likewiseconsist of a number of smaller groups – Iban: Iban andIban Sebayau; Bidayuh: Barieng, Bikutud, Bisepug,Biemban, Bisitang, Bilo’ih, Biperoh, Biatah, Benuk,Bengoh, Braang, Bianah, Bukar, Bigumbang, Bikuyab,Jagoi, Krokong, Lara, Pinyowah, Sadong, Selako,Singgai, Tibiak, and Tringgus; Orang Ulu: Baketan,Berawan, Bisaya, Kayan, Kajang Kejaman, KajangLahanan, Kajang Punan Bah, Kajang Sekapan, Kelabit,Kenyah Badeng, Kenyah Lepo Ke, Kenyah Nyurik,Kenyah Sambob, Kenyah Uma Pawa, Lakiput, LunBawang, Penan, Punan Vuhang, Sa’ban, Seping, Sihan,Tagal, Tabun, Tring, Ukit, and Vai’e; Melanau:Bintulu, Daro and Afaik, Mukah and Dalat, and Matu;Others: Bakong, Dalek, Kadayan, Kanowit, MelayuSarawak, Mirie, Rajang, Remun and Tanjong. TheOrang Ulu typically live in longhouses and practiceshifting cultivation. A few hundred of the Penans fromthe east continue to live as a nomadic people of therainforest.Meanwhile, Indonesia has over 1,000 ethnic or subethnicgroups. It is described as one of the mostethnically diverse countries. The Indigenous peoples inIndonesia are referred to using diverse terminologiessuch as native or tribal people/groups, isolated people,swidden farmers, forest squatters, and adatcommunities or adat law communities. Indonesianlaws have used several terms to refer to Indigenouspeoples such as masyarakat suku terasing (alien tribalcommunities), masyarakat tertinggal (neglectedcommunities), masyarakat terpencil (remotecommunities), masyarakat hukum adat (customarylaw communities), and, more recently, masyarakatadat (communities governed by custom).The Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (IndigenousPeoples Alliance of the Archipelago) or AMAN, thenationwide organization of Indigenous peoples acrossIndonesia, uses the term masyarakat adat (translated ascommunities governed by custom or simply, adatcommunities). AMAN is comprised of 1,163indigenous communities spread throughout Indonesiaand estimates that they number between 50 and 80million in a country of 240 million. Others haveestimated that number to be as high as 120 million.Meanwhile, the government uses the term komunitasadat terpencil (isolated adat communities or remoteindigenous communities) and officially recognizes 365ethnic and sub-ethnic groups that number about 1.1million. There are, however, many more ethnic groupsthat consider themselves, or are considered by others,as Indigenous peoples. The existing terms clearlyreflect the diversity of views on Indigenous peoples inIndonesia, by virtue of their relationships, interactions,pressures, and the problems that occur. Changes in thesocial and political context also influence theterminology. Interaction between this context andtheir ability to see problems, including the awarenessof their right to self-identification, determines the wayadat communities are identified.Masyarakat adat is defined by AMAN as a group ofpeople from the same ancestral lineages who inhabit acertain geographical area and have a distinctive set ofideological, economic, political, cultural, and socialsystems and values, as well as a territory. The definitionis not meant to be an in-depth, detailedanthropological and sociological argument, but seeksto distinguish between Indigenous peoples and localcommunity groups or other community groups. It waschosen because it is neutral and implies no negativeconnotations, as contrasted with the various terms thatrefer to the backwardness or primitiveness of thesecommunities. A community is therefore consideredindigenous if it: (a) survives under its own system,which is formed from continuous interaction withinthe group; and (b) possesses its own territory on whichits value systems are applied and still practiced.There is no generic law in Indonesia that specificallyand comprehensively deals with Indigenous peoples.Instead, provisions related to the recognition ofIndigenous peoples and their rights are dispersed invarious parts of the Indonesian Constitution, Acts,and implementing regulations. The third amendmentto the Indonesian Constitution recognizes the rightsof Indigenous peoples (Article 18b-2 concerningThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?43regional government) and respects their culturalidentity (Article 281-3 concerning Human Rights).Implicit recognition of some rights of Indigenouspeoples or, at least, related thereto, can be found inrecent laws and policies such as Act No. 5/1960 onBasic Agrarian Law, Act No. 39/1999 on HumanRights, Act No. 41/1999 on Forestry, Act No. 22/1999 on Local Government, Act No. 32/2004 on theLocal Government, and the MPR Decree No. X/2001on Agrarian Reform, among others. Many of theadopted local–provincial and district-level –legislations and policies are similarly relevant toIndigenous peoples.The exact number of indigenous groups in Indonesia isnot known and even estimates considerably vary. Dueto the high diversity of these groups and since most ofthem have small populations, the identification ofIndigenous peoples has proven arduous and difficult.The majority ethno-linguistic group, west of Java, isthe Malayo-Polynesian family. It has more than 250languages and is usually distinguished into 16 majorgroups. Four of these 16 groups are Malayan.Central Java is home to the predominant Javaneseethnic group. East Java also contains substantialnumbers of Balinese and Madurese. West Java also hasa large Sundanese population that has similarities withthe Lampung of South Sumatra. Sumatra contains anumber of significant ethno-linguistic groups besidesJavanese–these include the Acehnese of northSumatra, Minangkabau, and Batak, and half a dozenother related tribes. Meanwhile, Kalimantan isdominated by the Dayak, the Murut, the coastal Malaypeoples and the ethnic Chinese. Sulawesi is inhabitedmainly by Buginese and Makasarese in the south, andMinahasans and Manadonese in the north. Papua ishome to Indigenous peoples divided into manyhundreds of groupings. The names of smaller islands,or clusters of islands, are most often coterminous withthe ethno-linguistic groups that inhabit them.As identification using the ethno-linguistic approachhas been problematic, it has been proposed to use thecommunity approach. Following this track, among theJavanese, which is the biggest ethno-linguistic group inJava, the smaller communities like the Orang Osing,Kasepuhan, or Orang Kanekes/Baduy can beidentified as Indigenous peoples since they identifythemselves as distinct from the majority Javanese. Thesame is true for the Melayu territory in Sumatra whereindigenous communities like the Orang TalangMamak, Nias, Orang Rimba, and Mentawai maintaina distinct identity from the majority population.Indigenous peoples in Indonesia traditionally live ontheir ancestral land and water—in forests, mountains,and coasts. Most are in settled communities, whilesome are still nomadic. They may undertake gathering,rotational swidden farming, agroforestry, fishing,small-scale plantations, and mining for theirsubsistence needs.This research assumes that the Indigenous peoples inMalaysia are the Orang Asal while in Indonesia theyare the masyarakat adat and/or masyarakat hukomadat.Evolution of the Local GovernmentLocal government, which usually refers to the politicalstructure or institution at the local level, goes underthe much broader concept of local governance. Localgovernance includes mechanisms and processesthrough which citizens can articulate their needs andinterests, exercise their rights and obligations, andmediate their differences. This research looks into theengagement of Indigenous peoples in the decisionmakingaspect of local government and localgovernance, in general.It is interesting to look into the evolution of the localgovernment in both Malaysia and Indonesia,considering the fact that they have different forms ofgovernment, and political and administrativestructures. However, both were former colonies, a factthat has greatly influenced their existing structures.Malaysia was colonized by Great Britain for nearly twocenturies and Indonesia by the Dutch for over 250years.Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy. A federation ofthirteen states, it upholds the principles ofparliamentary democracy. Administratively, it has athree-tier type of government–federal, state, and local.The federal constitution of Malaysia containsprovisions for the local government. The maingoverning legislation includes the Local GovernmentAct 1976 (Act 171) for Peninsular Malaysia, the LocalAuthorities Ordinance 1996 for Sarawak, and theLocal Government Ordinance 1961 for Sabah.The present system of local government in Malaysia isdeeply influenced by British standards and practices.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

44 Panel 2The earlier forms of local authority were modeled afterBritish institutions just as the laws governing the localauthorities, particularly in the formative stage, weremostly based on English laws. With time and politicaldevelopment, Malaysia evolved a local governmentwith its own identity and laws reflective of the socioeconomicand political milieu of the country.The British in Penang laid the foundation of the localgovernment in Malaysia when it formed theCommittee of Assessors in 1801, which was taskedwith the responsibility of planning and implementingurban development. Local councils were later set uparound the country. In order to operationalize thesetting up of local boards and councils, and the holdingof local elections, the British formulated various typesof legislation including: the Local AuthoritiesElections Ordinance of 1950 (which granted the towncouncils the power to organize elections) and the LocalCouncils Ordinance of 1952 (which provided localresidents the power to establish local councils ifdeemed necessary). Thus, at the end of the colonialperiod, there were 289 local councils in Malaysia. Withthis, the British formalized local or districtadministration nationwide. Today, the councilscontinue to serve as the prominent administrativemachinery at the district level for both the state andfederal governments.Political and administrative problems facing localcouncils, coupled with the violent confrontationagainst the just established Malaysian federationduring the post-independent period in the sixties, ledto the suspension of local government elections. Todate, they remain suspended. In 1965, the governmentcommissioned a study to look into reexamining andreforming the local government system. This led to theformulation and adoption of three parent lawspertaining to local government–the Street, Drainageand Building Act 133 (1974), the Local GovernmentAct 171 (1976), and the Town and Country Act 172(1976). These laws regulate the powers, duties,responsibilities, and functions of local authorities.With the adoption of Act 171, there exist only twotypes of local authorities in Malaysia–the municipalcouncils and the district councils. Act 171, however,provides for the establishment of city councils. As aresult of the restructuring, there are now only 14municipal councils and 79 district councils inPeninsular Malaysia, a far cry from the 374 localauthorities in existence prior thereto.In Sabah, the administrative structure is divided intostate, district, and village. The Local GovernmentOrdinance 1961 established the local authorities andoutlines the responsibility and function of localcouncils. The operations of local authorities aregoverned by the Ministry of Local Government andHousing created in 1963. At present, there are fourmunicipal councils and 18 district councils in Sabah.In Sarawak, local authorities were established underthe Local Authorities Ordinance 1996. This ordinanceis the successor of the pre-independence law, the LocalGovernment Ordinance 1948. Other laws regulatinglocal authorities include Building Ordinance 1994, theProtection of Public Health Ordinance 1999, as wellas derivative by-laws formulated. Local councils areoverseen by the state Ministry of Environment andPublic Health. In Sarawak, there are now twomunicipal councils and 21 district councils.It must be noted that the Malaysian Constitution barsthe Parliament from creating laws pertaining to landand local government in Sabah and Sarawak.On the other hand, Indonesia is an independentrepublic. Administratively, it is divided into nationaland local governments.Like in Malaysia, the local government in Indonesiahas its roots in its colonial past. Under Dutch rule,local councils were created for the autonomousResidencies and Municipalities by virtue of the DutchDecentralization Law of 1903. The country waslikewise divided into gouvernementen or provinces.The Council of Provinces was created in 1925. At thesame time, the Council for Residencies was replacedwith the Council for Regencies. In 1926, the firstprovince, Jawa Barat (West Java), was created,followed by Jawa Timur (East Java) in 1929 and JawaTengah (Central Java) in 1930. The council of aProvince was headed by a Governor, the council of aRegency (comparable to a county) by a Regent, and thecouncil of a Municipality by a Mayor.The Indonesian Constitution of 1945 brought in anew system of government. It provided for a system oflocal government and made certain its autonomy. Aseries of laws pertaining to local government was thenenacted. Most notable was Local Government Act 1(1945) which created three levels of localgovernment–residency, county, and municipality. Italso mandated the creation of the Local Board of thePeople’s Representatives (BPRD) in each region. LocalThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?45Government Act 22 (1948) created autonomous localgovernments in three levels–province, county ormunicipality, and village or governor. It likewisemandated the creation of a local House ofRepresentatives and Local Advisory Boards. Otherenactments were the Local Government Act 1 (1957),Presidential Decree 6 (1959), Presidential Decree 5(1960), and the Local Government Act 18 of 1965(not implemented due to a change in the nationalgovernment).Local Government Act 5, which was adopted in 1974and remains in force, divides the country intoautonomous entities, as a manifestation of thedecentralization principle; and into administrativeentities, which is a manifestation of thedeconcentration principle. Under the decentralizationprinciple, two levels of autonomous entities werecreated: autonomous provinces and autonomouslocalities. These locality administrations are referred toas local governments. Under the deconcentrationprinciple, three levels of administrative regions werecreated–regions, county or municipality, and districts.Essentially, Indonesia is divided into regions which are,in turn, divided into county and municipality that arefurther divided into districts. An autonomousprovince is therefore necessarily an administrativeregion, while an autonomous locality is necessarilyeither a county or municipality. However, anautonomous entity does not necessarily have to be anautonomous one. In addition, under thedeconcentration principle, there are two smallerentities–the governor and the district. A governor is anadministrative entity within a county. A county isdivided into a governor (which in itself is divided intodistricts) and several districts. Meanwhile, amunicipality can only be divided into districts. Atpresent, there are 27 autonomous provinces and 300autonomous local governments in Indonesia, 3,605districts and 66,974 grassroots divisions of which61,924 are villages and 5,055 are urban villages.Indigenous Institutions, Authorities, and Decision-Making ProcessesIn contrast to the above structured system ofgovernance, the daily lives of Indigenous peoples areinformed and guided by traditional indigenousstructures and legal systems or customary laws despitethe existence of modern state institutions. Thesetraditional indigenous structures serve as the blueprintin asserting the Indigenous people’s identity;determining the social, political, and economicinteractions between them; upholding andmaintaining their traditional belief systems; and inkeeping peace and order within the community andacross communities, among others.Despite colonization and changes brought about byindependence, and despite modernization, this is stillthe case in both Malaysia and Indonesia. Customarylaws or adat remains the foundation of the existence ofindigenous communities and guides the traditionalindigenous systems. Although these structures andsystems vary from one community to another andfrom one country to another, as in the case of Malaysiaand Indonesia, there is a commonality in that theyshare the same principles and concepts, especially interms of decision-making processes. This also meansthat the development and strengthening of localgovernment structures in both countries are not takingplace in a vacuum. As such, existing traditionalindigenous structures must be taken into account.In an indigenous community, leaders and councilmembers play an important role in ensuring thecultural, legal, health, economic, and political integrityof its members. They are also charged to safeguard thecommunity’s development and intergenerationaltransfer of knowledge. The village leader or chief isoften tasked to preside over community meetings andhearings, and with the overall administration of thecommunity. The council members often advise thevillage leader or chief on important matters.As much as possible, all community members are freeto participate in discussions, whether directly orindirectly. Problems, disputes, or concerns are solvedusing procedures that engage all affected parties andexhaust dissent. Even in communities where there arestrict systems of hierarchy, decisions are still reachedthrough an inclusive and participatory process. Thechiefs or village leaders are expected to seek counselfrom elders, provide a fair hearing to all partiesconcerned, and give the community an explanation incases of disputed decisions. The main aim of such aprocess, whether in dispute resolution or theadjudication of other important matters, is tomaintain peace, unity, and harmony within thecommunity and/or with others outside.Indigenous decision-making institutions have variedstructures and systems; however, there is commonalityof purpose which is the maintenance of peace,The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

46 Panel 2harmony, and the well-being of a community. Theinstitutions embody democratic principles in thatdecisions are reached through consensus and powersharing.Besides wisdom and knowledge, a sense ofjustice, personal integrity, honesty, reliability, andforesight are qualities applied in selecting communityleaders or members of the council. The recognitionand transfer of authority and leadership, whetherhereditary or through selection, are guided by oralhistory and spiritual and ceremonial traditions, inaddition to customary laws.Traditional decision-making processes are characterizedby a participatory process of consultation,negotiation, and mediation. Decisions are generallymade through consensus. In addition to customarylaws, the wisdom and experience of traditional chiefs,leaders, and advisers or a council of elders are oftenrelied upon, and account for a large component ofdecision-making by the community leaders. Theprocess can either be restricted to the village level ormay apply to a whole community of a particularindigenous group. It is observed that while thesetraditional legal systems are dynamic and responsive tochange, especially in modern times, the customary lawsof a community are still being constantly reinforcedthrough traditional practices and intergenerationalknowledge transfer, as these are the laws that guide themajority of the decisions made by indigenousauthorities.Traditional institutions and authority are often notgender or socially inclusive. This is because transfer ofauthority and leadership usually takes place byinheritance. Moreover, authority and leadership areoften passed on to male descendants. As aconsequence, women usually are excluded from thetraditional leadership role. The youth have also limitedaccess to traditional leadership, more so since theyounger generation tends to be more open towardschange and modern structures. Recent changes,however, have also resulted in the involvement ofwider sectors of the community, such as women andyouth leaders.Indigenous legal systems are likewise linked toindigenous decision-making processes andinstitutions. They include a legislative system thatpertains to indigenous laws, judicial and proceduralaspects. Legislative systems are based on the principlesof collective indemnity and communal solidarityPunishments and reparations in the form ofcompensations and fines are decided and meted out toprovide the offender the opportunity to seekforgiveness from the aggrieved party and thecommunity, as a whole. Indigenous systems are seldomadversarial. All parties are given equal opportunities tobe heard, just as adjudicators seek to reconcile thedisputing parties with each other and the rest of thecommunity, instead of looking to punish thewrongdoer, unless deemed necessary.Indigenous Engagement in Local GovernmentAs observed in both countries, there are varyingdegrees of indigenous engagement–from totalmarginalization to full participation.Such is the case of the Orang Asli in Malaysia. TheAboriginal Peoples Act 1954 (Aboriginal PeoplesOrdinance No. 3, 1954) created the Department ofOrang Asli Affairs (Jabatan Hal Ehwal Orang Asli orJHEOA) to ensure control of the aborigines and toprevent the communist insurgents from getting helpfrom the Orang Asli. It was responsible, at least intheory, for all matters concerning the aborigines. Thispiece of legislation is unique as it is directed at aparticular ethnic community and, for that matter, theJHEOA is the only government department thatcaters to a particular ethnic group. The Orang Asli aretreated as if they were a people unable to lead theirown lives and needing the “protection” of theauthorities to safeguard their well-being. Even in theappointment of headmen, the Minister has the finalsay. The Act also accords the Minister concerned orthe Director-General of the JHEOA the final say in allmatters concerning the administration of the OrangAsli. As such, any interaction with the localgovernment and with the Orang Asli has to be donethrough or, at least, with the sanction of the JHEOA.Another institution affecting indigenous communitiesin Malaysia is the JKKK or Jawatan Kuasa Kemajaundan Keselamatan (Village Security and DevelopmentCommittee), which was established in ruralcommunities in Malaysia in 1968. It aims to equiplocal communities to decide on which developmentprojects are necessary and on policies for the villages, toact as an intermediary between the community and thelocal government, and to be a conduit for governmentfunding for development.In Sabah, however, this state-initiated system hasessentially altered the traditional village set-up.Traditionally, the unit of administration andThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?47governance among indigenous communities wasrestricted to the village level, and these were governedby four major institutions–the Village Head (OrangTua), the Council of Elders, the Priestess (Bobohizan),or in some communities, a Priest (Momurinait), andthe Descent Group Chief or Hoguan Siou (paramountleader). Adat was used to govern the community. Now,Village Heads are politically appointed with no termlimits, although some communities still select theirleaders themselves through their own processes. Theleadership of the Village Head has since changed asmost village matters, except for adat, now fall underthe responsibility of the JKKK. The Village Head isalso an ex-officio member of the JKKK. At the districtlevel, the District Officer, the Village Head, and JKKKwork closely together.According to Jannie Lasimbang (a Kadazan fromSabah, Malaysia), member of the Expert Mechanismon the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP) andcommissioner of SUHAKAM (Human RightsCommission of Malaysia), the institution of theCouncil of Elders has now completely disappeared,having been replaced by the JKKK system. Members ofthis committee used to be elected by the community;but in recent years, their appointment has been basedon their allegiance to the government of the day. Shenotes that among the problems of this system, asperceived by the indigenous communities, includingthe Kadazans, are the tendencies of the chairman todominate the decision-making process and of thecommittee itself to be male dominated. Also, theJKKK invariably focuses on physical development,rather than on a more holistic approach to communitydevelopment. She pointed out that complaints ofmismanagement and self-interest have also surfacedever since the government practice of awardingdevelopment projects to JKKK chairmen began.It was observed that one of the greatest challenges,ironically, for the working of this system has been theconsensus-based decision-making process ofindigenous communities, coupled with their generalnon-confrontational approaches in problem solving.As a result, decision-making has become a slowprocess. This is compounded by the fact that thevillage heads and the community leaders are politicalappointees, a fact which opens the process to politicalmanipulation and makes the set-up a top-downadministrative and political one. The long hierarchicalprocess and the lack of necessary accountability havealso been lamented.Except for the Orang Asli, Indigenous peoples inMalaysia have generally been active in the politicalprocess. Political parties are established along ethnicand racial lines, giving Indigenous peoples the capacityto participate in government. In Sabah, the firstindigenous political party was the United NationalKadazan Organization. It later became UPKO(United Pasokmomogun Kadazan Dusun and MurutOrganization). Another Kadazandusun (indigenous)led party was the PBS (Sabah United Party). InSarawak, Indigenous peoples (Dayaks) have becomeactive participants in government ever since the earlydays of independence, through political parties likePBB (Party Pesaka Bumiputra), SNAP (SarawakNational Party) and PBDS (Parti Bansa DayakSarawak). Just like UPKO and PBS, these parties arepart of the Coalition Front (Barisan National), whichis led by the Malay UMNO. What really determine thenation’s direction and general policies are the policiesof UMNO. With Malays as the majority, the otherindigenous groups are now referred to as theindigenous minority. The Orang Asli have yet to formtheir own political party to represent them ingovernment, although they do have a senatorappointed to the Senate.National or state level non-political indigenousassociations have also been formed to advance theirsocial, cultural, and educational interests. Theseinclude the KDCA (Kadazan Dusun CulturalAssociation) in Sabah, POASM (the Orang AsliAssociation of Peninsula Malaysia), and the DayakCultural Association in Sarawak. These associationshave slowly expanded their roles to beingrepresentatives of their communities in governmentand non-governmental stakeholder consultations, onissues affecting their communities. This has becomenecessary as the traditional leadership often does nothave the capacity to deal with the complex commercialand, sometimes, international issues confronting thecommunities .While the presence of indigenous individuals ingovernment may, for the most part, have given voice tosome Indigenous people’s aspirations, native andOrang Asli communities remain among the mostvulnerable and marginalized groups. Their rights totraditional lands and resources are among the mostcontested issues deserving attention.Another area where indigenous participation andengagement in decision-making could be seen is in theintegration of the traditional legal system with theThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

48 Panel 2formal system of courts. In Sarawak and Sabah, thenative courts were set up primarily to deal withbreaches of native law and customs. The personnel atthe lower courts have preserved the traditional disputeresolution structure administered by the traditionalleadership. In Sarawak, the structure consists of theheadman, the Penghulu, Pemancha and Temenggong;in Sabah, the headman and Orang Kaya-Kayacomprise it. The adjudicators in the higher (appellate)courts are drawn from among the governmentadministrators. The District Officer, the Resident(Sarawak) and a High Court judge may also sit in theNative Court of Appeal. These courts apply the nativelaws and customs. Peninsular Malaysia has noequivalent aboriginal court system for the Orang Asli.Nonetheless, a traditional system exists where thebatin (headman) and the Balai Adat resolve issues inthe community according to their own customs.While native courts may be recognized in Sabah andSarawak, funding has been an issue together withstaffing. As such, their role is now limited to mostlyfamily law matters. Also, their jurisdiction does notinclude natural resource management, which is acentral issue at the moment. In Sarawak, there arecurrently over 100 cases filed, challenging theencroachment on the native customary rights ofindigenous communities. So far, only a few decisionshave been made in their favor.In indigenous communities in Indonesia, it is commonto see two types of leadership – kepala adat(indigenous leader) and kepala desa (administrativeleader). It has been observed that despite this attemptto impose a much more centralized form of villageleadership, many places throughout Indonesia stillhold on to specialized institutions and leadership(including leaders handling spiritual and health issues,resource management, decision-making, and disputesettlement). Leadership positions continue to betraditionally mediated by public participation,support, and open debate. Political hierarchies can stillbe found within some traditional institutions. Insteadof asserting a monopoly of authority, local leadership isoften diffused and relies on consultation. It ischallenged by different community authorities. Thissystem actually helps ensure that local leadership ismore responsive to the needs of the community, asobserved in the longhouse of Kalimantan Dayakgroups, Pakava ngata, Balinese banjar or seray inPaupuan indigenous groups or Mentawai uma.In several communities, a combination of indigenousand local government institutions is used incommunity decision-making. In areas of WestKalimantan, if community leaders (ketua adat) cannotsettle a dispute, it is taken to the regional Temenggung(chief) and then, if necessary, to the Patih (governor)and the Petinggi (officials). They (leaders), however,must be invited to mediate the case. This is not the casein other groups, though, as they do not have specificsupra-community leadership positions (such as thePakava of Central Sulawesi, the Mentawai of WestSumatra, and the Tepera, Mooi and Ormu of WestPapua). Instead, these groups have consultative bodiesmade up of leaders from each community (such as umain West Sumatra, boya in Central Sulawesi, and serayin West Papua) that form and meet when needed, butotherwise have no political or social authority. Theyserve as a forum for debate and discussion.As for engagement in the political process, directparticipation is possible in Indonesia. However, onlypolitical parties that can show they have a broadnational presence are eligible to run in elections.Consequently, local parties are not allowed, making itvery difficult for ethnic parties to establish a foothold.Nonetheless, ethnicity still counts in arenas such aslocal elections, so that what prevails is a soft form ofethnic politics. Rather than producing ethnicpolarization, this arrangment has created powerfulnew norms of compromise and ethnic coalitionbuilding.One such case is the Lundayeh-Bugis political alliance.The Dayak Lundayeh ethnic group lives in the westernpart of Nunukan district and has a strongrepresentation in the district parliament. The grouphas managed to get its ulayat (communal customary)land claims recognized in a district regulation. Landrights in the eastern part of Nunukan, in contrast, arefully managed according to national land laws. Muchof this land is the property of ethnic Buginese,migrants to the area with no adat land in EastKalimantan. Landholders here possess land certificatesissued by BPN (the National Land Agency), whichregisters the land transactions. Bugis are the largestminority group in the eastern coastal area and holdseveral seats in the district parliament. Nunukan’sdistrict head is Bugis, while the vice district head isLundayeh. They were first elected in 2001, and thenwere reelected for a second term in 2005. Theircombined influence ensures that these groups,although lacking a majority in the district parliament,The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?49have major political clout. Nonetheless, this alliance isnot absolute. Ethnic minority groups claiming adatland rights in the eastern part of the district mightreceive support from Lundayeh politicians, andindividuals in the west appealing to national land lawgain sympathy from Bugis parliamentarians. TheLundayeh-Bugis political alliance is a marriage ofconvenience, which improves land tenure security foreach; but this arrangement might be annulled if a pactalong other lines of interest takes political precedence.As for the role of women and the youth, it wasobserved in both countries that traditional institutionsand authority are often not gender or socially inclusive.This is because transfer of authority and leadership areusually by inheritance and passed on to maledescendants. As a consequence, women are usuallyexcluded from the traditional leadership role. Theyouth also have limited access to traditionalleadership—more so, since the younger generationtends to be more open toward change and modernstructures. Recent changes, however, have also resultedin the involvement of wider sectors of the community,such as women and youth leaders.ConclusionIndigenous peoples continue to face this dilemma–toengage with the mainstream political process and seekparticipation in government, or not. Others haveexplored interfacing traditional forms of governmentwith the state system. In many instances, these arechanges that they have either consciously chosen orhave little choice, but to take. Nevertheless, theIndigenous peoples continue to constantly adapt andfind workable solutions to accommodate newcircumstances.While it is apparent that Indigenous peoples haveparticipated in local government in varying ways anddegrees, the problems remain.As can be seen in the experiences of indigenouscommunities in Malaysia and Indonesia, changes inthe leadership structure have contributed to thedifficulties in the communities. Distrust of appointedvillage leaders is a concern which results incommunities’ becoming fragmented. Since thecommunities are deprived of their right to choose theirown leaders, they cannot ensure the quality of theirleadership. Meanwhile, those who participate in localgovernment, one way or another, are often not directlyaccountable to their communities. As such, they arenot obliged to follow the agenda of the indigenousorganizations or the aims of their communities. Thus,there exists no clear link between the politicalrepresentatives looking after their affairs. Also, manyIndigenous peoples in government have lost theirindigenous values and are not concerned aboutindigenous values and ways of life.One factor that also affects indigenous engagements ishow they are linked to mainstream political structures.A significant number of indigenous communities inMalaysia and Indonesia remain highly isolated, whileothers are strongly linked—which severely threatensindigenous structures.Another factor is the Indigenous people’s majority orminority status. In most instances, indigenouscommunities constitute a small minority; thus, theprimary need is to protect their rights since they areoften discriminated upon or their rights barelyrecognized, if not disregarded altogether. In instanceswhere indigenous communities have majority status(as in the case of Sabah and Sarawak), the issue lies inthe interaction between indigenous structures andauthorities, on the one hand, and their mainstreamcounterpart.Despite these challenges, indigenous communitiescontinue to adapt. As such, it is now incumbent uponthe governments to acknowledge the role andcontribution of these communities to localdevelopment.There is no doubt that the recognition of the right ofIndigenous peoples to freely determine their politicalstatus and pursue their economic social and culturaldevelopment, as well as their formal or informalintegration in local governance, will not only lead tosustainable local development, but also to theimprovement of the Indigenous people’s everydaylives.REFERENCESCordillera Peoples Alliance, PACOS Trust et al. eds. 2005.Indigenous Peoples and Local Government: Experiences fromMalaysia and the Philippines. Copenhagen: IWGIA.Erni, Christian, ed. 2008. The Concept of Indigenous Peoples inAsia: A Resource Book. Copenhagen/Chiang Mai: IWGIA.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

50 Panel 2Human Rights Council. Progress Report on the Study onIndigenous Peoples and the Right to Participate on Decision-Making: Report of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights ofIndigenous Peoples, UN Doc A/HRC/EMRIP/2010/2. Athttp://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/IPeoples/EMRIP/Pages/ExpertMechanismDocumentation.aspx#session3.Malaysian Environmental NGOs (MENGO), ed. 2010.Indigenous Rights, Development, Land and Identity - Law andPolicies Relating to the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of Sabah.Malaysia: Percetakan Soon Lee Heng.Malaysian Environmental NGOs (MENGO), ed. 2010. Right toLand, Right to Heritage - Laws and Policies Relating to the Rightsof Indigenous Peoples in Sarawak. Malaysia: Percetakan Soon LeeHeng.Smith, Linda Tuhiwai. 1999. N. Decolonizing Methodologies:Research and Indigenous Peoples. New York: Zed Books Ltd.London & New York.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?Strengthening Communities from Japan and Indonesia, through Local Spirit,Traditional Culture and Sustainable Tourism51Pattaraporn ApichitIntroductionThe researchers for this paper 1 are involved with theAmphawa Floating Market tourism destination inThailand, as members of the local media and creatorsof the journal Mon Rak Mae Klong (Love the MaeKlong). The district of Amphawa is located in SamutSongkram province, 75 kilometers southwest of theThai capital, Bangkok. Amphawa has a population ofaround 50,000. The majority occupations are farming,fishing, and related small industries. Amphawa startedto become a tourist destination in 2005 when its oldfloating market was revitalized. This has generatedsignificant economic growth, and growing negativeimpacts on the local way of life. A lack of earlycollective planning including communityparticipation, and failures of management, has resultedin a local environmental crisis and in developmentwithout direction.In this research, we try to seek a balance between“conservation”, by which we mean preservingsomething in its original form, and “development”, bywhich we mean economic and especially tourismdevelopment. We assume that local communities canmaintain their own identities while opening up totourism, and we ask “how is this achieved”? To answerthis, we visited communities in Japan and Bali,Indonesia that have been engaged in tourism activitiesfor some time and that have also fostered appreciationand pride in their local identities. The study alsoinvestigates governmental and non-profit organization(NPO) and non-government organization (NGO)tourism policies and activities, and looks at how tocreate stronger networks of local people to supportsustainable tourism.The Effects of Tourism on Local Communities“Development was… considered as an elementary stepfor achieving better living. But it also demolished anumber of historical heritages. And to make mattersworse, it deprived local residents of the Najimi feeling(layered familiarity) of heritage and community”(Maeno, 1999).Economic growth as measured by Gross DomesticProduct (GDP) has long been prioritized ininternational discourse. Yet it has become obvious thatdevelopment focused on materialism alone providespeople only with financial satisfaction, while failing toprovide satisfaction at the physical and psychologicallevels. It also has many adverse impacts on theenvironment and local communities’ ways of life.There are two key approaches to development.“Exogenous development” means that major resources,finance and technology are mobilized from outside,whether by central government for infrastructuredevelopment or by private enterprise for factory orresort development. Local people are involved as staffmembers or as observers. They are not implementers.“Endogenous development” means that local peoplemobilize locally available resources such as the naturalenvironment, culture or history, to implementactivities for improving social welfare. Localgovernment, private enterprise, academics, NPOs/NGOs and mass media support these activities.Unfortunately, exogenous development is mostcommonly found in developing countries, including inrelation to tourism.The island of Bali has a highly distinctive characterwithin the country of Indonesia. Bali’s natural beautyand deep-rooted Hindu belief systems have made it aprime destination for travelers from around the world.Major tourism to Bali began in the 1970s when thegovernment of Indonesia constructed Ngurah RaiInternational Airport, allowing foreign flights directlyinto the island. Mass tourism has since brought manybenefits to local people, including increasedemployment and economic growth. However, therapid expansion of tourism without proper planninghas also caused serious problems. Most of the largeprofits from mass tourism go into the hands of wealthyoutside entrepreneurs and investors. Local people havesuffered negative environmental and social impactssuch as overflowing garbage, conflicts over the limitedwater supply, damage to the environment and crime.Demands for swimming pools, golf courses, beachfrontresorts and air-conditioning have put great strains onBali’s ecosystem. In south Bali, rice paddies are slowlygiving way to more hotel rooms, villas and touristshops. Cultural challenges include the loss oftraditional meanings and authenticity through theThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

52 Panel 2provision of tourist shows. The lives of some Balinesehave become caught up in the alcohol, illicit drugs andvarious shades of prostitution found in the tourismnightlife scene (JED, 2002).Rice paddies in BaliPhoto: Weerawut KangwannavakulAn evening view in BaliPhoto: Weerawut KangwannavakulThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?53Religion in everyday life. Even in the tourist area at Sanur Beach (left), Balinese people pay respect to the gods.Photo: Weerawut KangwannavakulIn Japan, Shirakawa-go is an old village in a onceisolatedvalley in Gifu prefecture. The valley hasbecome a major tourism attraction due to its lakes, hotsprings, national park and unique large farm houseswith distinctive thatched roofs in the gassho style(gassho zukuri), which translates as the shape of claspedhands. The roofs, whose design dates back some 300years, are constructed at a 60-degree angle to preventthe gathering of snow (the area experiences severewinters). Shirakawa-go was made a UNESCO WorldCultural Heritage site in 1995 and its popularity isincreasing. Today it is visited by an average of1,500,000 Japanese and foreign visitors annually.Numbers increased dramatically after 2008 when anew expressway and tunnel shortened travel time tothe location.Ogimachi is the largest village and main attraction ofShirakawa-go. In 1971, the village had a policy of“Don’t Sell,” “Don’t Rent” and “Don’t Destroy,”which was designed to help the village maintain itslocal character. However, when mass tourism arrived,new and unexpected problems followed. Traffic jamsbecame a health and safety issue. Farmlands wereabandoned as farmers became owners of gift shops andrestaurants. Some agricultural land was turned intoincome-generating parking spaces. The locationbecame less attractive. Business and personal conflictsincreased within the community. Formerly strongrelationships were eroded.Around 2009-2010, members of the population ofShirakawa-go began to realize that large number oftourists might not always provide the best results.Studies of tourist behavior showed that many touristsspent only 45 minutes in the village. Tourists went onbrief walks, took photographs, went to the toilets,disposed of their garbage and then moved on. They didnot spend money or enter the houses to see the way oflife. The numbers of visitors staying overnight was indecline. Residents decided that the quality of touristwas more important than the quantity. Visitors shouldresult in a greater spread of income around thecommunity. These were large challenges to which theWorld Heritage village must still find an answer.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

54 Panel 2Shirakawa-goPhoto: Weerawut KangwannavakulTraditional farmhouse with thick thatched roof, Gassho style.(Left, below) Gassho Zukuri repair needs a lot of workers.Photos: Weerawut KangwannavakulThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?55Tourism Concepts to Minimize Negative Effects onLocal CommunitiesTourism activities started in the West during the 18 thcentury when the wealthy upper middle class soughtnew experiences, knowledge and pleasures. Theirpursuits included discovering ancient Greek andRoman cultures, learning foreign languages andacquiring knowledge about other civilizations. Touristactivities expanded after the invention of moderntransport significantly reduced the time and cost oftravel. Eventually a professional tourism businessoffering all kinds of services took root (Kestes, 2011).In the East, the precursor to tourism was often travelrelated to faith and religion. In Japan, for example, inthe Edo period, local governors (daimyo) travelingfrom Kyoto to Edo (Tokyo) to report to the Shogun,were the forebears of modern tourism. The longdistances meant that small towns along the waybecame places for overnight stays. Accommodationsknown as ryokan arose in what became known as “posttowns”. Nowadays, many post towns have developedinto tourism attractions.However, the main tourism industry today in Japan isan offshoot of capitalism and globalization. Worldtourism has evolved into an important globaleconomic force. Tourism is an industry with its owninstitutions teaching Western, business-orientedcurricula and management styles and defininguniversal global standards. Globalization creates anexpectation that travel anywhere will provide oneambient standard and one “international” style ofservice.While mass tourism has caused damage andcommunity breakdown in many instances, a variety ofideas and concepts have emerged to foster newattitudes and approaches. These are primarily based onthe idea that one must reduce the negative impact oftourism and pay more attention to local identities.Examples include:• Ecotourism refers to “responsible travel” tonatural areas. It aims to conserve theenvironment and improve the well-being of localpeople. (TIES,1990)• Sustainable Tourism refers to tourism thatattempts to impose a low impact on theenvironment and local culture, while helping togenerate current and future employment for localpeople. The aim of sustainable tourism is toensure that development brings positiveexperiences to local people, tourism companiesand tourists.• Responsible Tourism was defined in CapeTown in 2002 alongside the World Summit onSustainable Development. The principles ofresponsible tourism include: minimizing negativeeconomic, environmental and social impacts;generating greater economic benefits for localpeople and enhancing the well-being of hostcommunities; involving local people in decisionsthat affect their lives; making positivecontributions to the conservation of natural andcultural heritage, and maintaining the world’sdiversity.• Community Based Tourism refers to tourismthat takes environmental, social and culturalsustainability into account. It is managed andowned by the community, for the community,with the purpose of enabling visitors to increaseawareness and learn about the community andlocal ways of life. (REST Project, 1997)• Green Tourism refers to environmentallysustainable travel to destinations where climateimpacts are minimized with the aim of respectingand preserving natural resources and adaptingprograms to fit the context of fragile resources(Graci and Dodds, 2008). (In Japan, “greentourism” refers to tours providing theopportunity to stay in an agricultural, mountainor fishing village. Travelers are offered a holidayclose to the natural environment and localculture. They engage in hands-on experiences inagricultural and fishing communities and interactclosely with local inhabitants).These concepts have generated increasing interestfrom the public and are already being implemented,though on a small scale compared to mainstreamtourism.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?57that they would lose the freedom to do what they likedwith their own homes.In 1983, a group of young people in the town who sawthe importance of Kawagoe’s historical remains startedan NPO called Kawagoe Kura No Kai (KawagoeRevitalization Association). The association initiatedvarious activities to raise greater understanding andpride in the town’s heritage. Later, after localdevelopment policy meant that the town’s businessheart moved location, the Ichiban-gai area went into adeep decline. Kawakoe Kura No Kai began worksidentifying Kawakoe’s special and unique features. Itconcluded that these were located in the town’shistory; in its architecture and in the way of life of itsartisanal craftspeople who produced superior food,knives and other products, and who had closerelationships with their customers.Kawagoe eventually achieved conservation status andsuccess due to community leaders who, with academicassistance, fostered awareness of the national culturalsignificance of its buildings. Success was also the resultof community involvement in making decisions aboutthe town and how people wished to live. For example,it became policy that new road construction andparking lots had to be outside of the conservation area.Inside the conservation area, only small roads wereallowed, for easy walking and for the safety of elderlypeople and children. A decision was made thatartisanal homes and shops would be combined. Acommunity center and public parks were established.Big businesses were prevented from setting up in theconservation area so that small local businesses couldcontinue to thrive. Townspeople were able to preventthe construction of a high-rise condo, whichthreatened to destroy the atmosphere of the historicaltown. They pressured the Kawagoe council to buyback the land and develop it into a public space toimprove local and visitor quality of life.As residents began to take care of their old buildingsand revive old lifestyles, tourism became the town’smain source of income. Today, Kawagoe has beennamed a Traditional Architectures PreservationDistrict under the Protection of Culture Properties 3 .Ichiban-gai Market Street is crowded with tourists on weekends.Photos: Weerawut KangwannavakulThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

58 Panel 2(Left) Kurazukuri are ancient warehouses with thick earthen walls. (Right) The “Toki no Kane (Time Bell Tower)” clock tower is asymbol of Kawagoe dating back to the beginning of the Edo Period.Photos: Weerawut KangwannavakulLandscape improvement, before and afterThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?59Before and afterBefore and AfterThe Role of Various Stakeholders in CreatingStrong Communities and Sustainable Tourism• Government Officials at Policy Making LevelNational and local government policy andregulations have a great influence on the successor otherwise of attempts to create strongcommunities. The most effective approach bygovernment is to support and work withcommunities, rather than to prescribe solutions.In Japan, government approval for policiessupporting historical towns and cities isgenerally accompanied by the allocation offunding for the restoration of residentialbuildings. This motivates local people toconserve old houses that can be quite difficult tomaintain.For example, in the old castle city of Takayamain Gifu Prefecture, the area surroundingTakayama Castle has become a historicaltourism site. In recent years, the localadministration has created policies to protect thetown’s old charm and to attract tourists, whilealso enhancing the quality of life of local people.This is captured in the slogan “The city which iscomfortable to live in is also comfortable tovisit”.Districts such as Sanmachi and Shimoninomachi-oojinmachiwhich contain old Edoshops (called Old Private Houses) have beendesignated Important Preservation Districts.Homeowners are partially funded to renovatetheir houses following various height and otherguidelines. All shops must adhere to signageregulations. Road and footpath surfaces areleveled for ease of use by the elderly and disabled.There are numerous public benches. Publictoilets are taken care of by local residents. Thetownspeople’s enthusiasm to commit to thegreater good is an aspect of Japanese characterthat is taught to children from a very young ageand is an important factor in building a strongcommunity.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?61A welcome drink of organic coffeePhotos: Weerawut KangwannavakulTraveling is an opportunity to learn local lifestylesPhotos: Weerawut KangwannavakulThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

62 Panel 2Photos: Weerawut Kangwannavakul• PeoplePeople are obviously the most importantelement in building a strong community. If thevillagers of Pelaga and three other villages hadnot come together over the idea of selfsufficiencyand sustainable tourism, they couldhave become mere service providers within masstourism. In Japan, the conservation of the townof Tsumago started with the efforts of a fewindividuals. Finally, more local people joined inthe efforts to spearhead conservation. Nowvisitors to Tsumago enjoy an authentic andvibrant atmosphere. There are a reasonablenumber of visitors but the general feel of thetown does not appear to be too commercial. Thisis because of rules forbidding the placement ofproducts on the footpath in front of shops, andbanning shouting to attract visitors into theestablishments. Shop signage must follow thesame character and designs and all houses thatdouble as shops must hang the traditionalbrown, black or navy Japanese sign curtains(noren) at the front. The locals of Tsumago haveachieved a lot, even though some individualsmay wish for a higher number of visitors.Problems are dealt with through compromisesreached at regular meetings. Tsumago’s successindicates that it is not so difficult to create anunderstanding of town protection and a sense ofcommunity pride.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?63An old street in Tsumago post townPhoto: Weerawut Kangwannavakul“Noren” and signs in harmony with the landscapePhotos: Weerawut KangwannavakulThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

64 Panel 2An old ryokan is turned into a museumPhotos: Weerawut KangwannavakulConclusionThe case studies in this paper confirm that in a worldwhere boundaries are blurred, travelers still seekunique local cultures. Communities that understandthis will not struggle to change their identity in orderto be like others, in the misguided belief that this is theonly way forward. Instead, they will choose tosafeguard their identities, traditions and spirituality,and to value the things that they already have. This willalso motivate coming generations to maintain,promote and enrich valuable heritage. To besuccessful, tourism that is self-managed bycommunities needs the involvement of all communitymembers.NOTES1 The author traveled with Weerawut Kangwannavakul, whohelped to document the research in images.23For further information, see Wikipedia’s entry on TheCultural Properties of Japan. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_Properties_of_JapanThe entry states: “As administered by the Japanesegovernment’s Agency for Cultural Affairs, the CulturalProperties of Japan include tangible properties (structuresand works of art or craft); intangible properties (performingarts and craft techniques); folk properties both tangible andintangible; monuments historic, scenic and natural; culturallandscapes; and groups of traditional buildings. To protectJapan’s cultural heritage, the Law for the Protection ofCultural Properties contains a “designation system” underwhich selected important items are designated as CulturalProperties, which imposes restrictions on the alteration,repair, and export of such designated objects. Designationcan occur at a national, prefectural municipal level. As of 1February 2012, there were approximately sixteen thousandnationally-designated, twenty-one thousand prefecturallydesignated,and eighty-six thousand municipally-designatedproperties (one property may include more than one item).Besides the designation system there also exists of a“registration system,” which guarantees a lower level ofprotection and support”.REFERENCESFurqan. Mat Som. and Hussin. (2010). Promoting green tourismfor future sustainability, Malaysia: Universiti Sains Malaysia.Graci, S. and Dodds, R. (2008). Why Go Green? The BusinessCase for Environmental Commitment in the Canadian Hotelindustry, Anatolia: An International Journal of Tourism andHospitality Research, 19(2), pp. 251-270.Hasegawa Hiroyo. 2005. Rediscovering Japan: Green Tourism.Japan for Sustainability Newsletter, Vol.34, June.Kanjanasthiti Pinratch. 2009. Community and ArchitecturalHeritage Conservation, Bangkok: Chulalongkorn UniversityPress.Kestes Boonyong. 2011. “Prepare” before starting ecotourism inyour home. Green Globe Magazine, January-March, LocalWisdom, Green Globe Institute.Maeno Masaru. 1999. Verifying Twentieth Century. Journal ofArchitecture.Phongphit Seree. 2011. Cultural economic, Creative economic.Matichon daily, August 4, Community section.Satayanuruks Attajak. 2009. Watching Japan: A life history.Krungtep Turakij Newspaper, June 19.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?The Study of Local Wisdom Concerning the Consumption of Native Foodand the Utilization of Indigenous Medicinal Vegetables for Health Care inIndonesiaKhosit Elvezio Kasikam65IntroductionThe Republic of Indonesia has one of highest levels ofbiodiversity in the world. It is also a major “meltingpot” of people, comprising a great variety of ethnicities,languages and belief systems.Today, globalization, free trade and modern lifestylesare changing food culture in Indonesia as in otherlocations around the world. Fast food and other newfood choices are becoming common. This has healthimplications, as experts have long agreed that there is astrong relationship between food consumption,lifestyle and overall health.In Indonesia, as elsewhere, local foods consist of localplants and other food items that have been known,grown and consumed over many generations. Suchfoods are known to often provide benefits for publichealth. (In Thailand, for example, people tend to eatkaeng som dok khae (red chili sour soup with sesbaniaflowers) at the start of the winter season. Local wisdomholds that sesbania flowers have a protective qualityagainst fevers brought on by weather change).The purpose of this study is to explore local wisdomabout food, including privately cultivated vegetablesand medicinal plants, on Indonesia’s major islands.Data was collected on the islands of Sumatra, Java andBali. An underlying assumption of the study holds thatfood is also medicine and is vital for health care, bywhich we mean the diagnosis, treatment andprevention of disease, injury or impairments affectingphysical and mental health.Local wisdom, also called traditional or indigenous orlocal knowledge, is a cornerstone of this study. Localwisdom refers to valuable traditional heritagetransmitted from generation to generation withinregional or local communities, tribes or groups. Itsmost basic form is knowledge of local bio-physicalelements and their interactions. Some of thisknowledge may have religious, spiritual andcosmological aspects. The cultural transmission ofknowledge is a key part of a group’s survival strategy.The loss of local wisdom can mean the loss of selfconfidenceand self-respect.Part of the preparatory research for this study wascarried out at Boonyaram Temple in Kedah and atRimba Herba Perlis (Herb Garden) in Perlis, Malaysia.The researcher’s knowledge of German and Chinese,and his deep interest in Thai literature with Javaneseorigins proved beneficial for fast language learning.This allowed for direct communication withIndonesian people and the building of relationships oftrust.The actual study started with an investigation ofliterature about local Indonesian foods, localingredients in food preparation, and local wisdomconcerning health care through nutrition. The nextstep was to observe food consumption and theutilization of privately cultivated vegetables andmedicinal plants. In-depth interviews and intensiveconversations were carried out with “wise” people inthe studied communities. Details of local foods,conditions under which these foods are consumed, andassociated beliefs were recorded. The result is avaluable record of local wisdom in Indonesia inrelation to food consumption.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

66 Panel 2Relaxed conservation in West Java Literature research on Usada in Bali In-depth interview in a Batak areaThe State of IndonesiaThe Republic of Indonesia consists of 13,466 islandsand 33 provinces. With over 238 million people,Indonesia is the world’s fourth most populous country.It has a tropical climate and vast areas of wildernessthat support the world’s second highest level ofbiodiversity.The Indonesian archipelago is on the old trade routebetween India and China and has been an importanttrade region since at least the 7 th century. From thebeginning, local rulers absorbed foreign cultural,religious and political influences. Hindu and Buddhistkingdoms were established. Islam and Christianitywere introduced by Muslim traders and Europeanpowers. Today Indonesia can be described as ademocratic republic with ethnic and linguisticdiversity and religious and cultural pluralism. AmongIndonesians, there are many sayings that reflect thecountry’s diversity. One saying goes; “If you want toknow about trade, ask the Chinese or theMinangkabau; about agriculture, ask the Javanese, orKaro; about fishing, ask the Malays”. The constitutionof Indonesia recognizes six official religions; Islam,Hinduism, Buddhism, Protestantism, Catholicism andConfucianism. The country’s motto, “Unity inDiversity,” or literally, “many, yet one” represents thecharacter of the nation at its best.The Three IslandsSumatra comprises 473,481 square kilometers and isthe world’s sixth largest island. Once the site of theBuddhist empire of Srivijaya, it became known to theWestern world after the visit of Marco Polo to theregion in 1292. Today most Sumatrans adhere to theIslamic faith.Java has a population of 135 million on 139,000 squarekilometers and is the world’s most populous island.About 60 percent of the total population of Indonesialives on Java. The island’s cultural history has been oneof great variety. It has been a center of powerfulHindu-Buddhist empires and Islamic sultanates andwas the core of the colonial Dutch East Indies. Theisland dominates Indonesian social, political andeconomic life and is home to the country’s capital,Jakarta.The island of Bali is home to most of Indonesia’s smallHindu minority. It is the largest tourist destination inthe country and is well known for its highly developedarts. When the Hindu empire of Majapahit on easternJava declined in the 15 th century, there was an exodusof intellectuals, artists and musicians from Java to Bali.The growth of tourism in Bali since the late 1960s hasled to a dramatic increase in the standard of living ofthe Balinese.Learning by Observing NatureTraditional knowledge about the medicinal qualitiesof herbs is gained through observation and use and istransferred over countless generations. In ancienttimes, many peoples, including the Javanese, deducedthat the flowers, fruits, wood, or leaves of some redcoloredplants have medicinal qualities for blood. Theyalso deduced that black-colored parts of plants andtrees could be usefully applied against black magic orspells. They believed that the yellow parts of plantswere positive for the lymphatic system, or insupporting the preventive / immune system.In relation to taste, some peoples held that a bittertaste had a cooling quality; plants with a hot or sharptaste had warming qualities. An inflorescence of abanana plant looks like a heart and is red color.According to old beliefs, it was seen as effective instrengthening the heart system. Plants growing instony areas were said to have a healing function forstones in the urinary tract. Sleeping plants were felt toThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?67help heal or alleviate insomnia. Plants like clinging vinewere seen as having a character like cancer and werefelt to be good for cancer treatment.Local name Latin name Used part Color Medical use for…Bambu kuning Bambusa vulgaris S. Tree (Batang ) Yellow JaundiceDaun Ungu Graphtophillum pictum L. Leaf Purple, like a hemorrhoid HemorrhoidsSambang darahExcoecariaconchinchinensis L.LeafRed like bloodBayam merah Iresine herbstii H. Leaf Red like bloodAnemia (Increasesblood)Anemia(Increases blood)Delima hitam Punica granatum L. Fruit Black Anti black magicTemu lawakCurcuma xanthorrhizaRoxb.Table 1: Plants with medicinal qualities in relation to their colors.Under-groundroot (Umbi )YellowSecang Caesalpinia sappan Wood RedJaundiceAnemia(Increases blood)Local name Latin name Used part Shape Medical use for...Pisang Musa paradisiaca L. Flower Shaped like a heart Heart diseaseCabe jawa Piper retrotravtum V. Fruit Shaped like a penisTable 2: Plants with medicinal qualities in relation to their shapes.Importance orincreasing malepotencyLocal name Latin name Used Part Character Medical use for…Benalu Scurulla philippensis C. All partsAll parts,Putri malu Mimosa pudica L. especially therootsTable 3: Plants with medicinal qualities in relation to their characters.It eats other plants,(behaves like cancer)When something touchesits leaves, they go to sleepCancerInsomniaThe Batak of Sumatra: The Principle of Dalihan NaToluThe Batak is a collective term used to identify anumber of ethnic groups, predominantly found inNorth Sumatra, whose family systems are patriarchal.The term includes the Toba, Karo, Pakpak,Simalungun, Angkola and Mandailing groups, each ofwhich has its own distinct but related languages andcustoms (adat). Toba people typically assert theiridentity as “Batak”, while other “Batak” may explicitlyreject that label, preferring instead to identify asspecifically Simalungun, Karo, etc. The Batak Tobapeople, also called Toba people or often simply“Batak,” are the most numerous and are oftenconsidered the classical “Batak”. They speak the TobaBatak language and live mainly around Lake Toba,including on the lake’s Samosir island. The research forthis paper took place on the island and nearby areas.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

68 Panel 2Batak Toba society is democratic in terms of member’srole in society and regarding mutual support. They(and other Batak groups with some slight differences)adhere to a principle known as the Dalihan Na Tolu(three firestones), which they believe has enabled themto live in happiness over generations. The main idea isthat to support a fireplace you need three key supports.If one is missing, the fireplace will collapse. The threefirestones or supports refer to connections via bloodrelationship and marriage. Everyone is born into acertain status and connection and dies with that samestatus. However, a person can also occupy differentroles or statuses in different situations throughout his/her life.Hula-hula refers to superior status. Thisdescribes members of a wife’s family. Females areimportant, for they enable families to have morechildren, ensuring they will be happy, stable andprosperous. Batak place a high value on children.Dongan tubu / Dongan sabutuha describesmembers of the same family, who are consideredto be at the middle level. They belong primarilyto a paternal relationship.Boru describes the third and lowest level. Theseare members of a man’s family who has taken afemale to be his wife. Boru are primarilyconsidered to be providers of labor and propertyin the activities of the hula-hula. It should beunderstood that they have not become labor bybeing forced or ordered, but by gentlepersuasion. A good and intact relationshipbetween the hula hula and the boru should bemaintained. Both parties profit from a goodrelationship.A person can be a hula-hula in one family, but a boruin another. The relationships are focused not on ideasof superiority and inferiority but on peacefulcoexistence. Lifestyles that do not follow this principlewill lead to frustration and conflict.In addition, the Batak believe that molo naeng homartua di tano on, pasangap me natorasmu (if you wantto be happy in this world, you have to respect yourparents).The Tradition of Jambar:The principle of Three Fire-Stones, or Dalihan NaTolu, is kept alive and intact symbolically in thetradition of jambar. It is the ritual distribution ofpieces of fresh meat to family members with the goal tokeep them joyful and in good physical and mentalhealth.The Batak consume meat mixed with blood. Thisbehavior is considered by some groups as barbarous.But the consumption of blood provides nutrients suchas iron. Blood is seen as the key to life. It gives powerand strength, including in battle. One legend describeshow blood and meat become very happy to bereunited. The word jambar also has deeper meanings.It means a non-exchangeable right, a personal rightthat reflects a person’s position in a blood relationship.The jambar affirms the destiny of that person and hisrelationship to others in the group or kinship. Jambarjuhut is a concrete expression of jambar. It is thedistribution of juhut (meat) in ceremonies likeweddings, house inaugurations, and funerals. Thedistribution takes place after guests have had their feastmeal, in front of all, as a kind of confirmation ofpeople’s role, status and rights.Members of the hula-hula group will receive juhut namarsaudara, or meat mixed with blood. Those who aredongan tubu receive normal family food, but preparedin a way that is especially tasty and convenient. Guestsfrom the boru group receive dengke, or fish. Rice orindahan sinaor for all groups denotes peace andharmony.The Batak’ main dish consists of rice and two or moredishes with vegetables in soup or curry, and salted fish.The main daily vegetables are pumpkin, cassava,cucumbers and spinach. The preparation style is to putone or more of the vegetable in boiling water, and thenadd peppers, shallots, salt, and sometimes coconutmilk. Sometimes a chili paste called sambal tuk tuk isadded. In the past, beef, pork, or chicken could beeaten only in ceremonies and by important guests.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?69Saksang meat mixed with bloodBatak wedding ceremony and jambarTable 4: Batak food and its social value.Food names Food descriptions Beliefs and social value1.Sangsang/Saksang2.Ikan na niura3.Ikan nanitombur4.Ikan na niarsik5.Bogot nihorbo6. Bangun na niduguSangsang is made of meat and the blood of them eatcooked together with many ingredients, includingandaliman, which gives Batak food its special taste.Ikan na ni ura, or fish cooked fresh, is usually made ofikan mas or Sumatran golden fish. The fish is soakedin lemon juice for hours and is then mixed withingredients such as andaliman, bird chili, candle nut,turmeric and ginger.Ikan na ni tombur or fish cooked with the tomburmethod is made by grilling a fish, then preparingingredients such as bird chili, shallots, garlic, ginger,candle nut, turmeric, andaliman and salt. These arepoured on the fish or eaten separately.Ikan na ni arsik or fish cooked with the arsik methodis fish boiled in ingredients such as asam gelugur,candle nut, turmeric, ginger, shallots, garlic, chili,galangal, salt and, unforgettably, andaliman. It is thendressed with vegetables such as buncis, long bean orcabbage and cooked until the water nearly disappears.Bogot ni horbo or buffalo milk is made by keepingbuffalo milk in a box with a little papaya leaf juice untilit becomes like a soft cheese.Bangun na ni dugu or crushed bangun-bangun leaves ismade of the crushed leaves boiled with chicken,lemongrass, pepper and salt. Sometimes a bit of lemonjuice is added.This dish is usually served to guests in variousceremonies. Nowadays it is also eaten in daily life.This is an honored dish for important guests, becauseit contains a lot of nutrition and energy from thefreshness of the fish, especially if ihan batak orindigenous Batak fish is used.Batak usually eat this in daily life.The dish is eaten in daily life and in almost everyceremony. At a wedding ceremony parents of thewedding pair will give this dish to the couple as ablessing to have as many children as there are fishes’flakes. For such an important event, people usually useihan batak, a fish species which lives in pure water andwhose shoals swim in harmony (as a symbol for apeaceful and harmonious family). Nowadays ihanbatak is rare and expensive, so ikan may be usedinstead.This food can be eaten fresh or cooked using the arsikmethod. It is very nutritious. It is always eaten bylactating women and by children more than one yearold.This is a very famous dish for women after childbirth.It helps them recover and it nourishes mother’s milk.Bangun-bangun itself is used for curing fresh woundsand wounds with an abscess.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

70 Panel 27.Hare and Taor8.Juhut natataTaor is a tonic drink made from many herbs such asthe root and skin of latong, sitorngom, sitaratullit,halto nas bibi/kolang kaling muda or young palm fruit,simarate-rate, simarsinta-sinta, indot, bunga rondang,jackfruit ,watermelon, andalehat, pirdot, akarpurbajolma, galangal, pepper, turmeric, ginger,lemongrass, kencur, lempuyang and many kinds oflemon juice from unte jungga, unte harojan, unte nipis,unte rikrik, unte mungkur, unte bolon, unte sira, etc.(The recipes vary from family to family). Hare kuningis made from taor mixed with flour then boiled until itbecomes a gruel. Another easier recipe for hare kuningis made from bananas, jackfruit, watermelon,cucumber, turmeric, kencur, simarate-ate juice(optional), flour, egg and honey. All elements are puttogether, then boiled until they become a gruel. Thistype of hare is good for nourishing a pregnant womanand helping people with difficult pregnancies or amiscarriage.Juhut na tata or fresh meat is fresh meat in the sametradition of jambar.Hare means porridge. There are two types of porridgeamong the Batak: hare putih or white porridge, andhare kuning or yellow porridge. White porridge ismade of rice in a normal porridge. The secondporridge has a larger story. Pregnant women, especiallythose experiencing a first pregnancy, need physical andmental care. The woman should not have any stress oranxiety. When parents know that their daughter ispregnant, they will go into the forest to collect manyherbs to make taor. After the taor is ready, the parentswill invite the daughter and her husband to visit themand the taor will be given to them to drink. Taor is avery refreshing tonic and is nourishing for the motherand her fetus. The remaining taor will be mixed withflour to become hare kuning. Then both wife andhusband will go back home. On the way back, they willshare hare with everyone in the village. Receivers willgive blessings for the fetus to be strong and for thechild to be born healthy. When a woman is about tobear a child, her parents will surprise her by coming tovisit without telling anyone beforehand. They willbring many delicious foods, but the important“hidden” thing is that they will have a conversationwith their daughter to encourage her, clear her ofanxiety and give her advice about birth procedures.Activities like this are called Pabosurhon orMangirdak. Nowadays this tradition is becoming rare.This juhut na tata is generally a small piece of meat orbone. It is meaningful for Batak society, because itcontinues the idea of peaceful coexistence, leading tothe mental and physical health of everyone in Bataksociety.The Deli Malays of SumatraThe Deli Malays live along the eastern coast ofSumatra along with other ethnic groups. Most areMuslims.The Malays’ life is very bound to the sea. Many arefishermen and have a maritime culture. Much of theirfood is derived from the sea, though they also cultivatefarmland near their homes.Malays typically have a large family. Men go fishingduring the day and come back in the evening. Womenwork at home, prepare food and look after the gardenaround the house. If one asks the Malays about theirmain dishes, the answer will be: anything that is edible,raw or cooked. It must conform to Islamic laws. Theother answer will be: Malay food is food that theirancestors have consumed and whatever they have evereaten.With a wise person and many friends Bubur pedas Malay family and environmentThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?71Coconut milk used in gulai (curry), is one of the mainingredients of the Malay kitchen. The Malays live inwind-blown areas and love to eat food with a hot/warm quality. Rice is the staple food. White rice is usedin main dishes, red rice is used as baby food and stickyrice is used as a dessert. Other foods include animals,fish, and plant foods such as fruits, vegetables, nuts,roots and spices derived from domestic gardens andfrom the wild. Malays are taught to eat just enough torelieve hunger. Children are taught that evil spirits(setan) will come to eat with them if they consume toomuch.Food names Main ingredients Cooking methods Believe and benefit1.Anyangpakis2.Anyangjantung pisangdan ayam3.Nasi ladaPakis, red chilies,shallots, coconut,shrimps, lemongrass,galangal, ginger, lemonand saltFlower of stone banana(Pisang batu), chickenbreast (already boiled),coconut, red chilies,shallots, lemon,lemongrass, ginger andsaltRice, pepper, cloves,jintan, nutmeg,cardamom, ginger,turmeric, galangal,coriander seeds and saltFirst, boil pakis then put aside. Roastcoconut, then grind. Slice chilies andshallots thinly. Boil shrimps then grindthem with the other ingredients. Mix allthe ingredients together thoroughly.Squeeze a bit of lemon on it and add salt totaste.Boil water with a pinch of salt. Add thebanana flower (already peeled). Cut up thechicken. Roast a half a coconut until it isyellow, then grind it. With the other halfmake coconut milk. Slice shallots and redchilies thinly. Grind other ingredients fully.Mix everything together. Add a little lemonjuice and salt to taste. Pour on the coconutmilk and then mix thoroughly.Grind all ingredients then add rice. Boiltogether.Table 5: Food appropriate for improving the health of pregnant and breastfeeding women.Pakis is a vegetable which has a lot ofmucus. Due to its slipperiness, it is good forpregnant women to make birth easier. Butit is not suitable for people with headaches,stomach disorders and heart disease.This food is good for breastfeedingmothers. It helps to increase the mother’smilk. But if a person has a stomachdisorder, it may cause the disorder to recur.This food is commonly consumed bywomen for 40 days after childbirth. It helpsto increase mother’s milk and blood in themother’s body (which was lost in labor).After eating this, a mother will drink aspecial tonic made from red sugar,turmeric, tamarind and a pinch of salt. Inthis period mothers must not eat chili.Pepper will be used instead. This preventsthe child from getting diarrhea.Food names Main ingredients Cooking methods Believe and benefit1.Pergedelkeladi2.Sayur asamkeladi3.Pajeri nenasTaro, prawns, eggs,shallots, garlic, pepper,nutmeg and celeryleaves.Taro, stalk of taro, redchilies, shallots, candlenuts, dry shrimp,galangal, ginger,lemongrass, asamgelugur and sugarPineapple, red sugar,shallots, garlic, redchilies, cloves, coconutmilk, ginger, cardamom,bunga lawang,cinnamon and raisin.Peel and cut taro in small pieces. Washwith salt water. Grind finely. (If usingboyan taro boil it first). Grind prawn meat.Slice shallots and garlic, then fry them. Slicecelery leaves. Mix all ingredients into thetaro squash. Break in eggs. Add pepper andnutmeg. Mix them thoroughly. Make intosmall ball shapes. Fry in hot oil.Chop and dice taro. Peel off the skin of thetaro stalk, then chop and boil for amoment and wash again with cold water.Place aside. Grind all other ingredientsthen boil. When water has boiled, add taroand wait until it is soft.Chop pineapple into pieces then put aside.Pound ginger then squeeze out the juice.Slice shallots and garlic, then fry till yellow,then pour in coconut milk, sugar and all theother ingredients. Wait until boiled thenadd the pieces of pineapple. Boil for not toolong so the pineapple is not too pulpy.Dress with raisins.Table 6: Food appropriate for helping with high blood pressure and diabetes.This food is good for anyone who hasdiabetes. It can reduce blood sugar (taro isbelieved to be good for diabetics).This food is good for anyone who hasdiabetes. It can reduce blood sugar (taro isbelieved to be good for diabetics)This food helps to reduce blood pressurefor people with hypertension (It is believedthat pineapple is good for anyone with highblood pressure)The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

72 Panel 2Food names Main ingredients Cooking methods Believe and benefit1.Gulai pisangemas2.Sambal ladagaram3.Gulaimasam ikanYoung fruit of goldenbanana, coconut, dryshrimp or salty fish, redchilies, shallots, ginger(head and leaves),turmeric, lemongrass,Red chilies, shallots,sugar, salt and lemonHead of kakap fish, redchilies, shallots, roastedcoconut, candle nut,ginger, galangal,turmeric, lemongrass,asam gelugur, kencong,tumeric leaves andcindohom leavesTable 7: Food concerned with digestive problems.Table 8: Food concerned with body odor.Peel the green bananas and cut into fourpieces. Clean them and soak in water. Makecoconut milk. Roast the salty fish or dryshrimp. Pound lemongrass, galangal. Grindthe other ingredients. Put all ingredientsincluding shrimps or salty fish in coconutmilk, then boil them. Later, add thebananas until they are soft. It is ready to beserved.Slice shallots. Grind the other ingredients.Add the shallots then grind a bit again. Addlemon juice, to taste.Grind the roasted coconut. Poundlemongrass and galangal. Grind the otheringredients till ground. Add water to allingredients. Wait until the water is boiled,then add the head of the fish, together withkencong, turmeric leaves and cindohomleaves. Add salt, to taste. The head of thekakap fish can also be replaced withsembilang fish or gembung fish or senanginfish.This food is good for someone who hasdiarrhea, because the young banana has aresin which can help to restore theintestines.This food is good for cleaning theintestines. It helps the digestive system towork better.This food helps to heal Sariawan (ulcer inthe mouth due to heat inside the body ).Many foods with asam gelugur have thesame use.Food names Main ingredients Cooking methods Believe and benefit1.Sambal serai Prawns, coconut milk,red chilies, turmeric,ginger, galangal, asamgelugur, salt and a lot oflemongrass.Clean prawns and remove the skin. Slicelemongrass then grind to ground. Similarlygrind other ingredients. Put everything inthe pan with coconut milk. Add salt totaste.This food helps to reduce bad body odor.Women like to eat it so that the body isfragrant.2.Sambalkerak kelapa(kelapa bakar)Coconut, lemongrass,shallots, red chilies,belimbing sayur, saltand lemonRoast the coconut then scrape or grind it.Slice belimbing and shallots thinly. Grindthe other ingredients then add roastedcoconut, sliced belimbings and shallots.Mix them together. Add salt and lemonjuice to taste. This food is commonly eatenwith pegagan leaves, kemangi leaves, andulam raja leaves.Eating this food may draw out bad odorand make a person sweat a lot. To preventthis discomfort eat the dish with pegaganleaves, kemangi leaves and ulam raja leaves.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?73Food names Main ingredients Cooking methods Believe and benefit1.Sambalcengkeh2.Pekasammaman3.Sambalgoreng petaicina4.Sambaltempoyakdurian5.Sambaludang kecepai6.Pindangikan7.Sambalbelacan(terasi) danasam sundaiCloves, shallots, garlic,bird chili, red sugar,lemon and saltMaman (a vegetablegrowing in rice fieldafter harvesting), rice, abit of hot water and saltPrawns, red chilies,shallots, garlic, thickcoconut milk, petai cina,lemongrass, tamarindand gingerRed chilies, tempoyakdurian and saltKecepai prawns,lemongrass, red chilies,shallots, asam sundaiand saltGembung fish, redchilies, shallots, garlic,turmeric, asam geluguror tamarind, galangal,lemongrass and saltRed chilies, bird chili,shrimp paste, asamsundai and saltTable 9: Food with various other functions.Grind everything until fully ground. Addlemon juice and salt, to taste. This food iscommonly eaten with grilled fish, freshcabbage and salad.Lay out maman in the sun. Then wash andsquash it with salt and put it aside. Washthe rice, put it in a pot with the maman,pour hot water on it and cover itcompletely. Let it sit for two days. Now addthe chopped red chilies. This dish iscommonly eaten with grilled ray fish orboiled prawns.Wash prawns and other ingredients. Grindshallots and garlic till ground, then frythem with oil. Then pour thick coconutmilk, lemongrass and tamarind in. When itcomes to the boil add the prawns. The laststep is to add petai cina.Grind red chilies together with salt. Addtempoyak durien. Mix together. It is thenready to be served. This food is commonlyeaten with young jengkol and petai.Wash the prawns. Grind all ingredientsthen add the prawns and grind again.Squeeze asam sundai in as preferred. Thisfood is commonly eaten with fresh cabbageand cucumber.Clean the fish with salt. Grind the chilies,shallots and garlic. Pound the otheringredients. Fry all the ingredients with alittle oil then pour water on. When it hasboiled add the fish.Roast the shrimp paste. Grind allingredients together. Squeeze asam sundai,then add the juice. Slice a bit of asamsundai skin then add. Mix thoroughly.This food is commonly eaten with a lot ofvegetables such as long beans, labu siam,kangkung etc.This food is mostly eaten when a personhas a cold or stuffy nose. It helps to clearthe nasal passages to make breathing easier.It helps to keep the body warm. It is goodfor a person who has a respiratory diseasesuch as asthma. There is no need to addpepper which will make the dish too hot.This food helps to relieve vaginal discharge.If maman is fermented the curing effectwill be greater.This food can kill parasites in the bodies ofadults and children.This food should not be consumed bypeople with hypertension or digestiveproblems because it will worsen suchproblems.This food is sometimes eaten by those witha skin allergy. If this is the case, tamarindleaves and kemuning leaves can be poundedtogether with uncooked rice and a littlewater. Then squeeze the liquid on to theskin. The rash will slowly disappear.This food is good for persons with feverand fatigue. It can improve the appetite.This food helps people to have a lot ofenergy. Eating shrimp paste makes the bodystrong. People like eating this beforeundertaking hard physical activity such asworking in a rice field.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

74 Panel 2Food names Main ingredients Cooking methods Believe and benefit1.Bubur pedas Rice, salty fish, crab,pomfret fish (bawal),potato, prawns, shallots(sliced), pepper,nutmeg, turmeric leaves,jeruk perut leaves(already sliced), set ofbubur pedasingredients.Dice the potato. Peel the prawn. Boil thecrab, then keep the meat only in the boilingwater (crab soup). Roast the pomfret fish,then remove all but the meat. Add morewater into the crab soup, in order to beable to boil the rice. Add everything. Boiluntil it becomes gruel.2.Sayurbening rebungBubur pedas ingredientsset (Bumbu buburpedas) First group:Temu mangga, temukunci, lempuyang, temuhitam, lemongrass,ginger, tumeric, rice.Second group: jintanmanis, jintan putih,coriander seeds.Third group: 44 speciesof leaves Fourth group: green bean and cornBamboo shoots, greenchilies, red chilies,young corn, pumpkin,shallots, katuk(Sauropus androgynusMerr.) leaves, saltBumbu bubur pedasFirst group: Dry everything, then roast tillyellow. Grind till ground.Second group: Roast the 3 ingredients thengrind and glide.Third group: Dry all 44 species of leavesthen grind and glide. (44 species of leavesincluding jeruk perut , turmeric, gandasuli,kancing baju, asam gelugur, kumis kucing,ati-ati, tapak leman, kembang semangkok,buas-buas, sekentut, pecah piring, pegaga,kerak nasi, katu, tiga urat, temahar, ubi,mengkudu, jambu bol, langsat, mango,rambutan , guava, salam, pumpkin,singkong, beluntas, manggis, gambut,rukam, suring, kemangi, kacang panjang,kacang tanah, belinjo, belimbing buah,belimbing wuluh, sirih, saga, adas,tamarind, kemuna, delima, bangun-bangunetc.)Fourth group: Roast them, then grindcrudely. After preparing all ingredientsabove then mix all together so it is ready tokeep, in order to make bubur pedas.Grind shallots, chilies and salt till ground.Boil together with bamboo shoots,pumpkin and katuk leaves.Table 10: Food concerned with the concept of diversity, (some in pairs).Bubur pedas is commonly eaten duringfasting (puasa) by Muslims. It is veryrefreshing and gives energy. It is believedthat this food is the king of melayu foodand can cure every disease or relieve allillness. It is made from many ingredientssuch as rice, seafood, and up to 44 species ofleaves . What is used is not fixed. All leavescan be used provided they are notpoisonous, are not too bitter or are not tooastringent.If eaten a lot, foods containing bambooshoots can lead to joint pain or gout. So anyfood with bamboo shoots must always alsocontain katuk leaves to counteract theeffects.Malay food varies according to availability and otherfactors. Recipe no.1 (Table 10), Bubur pedas isconsidered the best of Malay food. In order to cook it,many ingredients are needed, including herbs, seaproducts, and a sampling from up to 44 species ofleaves.The main underlying idea is that the diversity ofnature brings everything into balance. (This ideacorresponds with local wisdom in northern Thailandwhich holds that if you don’t have anything to eat,collect the leaves of 108 kinds of plants and cook themtogether - the mixture will alleviate any poison andmake the dish comestible).Another example of balancing is recipe no.2 (Table10), Sayur bening rebung, in which bamboo shoots arecooked with daun katuk to balance their effects. InLanna or Northern Thailand bamboo shoot soup isalways cooked with ya-nang leaf (tiliacora triandradiels) for the same reason. With these examples, we cansay that good things come in pairs. Alternatively, that,if one thing is bad, two things are better. (Anothersaying is: one head disappears, best friends come withtwo heads).The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?75The Sundanese of JavaThe Sundanese are the second most populous ethnicgroup in Indonesia, with a population of some 31million living mostly in West Java, Banten and Jakartaand to the west of Central Java. They occupy fertileterrain and have their own language and culture.Although they are predominantly Muslim, traditionalbeliefs related to farming and rice cultivation areintact. These include the worship of Nyai PohaciSanghyang Asri, which is like the mother goddess ofgrains. Sundanese culture is less rigid about socialnorms when compared to Javanese culture, and there isa greater focus on more equal rights between men andwomen. Traces of animistic and Hindu-Buddhisticbeliefs can still be found in the culture.Rice is the staple food. Without it, people feel theyhave not eaten at all. It is accompanied by vegetablesand shrimp or chili paste. Vegetables are consideredmedicine, and a means to health and beauty. Chili is atasty addition to whet the appetite and add strength.Sour or salted fish are commonly eaten.There are three groups of vegetables. The first groupincludes those cultivated mainly for commercialpurposes, such as spinach, cucumber, bean, andmorning glory. The second is self-growing vegetablesaround living areas, like eggplants as a hedge. The thirdgroup is wild and forest-growing vegetables, likejombloh genjer. There is a saying: as long as there isnature, no one needs to starve to death.In the past, the consumption of these three vegetablegroups was probably about even. Today there is lessconsumption of the third group in particular, and lessalso of the second group. This is the result of lifestylechanges and industrialization. Forest vegetables arecheap, but many young people do not know where orhow to collect them.Sundanese people have long been known as “freshvegetable eaters”. They believe that fresh vegetablesmake people live longer, and maintain their youth.Sundanese women are said to be the most beautiful inIndonesia.Eating fresh vegetables, or lalap, saves time, cost, andhas great health benefits. All species of vegetables,plants and even trees can be eaten raw. Five parts maybe eaten; young leaves, flowers, young fruits or youngpods, fruits and seeds, and shoots or undergroundheads. Different parts have different qualities andhealth effects. For example, young leaves are believedto nourish beauty and to make people look younger.Flowers are appropriate for older people and those ofweak condition. For example, honey is made frommany flowers. We can say that lalap is a meaningfulpart of Sundanese life; it cannot be separated from thephilosophy of self-sufficiency and self-reliance. Lalap isalso called warung hidup or “living grocery” or “livingdrug store”. Almost every Sundanese household growsfresh vegetables in their resident quarters. Sambal danlalap (chili paste with vegetables) is a typicalSundanese food. There are many kinds of chili pastes,including shrimp chili paste, oncom chili paste, kemirichili paste, etc.Scientific name /No.Family name (Local name)1 Pluchea indica (L.) Less. Asteraceae(Beluntas)2 Phaseolus vulgaris L. Leguminoceae(Buncis)3 Paedaria foetida L. Rubiaceae(Daun kentut)4 Limnocharis flava (L.) BuchButomaceae (Genjer)5 Zingiber officinale Rosc.Zingiberaceae (Jahe)Eating methodThe young leaves can be eaten fresh orsteamed. They can be used for makingurap (a salad of mixed vegetables withcoconut).Young pods can be eaten fresh; old podsshould be boiled or steamed. It can also beadded to sour soup (sayur asam).Young leaves can be eaten fresh, boiled orsteamed. It can also be added to clearsoup (sayur bening) or just stirredtogether with a little oil.Young leaves, young stems and flowerscan be boiled or steamed. It can be also beused in pecel or gado-gado.Young head can be sliced and eaten fresh.Health benefitIt helps to reduce body odor and badmouth. Promotes digestion in children.Relieves cough and menstrual pain.It helps to promote urination. It relievesdiabetes and edema.It helps to relieve stomachache andreduces wind in the stomach, especially inwomen after childbirth. Help to reduceheat in the body.It helps to improve appetite.It helps to relieve flatulence, improveappetite and promote digestion.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

76 Panel 26 Gynura crepidioides BenthAsteraceae (Jombloh)7 Vigna sinensis Leguminoceae(Kacang panjang)8 Ipomoea aquatic ForskConvolvulaceae (Kangkung)9 Sauropus androgynus (L.) Merr.Euphorbiaceae (Katuk)10 Ocimum sanctum L. Lamiaceae(Kemangi)11 Kaempferia galangal L.Zingiberaceae (Kencur)12 Curcuma domestica Val.Zingiberaceae (Kunyit)13 Spilanthes iabadicensis AH Moore,S.acmella Auct. Compositae(Legetan)14 Solanum nigrum Linn. Solanaceae(Leunca / Ranti )15 Morinda citrifolia Rubiaceae(Mengkudu)16 Cucumis sativus L. Cucurbitaceae(Mentimun)17 Momordica charantia L.Cucurbitaceae (Pare)18 Centella asiatica L. Urban Apiaceae(Pegagan)19 Carica papaya L. Caricaceae(Papaya)20 Parkia speciosa Hassk. Mimosaceae(Petai)21 Leucaena leucocephala Lmk.Mimosaceae (Petai cina)Young leaves are commonly dried in thesun briefly before eating. It can also beused in rujak.Young pods can be eaten fresh; olderpods may be boiled or steamed beforeeating. Young leaves can be eaten fresh orsteamed. They can also be used for pecel,urap or coconut soup.Leaves and stems can be eaten fresh,boiled or steamed. It can also be used forgado-gado and urap.Leaves can be eaten fresh or used forsoup. Fruit can be boiled. Boil withchopped corn and a little salt.Fresh leaves can be eaten with chili paste.Young leaves can be eaten fresh or used insayur santan bayam and urap. Younghead peeled can be eaten fresh.Young head can be eaten fresh with chilipaste and salty fish. Help to reduce thesmell of fish before steaming. Added torice to make yellow rice (nasi kuning).Flowers, stalks and leaves can be eatenfresh or steamed with jonge and pegagan,then eaten with chili paste.Young leaves and fruit can be eaten fresh.Fruit can be stirred with oncom.Young leaves and young fruit can beboiled or steamed. The leaves can besliced into fried rice (nasi goreng) ormixed into urap.Young leaves can be boiled or steamed.Fruit can be eaten fresh, stirred withkacang panjang leaves, or to make soup.Young fruit can be eaten fresh. Butpeople prefer to boil, steam or burn it firstto reduce its bitter taste. Eaten with chilipaste.All of this lalap can be eaten fresh, boiledor steamed with chili paste or used forurap.Nearly ripe fruit is peeled, young leavesare boiled or steamed. Eaten with chilipaste. Young fruit is also used for soup.Fresh seeds can be eaten as lalap.Young pods and seeds can be eaten aslalap.It helps to cure peptic ulcers and increaseblood.It helps to increase milk in breastfeedingwomen. The leaves help to neutralize thetoxin of jengkol.It helps to promote vision. Relievesconstipation. Neutralizes toxins in dairyfood and helps promote sound sleep.It helps to increase milk in breastfeedingwomen after childbirth.It helps to increase milk in breastfeedingwomen after childbirth. Helps digestion.Reduces phlegm.It helps to relieve abdominal pain andflatulence. Relieves cough and reducesheat in the body.It helps to clean and clear the intestines.Reduces flatulence. Cures diarrhea,gastritis and peptic ulcer.Chewed for a long time, this can healbleeding gums and mouth ulcers. Thisvegetable is also called “blooming mouthulcer” (kembang sariawan).It helps to neutralize toxins in any food.Relieves cough and vaginal discharge.It helps to improve appetite, improve theimmune system and control diabetes.This lalap is good for pregnant womenand for people with fever.It helps to improve appetite. Promotesdigestion and controls diabetes.It helps to improve appetite. It is good forchildren with asthma.This lalap is good for women afterchildbirth. It helps to nourish the milk ofbreastfeeding women. Unripe fruit isgood for people with stomachache orpeptic ulcer. The juice of unripe fruit canbe used to neutralize toxins in cassavaleaves.It helps to kill parasites and controldiabetes.Eating them regularly helps to killparasites and control diabetes.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?7722 Syzigium polyanthum Walp.Myrtaceae (Salam)23 Nasturtium montanum Wall.,Nasturtium indicum DC.Asteraceae (Sawi tanah)24 Nasturtium aquaticum (L.) Hayek.Cruciferae (Selada air)25 Apium graveolens L. Apiaceae(Seledri)26 Hydrocotyle sibthorpioides Lamk.Apiaceae (Semanggi gunung)27 Manihot esculenta Crantz., Manihitutilissima Crantz. Eupobriaceae(Singkong)28 Solanum torvum Swartz. Solanaceae(Takokak)29 Emilia sonchhifolia (Linn.) DC.Compositae (Tempuh wiyang)30 Kaempheria pandurata Roxb.Zingiberaceae (Temu kunci)Table 11: Lalap in Sundanese life.Young leaves can be eaten as lalap. Oldleaves are used in soup.Stems and young leaves can be boiled orsteamed. Commonly eaten together withjotang, tempuh wiyang and patikan kebo.Leaves and stems can be eaten fresh orsteamed with chili paste and oncom orused for pecel.Leaves and stems are eaten fresh as lalapor with nasi kuning. It can also be put insoto.All parts can be eaten fresh, boiled orsteamed, with chili paste.Young leaves are boiled or steamed andeaten with chili paste, or used withcoconut milk soup or buntil.Fruit can be eaten fresh, boiled orsteamed, then eaten with chili paste. Alsoused in coconut milk soup with cassavaleaves.Young leaves can be eaten fresh, boiled orsteamed. Commonly eaten with legetanand pegagan.Roots and young leaves can be eatenfresh. Young leaves can be used for urap.Old leaves give a delicious taste to foodssuch as soup (they act like a naturalMSG). It helps to preserve food. Itmitigates against the effects of alcohol(helps people not to be drunk), andcontrols diabetes and diarrhea.Eating regularly can relieve jaundice.Eaten regularly, it can help with poornight vision and to relieve hemorrhoids.It can be added to food to make it moretasty (like a natural MSG). It reduceshigh blood pressure and relieves asthma.It helps to promote urination, neutralizetoxins and relieve jaundice.It helps to nourish bones and joints.It helps to improve the appetite in peoplerecovering from fever or other diseases.Helps with diabetes and hypertension.It has a cold quality so it helps to reducefever, neutralize toxins and promoteurination.It helps to nourish the milk ofbreastfeeding women and helps theuterus recover after childbirth.Jamu, Magic Drink of Javameans of diet. If this does not work, medications,mainly from the plant world, can be used.Jamu is a kind of medicinal drink. There are two kinds.The first is used in everyday life and is made up ofplants used for food or medicine. It is used to regulatethe body, stimulate the body’s preventive system, andstrengthen the body’s self-curing and regeneratingsystems. The formulas generally include ginger,galangal, turmeric finger root, lemon grass andtamarind. Drinking this jamu has a preventive healtheffect.Mobile Jamu drink sellerThe hidden philosophy behind Javanese health care isthat “Allah would not send diseases to mankind, if Hewould have not sent healing remedies with them”.Most symptoms can be prevented or even healed byThe second kind of jamu is for the treatment ofvarious diseases. It may include regular ingredients/medications found in home cooking and thoseprovided by knowledgeable local doctors. A magic spellmay accompany the concoctions that are believed tohave curative effects.Both kinds of jamu help rebalance the elements of thebody. Different jamu provide hot, warm, neutral andThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

78 Panel 2cold remedies. The word jamu has the sameetymological root as jampi, which means “magicspells”. Menjampi means “treatment using magic”.When a doctor or medicine man is preparing amedicinal drink, he will also chant to ask for blessingsfrom the spirits. In current Javanese usage, jamu means“medicine”. The first written evidence of jamu wasfound at Borobudur in around the late eighth to earlyninth century, and in the Ramayana story at the GreatChedi of Prambanan.The word jamu may also have been drawn from acombination of the words jampi and oesodho. Oesodhois the state of being healthy, acquired from medicine orthrough good behavior. This word may correspond tothe word “dispensary” in English, or o-sod in Thai,which means “drug”.Animistic superstitions, as well as beliefs fromHinduism, Buddhism and even Islam have influencedthe use of jamu. The origin and practice of jamu haselements from many sources, for example, the theoryof four elements: Hot, Cold, Humid and Dry, whichwas influenced by Islam, the ideas around yin and yangfrom China, the use of herbs according to local beliefs,and the use of plants and the beliefs in gods aspracticed in Hinduism.Jamu has a significant role in national health and in thedevelopment of the country. It helps reducedependency on foreign drugs and promotes localeconomic systems and self-sufficiency through the useof local wisdom.Local Wisdom and Javanese Health CareAccording to Javanese perspectives, good healthdepends on the balance of body, sehat, and mind,kejawen. The mind is the master. The body is theservant, or vehicle, of the mind. This principleoriginated long before the Javanese became Muslimsand still persists. Javanese believe that if a person caneat food, work and follow his or her social duties, he isgenerally healthy, even though he may have forexample symptoms of a cold, or aching muscles. Hissehat is still in good order. The first kind of jamu canhelp rebalance a body in this condition, or cure minorphysical troubles.Being ill means the inability to follow dailycommitments. A person must see a modern doctor or atraditional healer who can provide a moresophisticated jamu, together with magic spells or evenprayers from the Quran.Healing methods vary according to theories of theorigin of illness. For normal illness caused by loss ofnatural balance due to weather change, or unbalancedor disordered consumption of food, treatmentremedies vary from medications to massage (kerokan),which could involve applying balsam or oil and thenrubbing strongly with a metal coin or red onion orother item. Uncommon illnesses caused bysupernatural agents, like ghosts, evil spirits, angryancestral spirits, or shamans need the help of a specialkind of “medicine man”.Jamu shop in Yogyakarta Many kinds of Javanese sugar Making JamuThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?79No. Type of jamu tonic Main herbs Optional herbs Quality/Function1 Jamu beraskencur Beras (Oryza sativa), kencur(Kaempferia galangal)2 Jamu kunyitasam Kunyit (turmeric) and asamjava (tamarind)3 Jamucabelempuyang4 Jamu pahitan(Bitter medicine)Table 12: Different kinds of Jamu.Cabe jawa (Piperretrofractum) and lempuyang(Zingiber americans )Brotowali (Tinospora crispa L.)and sambiloto (Andrographispaniculata Burm.f.)5 Jamu kunci suruh Temu kunci and serai(lemongrass), asam java(tamarind)Jahe (Zingiber officinale),kunyit (Curcuma domestica),asam java (Tamarindusindica), cengkeh (Syzygiumaromaticum), kapulaga(Amomum cardamomum),pala (Myristica fragrans),kedawung , kayu keningar,jeruk nipisTemu lawak (Curcumaxanthorriza), kedawung, pala(nutmeg), kayu manis(cinnamon), jeruk nipis(lemon)Jahe (ginger), temu lawak(Curcuma xanthorriza),kunyit, kencur, pala,temu ireng,adas, pulosari, kedawung, asamjawa, merica.Widoro laut, doro putih,babakan pule, adas, emponempon(many rhizomes usedfor cooking)Beluntas, delima, pinang, kuncipepet, Majakan jambe, manisjangan, kayu legi and kencur.6 Jamu kudulaos Kudu and laos (galangal)S Serai (lemongrass), jahe, kayumanis.7 Jamu Uyup-uyup /Gepyokan8 Wedang uwuh(Garbage drink)Empon-empon such as jahe,kunyit, laos, kencur, bangle,temu lawak, lempuyang, temuhitamSecang, jahe, daun kayu manis,cengkeh, gula batu (stone sugar)Commonly used. Many herbswith a hot quality arecombined together.Jeruk nipis (When a littlelemon juice is added to wedanguwuh it changes from red toyellow color, so it is calledJavanese beer (bir java))This jamu helps people withmuscular, joint and bone pain. It iscommonly consumed by farmers orworkers but can also be drunk byanyone to refresh the body, improveappetite, neutralize daily toxins,clean the intestines and improvegeneral health.It helps to clean the blood. Drinkingit regularly helps to keep the skinclear and beautiful. It is used toprevent menstrual pain and toregulate the menstrual flow, so it isforbidden for women in earlypregnancy. It is refreshing. It has acold quality so it can be used toreduce heat in the stomach and inthe body (panas dalam).It helps to warm the body. It helpsrelieve muscular and back pain. Ithas a warm quality so it also helpswith numbness and is good forasthma.This bitter jamu help to cool theblood. It is good for fever, diabetes,acne, itching, dizziness and forimproving the appetite.It is especially used for women'shealth care, including reducingvaginal discharge and body odor andrestoring the uterus after childbirth.It has a warm quality. It helps topromote blood circulation, improvemenstrual flow, improve cleaning ofthe uterus after childbirth, improveappetite and refresh the body.It helps to increase mother’s milkand prevent bad body odor.Commonly consumed by womenafter childbirth.It helps to keep the body warm andprevents wind from entering thebody (masuk angin).For normal jamu, one main herb is normally used andothers may be added. Palm sugar or gula aren is addedto create a sweet taste and because it has healthbenefits. It is believed that this kind of sugar can relieveproblems associated with asthma. The jamu pahitandoes not use sugar. After drinking this kind of jamupeople usually drink a little sweet jamu, called petawar.Wedang uwuh means “garbage drink,” because manyherbs are put together in a glass and hot water added.Wedang uwuh uses stone sugar instead of palm sugar.Sometimes if the jamu is meant to nourish energy,such as to provide male potency or to treat tiredness ordizziness due to lack of energy or low blood pressure,one can also add a hen or duck egg, mixed with honeyand lemon juice.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

80 Panel 2The same instinct but new behavior: Reasons whyJavanese increasingly have diabetesEach ethnic group has its own local environment inwhich it has been living and adapting over manygenerations. The process of adaptation is veryimportant in order to satisfy people’s physical andemotional needs. Thus, Javanese’ different behaviorsthrough different periods, conscious or not, are rootedin strong causes.Either by nature or through heredity, the Javanese tendto eat sweet foods. The number of diabetics is higheramong Javanese than other ethnic groups. Elderlypeople who have known at least 50 years of rapidchange post-colonization, modernization andglobalization told me that they believe that fewerJavanese had diabetes in the past. Changing patterns offood consumption is a likely cause. Javanese’ love ofsweet taste has remained but the traditional manner ofconsumption has changed.Yogyakarta is a special administrative territory that hasmaintained old traditions while also embracing newbehaviors due to globalization and immigration. It hasmany universities and many students, who embracemodernity, but it is also still a Sultanate and customsand traditions from ancient times are preserved. Whenpeople talk about Yogyakarta they may refer to “Jogja,”or to “city of students” (kota pelajar), “city of culture”(kota budaya) or the popular Gudeg city (Kota Gudeg).Gudeg is a famous local food made of chopped youngjackfruit (nangka muda/gori) which is cooked andmixed with ingredients such as red onion, garlic,galangal, lemongrass, palm sugar and many others. Theingredients are cooked for a long time in coconut milkuntil the mixture turns dark brown. There are twotypes of gudeg. Gudeg basah is “wet” and contains morewater. Gudeg kering is cooked until it is almost dry.Jogja people cultivate a lot of jackfruit. They use thewood of the jackfruit tree to build houses. They saythat the wood is second only to teak. There is a saying“Gudeg must be dark; otherwise, it will be lodeg(coconut milk soup)”. In the past, the Jogja people putteak leaves (daun jati) in gudeg in order to get a darkred color soup in which to put the young jackfruit andother ingredients. However, nowadays local people donot do this as they feel it will look dirty.Actually, the use of teak leaves is an old wisdom thatprovides good health benefits. It has the ability tocontrol sugar in the blood. If consumed regularly, ithelps to prevent diabetes. Moreover, the leaves have apreservative effect, so there is no need to use chemicalpreservatives. This is strong example of how aneveryday food is also a medicine.Javanese have been cultivating and using palm sugar intheir food and desserts for hundreds of years. In 1860,during the colonial period, the Dutch established thefirst sugar factory in Gondong Baru, Central Java. Thisled to huge sugar cane cultivation and the productionof white sugar.Elderly people believe that the use of white sugar is themain factor causing diabetes. They believe the use ofgula jawa does not lead to diabetes. The author’sopinion is that the Javanese are genetically accustomedto their own sugar. Moreover, gula aren (palm sugarfrom the aren palm) has a medicinal quality.Young people now and especially students tend to eatat outdoor restaurants or street restaurants. They liketo drink iced tea or lemon juice with ice. The drinksare mostly ready-made and fortified with white sugar.Most of the ice sold in Indonesia is of low quality andcan put consumers at risk of diarrhea.In the past, many Javanese and other Indonesians hadthe custom of drinking hot water, which probablyhelped prevent the spread of diseases like cholera. Hotwater helps prevent surplus fat. Hot water helps toregulate blood circulation and menstrual cycles. Manyrestaurants and homes still serve hot water.The daily drink of Javanese in the past was tea frommengkudu/pace (Morinda citrifolia L.) and tea frommurbei/besaran (morus alba L.). Most householdsgrew one of these teas. The tea leaves helped preventdiabetes and hypertension, and controlled fat in theblood. The tea leaves also balanced women’s emotionsduring menstruation and the menopause. After aperson had worked hard in the fields, the teas reducedfatigue, moderated the neuro system and supportedbetter sleep. Nowadays, those who maintain this habitare mainly elderly people, higher-status families andthose associated with palace culture.Today fewer people (elderly women are an exception)drink the jamu pahitan (bitter medicine) whichcontrols corporal heat, nourishes the pancreas andprevents diabetes.The Javanese also have a side dish similar to a salad thathas anti-diabetes properties. It is eaten together withThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?81the main course with nearly every meal. Traditionaltrancam consists of several chopped vegetables, forexample petai, petai cina, kacang panjang, taoge(sprout), bunga turi (sesbania grandiflora L.), kencur(kaempferia galangal L.) etc., mixed with chili, redonion, garlic and scraped coconut. All the vegetableshave anti-diabetes qualities. This dish is still popularbut nowadays there is less diversity of vegetables.The Hinduistic Bali:Balinese traditional medicine originates in large part inHindu traditions. The knowledge can be found inbooks made of palm leaves called usada (concerningtraditional medicine mostly using plants) and tutur ortatwa (concerning miracle alphabets and philosophy).A person who uses the knowledge in usada to cureothers is called a balien usada. A person will be strongand healthy when all elements in the body are in goodbalance. There are three controlling elements; vata(wind), pitta (fire), and kapha (water).Everything in the cosmos, including diseases andmedicines to cure them, is created by God. Diseasescan be hot, cold or neutral. Medicines are also hot orwarm, cold, or neutral.Three gods control disease. Hot diseases and medicinewith hot characteristics are under the supervision ofBrahma. Wisnu supervises cold diseases and medicineswith cold characteristics. Iswara takes care of neutraldiseases and medicines with neutral characteristics.Many plants with white, yellow or green flowers have ahot characteristic. Many plants with red and bluecolors have a cold characteristic. Other plants withflowers of other colors are not hot and not cold.Balinese traditional medicine also includes knowledgeof how to balance food by combinations of manyplants and vegetables.Balinese food consists of many ingredients, or basa.Basa come in many types and are found in holy booksor in the heritage of a village or family. For example,there is basa gede (big set of ingredients), basa wangi(fragrant base ingredients), basa manis (sweet baseingredients), basa genep (delicious base of ingredientsor enough ingredients to be delicious), basa intuk(ingredients which are prepared by pounding), basaulig (ingredients which are prepared by grinding), basarajang (ingredients which are prepared by choppingthoroughly), basa be sampi (ingredients set for cookingbeef), basa be siap (ingredients set for cookingchicken), basa be pasih (ingredients set for cookingseafood), basa jukut (ingredients set for cookingvegetables) etc. To prepare Balinese food, the veryimportant thing is to know how to prepare and usebasa.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

82 Panel 2Ingredients / Type of basaBasagedeBasawangiBasamanisBasagenepBasaintukBasauligBasarajangBasabe sampiBasabe siapBasabe pasihSalt / / / / / / / / / /Shallot / / / / / / / / / /Garlic / / / / / / / / / /Red chili / / / / / / / /Kencur / / / / / / / /Palm sugar / / / / /Ginger / / / / / / /Galangal / / / / / / / /Turmeric / / / / / / / /Candle nut / / / / / / /Lemongrass / / / / / / / /Salam leaves / / / / / / / /Shrimp paste / / / / / /Lemon leaves / / / /Black pepper / / / /White pepper / / / /Coriander seeds / / / / /Cumin / Ginten / / / /Ginten cemeng leaves / /Bird chili / / / / / /Cloves / /Nutmeg / /Sesame/ Wijen / /Jangur / / /Shampoo Ginger/ Lempuyang / / /Kaffir lime/ Jeruk purut / /Cinnamon / /Honey / /Burned coconut / /Simbukanleaves / /Basa wangi / / /BasajukutTable 13: Table shows components found in some basa.Wise adaptation of local and traditional wisdom isessentialAround 50 years ago the only kind of gudeg availablewas the wet type normally prepared and eaten byfamilies. Dry gudeg then grew popular as it is easy totransport. It has become commercialized and is part ofYogyakarta’s identity. The marketing of gudeg is agood example of how a local and traditional food cansurvive in the modern era. It is also a clear example ofhow a local wisdom allied to health has given way toeconomic forces.Traditional Food, Traditional Medicine, and allAspects of Local Wisdom are Parts of a CultureA culture has a strong foundation when it is aboutbehaviors that people share and understand. Personswho do not have a strong understanding of their owncultures are easily influenced by new ones. This leadsto a situation in which they have a firm footing inneither the old nor the new culture. Change can bringnew problems that are not easily solved because there isno support system. However, if a culture is strong,people can interact positively with a new culture. Thetraditional culture can survive if the changes are inThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?83form rather than in essence. Adaptation can take placewith the help of education and information.Local Wisdom in Herbal Plants and HerbalMedicine: The Indonesian ExperienceIn 1982 the government of the Republic of Indonesiaannounced a new National Health Policy, (ministerialregulation Keputusan menteri kesehatan RI No.99a /Menkes /SK/III /1982 Tgl. 2 maret 1982) with the goalto make all citizens healthy by various means. Becausethe country lacked modern medical personnel, stresswas placed on primary health care, including themedicinal use of plants, animals and minerals. Thehealth ministry launched the Tanaman obat keluargaprogram (Family Medicinal Garden Program)throughout the country. This program holds thatevery Indonesian household should cultivate a herbalgarden to provide for basic prevention and healinghealth needs. The program is similar to Thailand’sHerbs For Fundamental Health Care project. But inIndonesia the responsible agency, the Subdivision ofFolk Medicine and Alternative Medicine, waspromoted to a Division in 2011. The Division plans toreactivate and strengthen the program.In 2007 Jamu was declared an Indonesian nationalbrand by the then President Susilo BambangYudhoyono. The government now supports theindustrialization of jamu. Educational institutions andstudy programs have been set up. But little has beendone in relation to jamu as local wisdom.In 2009, according to Health Law No.36, FolkMedicine was declared a part of the National HealthService. In 2010, the central government launched atleast 12 special clinics in state hospitals providingservices based on traditional medicine. Practitioners ofmodern or western medicine have been trained toprescribe herbs or traditional medicine. But thisprescribed medicine is concentrated on fitofarmaka,traditional and herbal medicine developed withmodern technology. That means ordinary people,especially folk doctors, cannot take a significant part inthe campaign.Yet the possibility to be an active part of the NationalHealth Service is not yet totally closed. According toan official regulation of Indonesian Food and DrugOrganization, declared in 2004, three kinds of herbalor traditional medicine can be registered as allowed.1. Jamu, or empirically-based herbal medicine.2. Obat herbal terstandar, or scientific-based herbalmedicine3. Fitofarmaka, or clinically-based herbalmedicine. This kind of medicine is mostlyprescribed by doctors in state hospitals.All medicine traded in public markets must have a logoidentifying clearly one of these three registrationcategories.The criticism of this standardization is as follows: Thecataloging is on the one hand “good” and practical,because consumers can make their own decisionsabout which mode of production of traditionalmedicine they chose. It is a kind of guarantee by thestate. On the other hand, the cataloging introduces akind of discrimination. Traditional practitioners withempirical experience but no means of gettingregistration due to lack of “knowledge” and“technology” are kept out of the system. So the largepharma industries will automatically be given morechance to make increased profits and eventuallyperhaps a monopoly in the health care service.Epilogue:Observations on Local food: Wisdom is slowlydissolved in an ‘Age of Change’Changes in local food consumption patterns mayresult in a loss of local knowledge about traditionalfood systems.1. Consumption of more vegetables and food is madeeasier due to the exchange of money. Consumers havea wide degree of choice due to open markets. Howmany people will still go to the forests to collect foodsand vegetables?2. The increasing importance of education in theclassroom means generations of children in rural areasare removed from their original localities to attendschools and colleges in bigger villages, towns and cities.The transfer of local knowledge from grandparentsand parents to children is made more vulnerable. Thefuture generations, who should be “receivers” oftraditional wisdom, have little opportunity to learnwhat is known as the deep knowledge andunderstanding of their ancestors.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

84 Panel 23. With globalization comes modern technology. Theopen society and western, modern and scientificallymindedcultures have been widely accepted as superior.Traditional culture is looked down upon as inferior,old-fashioned. Young modern people are ashamed toconnect to “ancient” subjects. New lifestyles makewestern foods popular. There is heavy promotion ofbranded international fast foods.Present generations are forgetting their traditionalfood. Accumulated wisdom is being lost. One result ismore diabetes. Some people still recall the healthy foodthey ate when young but they do not know how tocook it.4. The government should focus more on maintainingtraditional knowledge. Many teaching departmentsconcerning food and cooking promote domestic foods,but do not teach the in-depth local wisdom behindeach ingredient or ideas about healthcare in relation toindividual foods. In fact, teachers and educationaldepartments can do much to promote the wisdom oflocal recipes. Students from rural or remote areas couldbe encouraged to ask their parents and grandparentsfor local wisdom and the schools could collect suchinformation. In this way a part of local wisdom couldbe kept alive. Three educational institutes promised tofollow up this idea after I held conversations with keypersonnel there. Other agencies involved in thedevelopment and promotion of knowledge said theywould do similar.Minor explanations for why local food has lost itspopularity among modern Indonesian peoples,especially urbanities, include;5. Many urban Indonesians have married outside theirown ethnicity and have adapted new lifestyles. Suchfamilies consume more western foods and smalleramounts of food. Many people I interviewed said localfood involved more trouble as there are a lot ofingredients, more preparation time, and challengespreparing it in modern kitchens. They felt that if youwanted to eat something local it was best to go to arestaurant or a supermarket.6. Medan city still has some shops that help promotethe cooking of local food. The shops have grindingmachines for local food ingredients. Customers canbuy fresh ingredients such as pepper, onion, garlic,pepper and avoid having to grind them at home.Fresh instant ingredients shop in Medan.Local foods are considered healthy, since they originatelocally and are derived from natural sources. But sincethe world has become a “global village,” the questionmust be asked, is there any place left that is safe, secureand healthy, since production systems have beenmoving to a model based on capitalism and worldmarkets.The problems facing local wisdom and food, and theutilization of indigenous medicinal vegetables forhealth care, are seen in many traditional societies intransition, including ASEAN countries. Folk wisdomis disappearing. How can it withstand the invadingcultural and economic globalization?Some local vegetables found in Carrefour supermarket.Reform of the education system is one solution. Thiscould be on two levels.1. Standard and formal education; apply scientificknowledge to improve acceptance of folk wisdom.2. Community education; apply appropriateanthropological theories for the sustainabledevelopment of folk wisdom.This writer suggests that a synthesis of tradition andmodernity can and must be found. We in the ASEANcommunity — and we in the API network - sharesimilar cultural backgrounds and traditionalfoundations from which we can meet the challenges ofglobalization with strong responses.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?85REFERENCESAmal, M. Adnan. 2010. Kepulauan rempah-rempah : Perjalanansejarah Maluku Utara 1250-1950. Jakarta: KPG (KepustakaanPopuler Gramedia).Balai pelestarian sejarah dan nilai tradisional Banda Aceh. 2004.Makanan tradisional melayu di sumatera utara.Budah Gautama, Wayan. 2004. Dharma caruban tuntunanmembuat olahan/ebatan. Surabaya: ParamitaGanie, Suryatini N. 2010. Mahakaya kuliner 5000 resepmakanan & minuman di Indonesia. Jakarta: PT Gramediapustaka utama.Hidayat, Zulyani. 1997. Ensiklopedi suku bangsa di Indonesia.Jakarta: LP3ES.Lasmadiwati, Endah and Putu Oka Sukanta. 2008. Sehatmandiri dengan akupresur & ramuan. Bogor: Taman Sringanis.Mangoting, Danial, Imang Irawan and Said Abdullah. 2005.Tanaman lalap berkhasiat obat. Depok: Swadaya.Marwanti. 2000. Pengetahuan masakan Indonesia. Yogyakarta:Adicita karya nusa.Murniatmo, Gatut, Ani Rostiyati, Mudjijono and DarsoHarnoko. 1992. Pengobatan tradisional daerah istimewaYogyakarta. Jakarta: Direktorat jenderal kebudayaan.Nala, Ngurah. 2006. Aksara bali dalam usada. Surabaya:Paramita.Ochse, J.J. 1942. Sajoer-sajoeran negeri kita. Batavia: Balaipoestaka.Parisada hindu dharma, kabupaten Tabanan. 1984. Bukudharma-caruban. Denpasar: PUSDOK.Pusat kajian maskanan tradisional. 2010. Pangan tradisionalBali. Denpasar: Udayana University.Raffles, Thomas Stamford. 1817. The history of Jawa volume I.London: Cox and Baylds.Raffles, Thomas Stamford. 1817. The history of Jawa volume II.London: Cox and Baylds.Ranggasutrasna, Ngabei (atas prakarsa Sunan PakubuwanaV).1991-1994. Centhini Tambangraras-Amongraga jilid 1-3.Jakarta: Balai pustaka.Ranggasutrasna, Ngabei (atas prakarsa Sunan Pakubuwana V).2005-2010.Serat centhini jilid 4-12. Yogyakarta: Gadjah MadaUniversity Press.Remen, I ketut. 1987. Olah olahan paebatan bali.Segatri putra, I gusti. 1999. Taru premana. Denpasar.Soepardi, R. 1952. Hutan dan hasilnja jang dapat di makan.Djakarta: Balai pustaka.Suci, Ni Ketut, I Made Panca, Ida Bagus Yudha Triguna and IdaBagus Dharmika (Proyek penelitian dan pengkajian kebudayaanbali). 1986. Pengolahan makanan khas bali. Bali: Direktoratjendral kebudayaan.Suriaviria, H.Unus. 2000. Tanaman lalap dan penyakit masakini. Jakarta: Papas Sinar Sinanti.Tilaar, Martha,Wong Lip Wih and Anna Setiadi-Ranti. 2010.The green science of jamu. Jakarta: Dian Rakyat.Triratnawati, Atik. 2005. Masalah kesehatan dalam kajian ilmusosial-budaya. Yogyakarta: Kepel Press.Trobus info kit (Vol.8). Herbal indonesia berkhasiat buktiilmiah & cara racik. Depok: Wisma hijau.Ubaidullah, Hajah T. Jaurail. 1996. Buku masakan melayu.Jakarta.Usada Budhakecapi, Usada Sundari Siksa, Usada Parik kayuWidyawati, Wiwien. 2010. Ensiklopedi obat jawa. Yogyakarta:Pura Pustaka.Von Holzen, Heinz and Lother Arsana. 1993. The food of Bali.Singapore: Periplus.ACKNOWLEDGMENTSThe author is grateful to the following institutions whichprovided him with support him during his stay in Indonesia;The Faculty of Agriculture, University of North Sumatra Islam,(through Ir. Rahmad Setia Budi, the Dean), the IndonesianInstitute of Science, (through Ir. I Nyoman Lugrayasa, theDirector of Bali Botanic Garden, and Pak. Bayu Adjie). Theauthor is also grateful to the many individuals who assisted withsuggestions and interviews and by giving information andmaterials. I give heartfelt thanks to my father, my mother, andmy family, who have encouraged and supported me.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

86 Panel 2“Master Planning” vs “Networking” Approaches to Solve ContemporaryUrban Crises in Asian citiesKenta KishiIntroductionAs an architect involved in design and researchprojects, I have visited many cities around the worldand observed many large urban development projects.I have noticed that when I am in cities, I often becomelost and disoriented. I have also noticed that cityresidents often refer to large urban developmentprojects around them as though they were “hit or miss”affairs. I have often asked myself: what do we reallywant of a city?The modern Western model of “master-planning” forurban development often encompasses ideas aroundcreating “ideal cities” from “ground zero”. 1 Why arethe pre-existing aspects of urban life almost neverincorporated into such projects?In recent years, I have focused on one Asian urbansettlement to investigate these questions. Uponentering the mainly lower-middle-class settlement, it isinstantly evident that residents continually performsmall actions to maintain and improve the quality ofdaily life in the area. The place is dynamic and filledwith many realities. There are many positive hints tobe found for urban development.Project BackgroundThis project focused on kampung (informal urbansettlements) in Surabaya, Indonesia’s second largestcity and the capital of East Java. It focused on socialstructures, living environments and local dailyactivities. Special attention was paid to systems of selforganizationand the maintenance of identity. Manysmall programs which I call “micro-projects” wereobserved, and some were considered as strategicmaterial for an alternative approach to urban design.By examining the possibilities of networking amongmicro-projects this study tries to propose amethodology of urban design and/or urbanmanagement that reflects the complexity of urbanecosystems. The goal is to overcome negative impactson the quality of the environment in urbandevelopment.The potentials and possibilities within the kampungand the city were investigated, mainly throughcooperative research and study activities with diverselocal players, including government employees,academic societies, business groups, civil groups andmedia. Rather than pursue an objective analysis ofmeasurable city data, such as is pursued by expertsunder the master-planning model, the study employeda cooperative method in which possibilities wereexplored spontaneously and dynamically. The city wasseen as a platform for investigation and participationin an open process.Surabaya in TransitionSurabaya’s urban environment has seen majortransition during the recent period of economicrecovery after the Asian Financial Crisis. Surabaya is ahistorical city that encompasses many kampung andincludes diverse racial and ethnic groups, including theJavanese, Madurese, Arab and Chinese. There are twolarge challenges in the city’s current configuration.Urban sprawl (suburbanization) has seen uppermiddle-class and wealthy people moving out from thecenter of Surabaya, creating an economic disparitybetween the outside and inside of the city. 2 The secondmajor problem is the extent of large developmentprojects in the central area, such as hotels, shoppingmalls and office complexes, which are erasing oldresidential areas. Both issues undermine traditionalpatterns of local urban culture and impose instead amodel of the successful city as portrayed in advancedcountries. The “new” Surabaya is becoming a typicalgeneric city of global standards. The city will mostlikely become a place to which residents will lose theirattachment, as master-planning erases its memories,history and identity.Beyond Master-PlanningThis project suggests key problems of the masterplanningapproach.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?87ExclusivityIt is in the nature of master planning to engenderan exclusivity that eliminates diverse groups ofpeople. Planners aim to reach their goal via theshortest and fastest route, without interventionsand diversions. A limited number of participantssuch as investors, developers and planners areinvolved in the process. There is usually littleeffort to listen to residents.RigidityThere is always a risk that a project may be heldup by an investor or a government. Since masterplanning always has single fixed goals, it rarelyincludes the provision of alternative possibilitiesor options. This means that if difficulties areencountered, projects may be suspended orabandoned. Surabaya now has various wastedcentral urban spaces as a result of projects beingabandoned during the Asian Financial Crisis.HierarchyMaster planning generally works on a tree-typemodel of chain of command and workflow. Thismodel is highly rational and economical inrelation to task management, but given the largenumber of segmented and specialized elementsinvolved, there can be inflexibility when aproject runs into challenges or trouble. 3MeasurabilityThe data in master planning includes mainlymeasurable information such as cost, area, ratio,and period. The data rarely acknowledges thateach city has its own character, history andmemories. This character is in fact a veryimportant aspect to be taken into considerationin urban planning.Kampung in Surabaya, and the concept of “Micro-Projects” and the “Platform/Network” SystemA kampung is at the tail of a great tree structure orofficial administrative system. Yet kampung alsoinvolve village-type systems in which people help eachother and share activities and ceremonies. Such jointactivities are often carried out by small communalunits such as neighborhood associations, RukunWarga (RW) and neighborhood organizations RukunTetangga (RT).In the real-life setting of the kampung, we see thegeneration and cultivation of many informalinnovations. Various small “settings” or micro-projectsas well as “activities” exist and are linked in networksor webs. Creativity and solutions for local needs indaily life can be found everywhere in shared spaces,such as in alleys, in small dead-end streets surroundedby houses, in open spaces at the end of alleys, and inresidences and gardens or other spaces owned byinhabitants. Residents are highly aware of public/common spaces, especially those for which ownershipis unclear. Residents create all kinds of informalsettings for their own enjoyment and convenience.Activities include setting up food stalls, selling basicnecessities, using spaces to chat with neighbors,hanging around, playing chess, watching children play,taking naps, avoiding the rain and sun, hanging outlaundry, enjoying greenery or listening to birdsong.The important point is that these micro-projects arenot stand-alone. They support each other. The settingup of one micro-project is intertwined with othermicro-projects or activities and each impact on theother. The networking processes of these microprojectsare open-ended. 4Study ApproachesThe following research approaches were taken:Approach A: Internal MeasurementThe kampung urban environment is developedand maintained through the resident’s daily livesand their personal motivations. The project setup a base camp for research activities throughparticipation in various local activities as amember of the community.Approach B: CooperationA “platform/network” is defined as aspontaneous environment development system.This study set up such a platform, whichoperated via a cooperative work style andthrough exchanges of views on city issues withgroups such as residents, media, corporations,government organizations and civic groups. Thisapproach made us very aware of the importanceof achieving wide cooperation in order toinstigate urban projects.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

88 Panel 2Approach C: PublicThe project organized multiple public seminarsat its base-camp and held a large publicexhibition. An important objective of thesepublic gatherings was to promote participationby public intellectuals in city activities. Suchparticipation helps key players to recognize theimportance of interdisciplinary approaches tourban activity.Methodology and ProcessThis project operated in five phases;Phase 01Camp-on Kampung: Orange House Studio (OHS)The project rented a typical house in downtownSurabaya as a base for research activities. 5 The housewas maintained and repaired in cooperation withneighbors and local university students. This helped uslearn local’s work styles and culture. 6 A project teamwas set up through a public process and three localyoung professionals from different design fieldsbecame involved. 7 They went on to conduct publicactivities such as seminars, discussions and moviescreeningsat the center, which was named OrangeHouse Studio (OHS) by local participants. The namereflected the color of the house and also reflected asymbolic name in the colonial era. 8Phase 02Field Work: “Micro-project,” a cultivated spot ofthe cityThis phase was carried out by cooperative work withITS DESPRO (Department of Industrial DesignProduct, Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember).First, we arranged an orientation workshop at theschool’s design studio in order for students who wouldconduct fieldwork to understand and share theconcept of “micro-project”. They also received trainingin becoming active observers of the city. The bookGotham Handbook by French photographer SophieCalle was introduced as a reference.Figure 1: A micro-project from the Gotham Handbook.This book was produced as a result of written advice tothe photographer from the American writer PaulAuster. The writer advised Calle after she moved toNew York City to “love and cultivate your spot in thecity sustainably”. Calle followed this advice throughpractical and creative actions. She focused on a publictelephone booth on a street as a micro-project. Shepainted it green, decorated it with fresh flowers, andattached a favorite photo and a chair. It became afamiliar spot in city for her and others. We could saythe booth was not only an artwork but but also a socialaction, in which the boundary between public spaceand ownership could be observed and analyzed.We asked the students to find a spot on their campus,analyze it and propose their own micro-project there,as a case study.After the orientation workshop, we visited severalkampung, took photos, conducted interviews, andcollected a large and diverse amount of micro-projects.Information and data of measurable and quantitativetypes was collected.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?89Researched KampungCharacteristics (religion / history / location / ethnic group)AmpelIslam (religious center) / historical / old downtown / ArabPenelehMixed (mostly Islam) / historical / old downtown / mixed (mostly Javanese)Malang Kulon (1)Islam / after WW2 / present downtown / JavaneseBlauranMixed (mostly Islam) / after WW2 / present downtown / mixed (mostly Javanese)KetandanMixed (mostly Islam) / after WW2 / present downtown / mixed (mostly Javanese)Plemahan BesarIslam / after WW2 / present downtown / JavaneseGentengIslam / after WW2 / present downtown / JavaneseKeputihIslam / new / suburbia / JavanesePlampitan (2)Mixed (mostly Islam) / historical / old downtown / mixed (mostly Javanese)LemahPutro (2)Islam / after WW2 / present downtown / JavaneseTambak Bayan (2)Guan-yu ( Buddhist and Christian) / historical / old downtown / ChineseTable 1: Kampung marked (1) were part of Phase I of the project. Those marked (2) two hosted exhibitions in Phase 5 of the project.Title: Expanded Interior Space for Multiple ActivitiesSome householders provide a large wooden bench in front of their houses. Thebenches are a site for diverse activities. A bench can be defined as an extension of theinterior of the house, but it can also be understood as a container of activities on analleyScale of Time: Daytime (except when raining)Transition: There are many transitions of activitiesEvents: Watching passers-by, chatting, studying (school kids), napping, eating, etc.Objects: Large bench, alley, housePlayers: Owner of bench (any generation and member), neighbors, passers-bySite: Kampung KetandanCollector: Orange House StudioDate: 2010 / Nov / 16Scale of Space: approximately 2 sq.mFigure 2: A micro-project at Kampung KetandanTitle: Bird HomesA house-owner decided to hang up many birdcages on an empty wall in front of hishouse. A formerly quiet alley began to have the beautiful sound of birds, and an uglywall was transformed into a place for birds.Scale of Time: The cages are hung up only in daytimeTransition: Quiet alley is filled by bird song in daytimeEvents: Listening to bird song, hanging up bird cages, stowing away cages at nightObjects: Birds, bird song, deck of owner’s house, bench or chair, empty wallPlayers: Birds, house owner, neighbors, owner of nearby house, passers-bySite: Kampung BlauranCollector: Orange House StudioDate: 2010 / Nov / 20Scale of Space: Wall of a kampung houseFigure 3: A micro-project at Kampung BlauranThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

90 Panel 2Title: A Book Store on a FenceA man sells books in front of Masjid Ampel during daytime. He places the books on apart of a fence around the masjid. He also hangs up a plastic bag that contains hispersonal items. The location is his showcase or shop, and the fence functions asfurniture to hold his personal belongings.Scale of Time: DaytimeTransition: From rejecting function (= for security) to attracting function.Events: Selling books, arranging books on the fence, waiting for customersObjects: Fence, books, plastic bag (as a carrying container of books)Players: Customers, seller, passers-by, religious people at the masjidSite: Kampung AmpelCollector: Orange House StudioDate: 2010 / Dec / 07Scale of Space: for twenty booksFigure 4: A micro-project at Kampung AmpelTitle: Shop that is 300mm wideDescription: A shop in Pasar Ampel (Bazar Ampel) operates along a narrow alley nearanother shop. It sells “Kopiah” and “Jilbab” which are displayed separately, with“male” and “female” garments on opposite sides of the alley.Scale of Time: During Pasar business hours (normally daytime)Transition: The alley is made narrower, and it looks busier. The alley has become ashop, and also a sleeping space for the shopkeeper.Events: Folding and unfolding of space. Selling and buying. Shopkeeper is sleeping/living under a cabinet 300mm wide.Objects: Alley (with walls on both sides), Masjid Ampel, Pasar Ampel, Shop items.Players: Customers, Shopkeeper, passers-bySite: Kampung AmpelCollector: Orange House StudioDate: 2010 / Dec / 07Scale of Space: 300mm from wall surfaceFigure 5: A micro-project at Kampung AmpelThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?91Phase 03Notation: visualization of ‘networking’In this phase, facts and possibilities related to variousmicro-projects were analyzed. Daily life and activitiesin the kampung are hugely diverse. In order tounderstand the complexity of the systems, we neededto develop a technique to visualize the information. Aspecific design icon was created for each micro-projectand their inter-relationships were depicted on alandscape photo.Figure 6: Icon design for micro-projectsFigure 7: Icon design for relationship of micro-projectsThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

92 Panel 2Figure 8: Visual interface of the kampung system.This visual information is not a tool to understand thephysical and measurable environment. Rather it is atool to recognize environmental quality, in a new way.This phase of work was operated jointly with designstudents from ITS DESPRO. We studied variousvisual information design systems from around theworld and developed our own technique.Phase 04Practice: application of “network/platform”concept for conventional design educationIn this phase, we proposed a micro-project forprofessionals in product design and architecture. Thissession was conducted in cooperation with UBAYADMP (Program Desain dan Manajemen Produk,Universitas Surabaya). It consisted of three parts;product design, engineering design andcommunication design. The concept involvedrestructuring the standard approach to designeducation by substituting a “network/platform”system. Traditional education involves a hierarchicalstructure, in which courses are taught by lecturers andstudents simply listen to lectures. Opportunities forinterdisciplinary communication are rare. This is nolonger suitable for the highly complex needs of designin a globalized world.At first, all courses were integrated into a sort of“platform” for a kampung administrative society.Activities were permitted to be flexible and studentswere required to communicate and exchange opinionsand information with people from differentbackgrounds and specialties. Lecturers were asked toact as flexible facilitators and to navigate students invarious directions. This process resulted in diversediscoveries and knowledge sharing. The platformbecame an alternative public space. The project was avaluable methodological trial.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?93Phase 05Practice: urban action through collective wisdomand experienceThis phase included the holding of a large publicexhibition with participation by residents, governmentorganizations, academic societies, businesses, civilgroups and members of the mass media. This diversegroup could be considered a prototype for a “network/platform” type of urban planning. 9Figure 9: A military tent provided by the city government was used for the main exhibition space in Kampung Peneleh.Figure 10: Audiences at a movie screening session by local cultural organization “Kinetik”.Figure 11: Public discussion with residents of kampung and others such as students, designers, architects, educators, government officers,journalists, owner of broadcasting company, etc.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

94 Panel 2ConceptThe theme and title of the exhibition was“Refugees of Future Cities”. In this time oftransition, many people envision cities in termsof master planning. In the future, this may meansome people end up as “refugees” from suchlocations. Everyone has the potential to be such arefugee.The exhibition aimed to encourage ways toconsider critical issues around the livingenvironment. The concept of “refugee” in thiscontext was not a negative one. Rather a refugeesuggested a person who was seeking positiveaction for survival and who was searching fornew possibilities. The exhibition title sent amessage that everybody should aim for aproductive existence, rather than being aconsumer.AimA main aim of the exhibition was to provide apublic platform to share and discuss the diversepossibilities of urban living in a kampung. Theexhibition was divided into sections onarchitecture, design and art. Each divisionoffered activities such as exhibitions, performingarts, movie screenings, design workshops andconferences. The exhibition was structured toopen up lengthy and comprehensive discussionamong stakeholders. This was also a trial to linkurban kampung systems to other public andsocial activities.SiteThree kampung were selected as exhibition sites.Each faced different critical issues in relation tothe current master-planning taking place in thistransition era in Surabaya. The public wasinvited through various activities to considerthese problems as their problem.SystemEach exhibition was programmed as a microprojectin the kampung. Each exhibition wasindependent, but had a certain connection withthe others.Stakeholders/ParticipantsFrom the preparation stage to the end of theexhibition project, diverse stakeholders andparticipants cooperated. Participants came fromSurabaya and all over Indonesia.ImpactParticipants realized that the quality of theexhibition would depend on the degree of theirparticipation. They recognized their capacity tofind the “hidden problems” of a city, if they weresufficiently committed. This interactiveexperience should be considered as amethodology to develop an ideal social andphysical city environment.Figure 12: A Bukan-Cafe (Not-Cafe) was constructed at Kampung Lemah Putro, through cooperative work by local residents anduniversity students from ITS and UBAYA.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?95Figure 13: A mural was drawn on walls at Kampung Tambak Bayan, through cooperative work between local residents and universitystudents from ITS and UBAYA.Figure 14: In the main site, an “Instant Space” for public events was constructed by a resident from Kampung Keputih and architecturestudents from ITS. Based on his experience in building his own house, he trained students in how they could build a house in two days andhow free materials should be collected and connected to make a new space.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

96 Panel 2Figure 15: A bamboo structure was designed and constructed on an existing bridge by Mohammad Cahyo, a young local architect. Onefunction of this structure was to act as an entrance gate for the main exhibition site.Figure 16: An artwork “C.M.S.S.K (Cache Memory Salvation Service of Kampung)” was produced by Kentaro Taki, a Japanese visualartist. He asked kampung residents what had the potential to become a memory should they have to leave their home or land through anatural disaster or because of a master-planning project.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?97ConclusionThis study discovered that meaningful informationcould be collected through actual urban activities. Thestudy’s five continuous phases, from research fieldworkto public exhibition in 10 months, enabled us to createa vision and to propose an alternative methodology ofurban planning.Struggle in the framework of urban societyThrough the progress of the project, we recognizedunderstandable conflicting interests and differentopinions among groups such as communities,developers, local governments and the media. Wefound that each party tried to solve issues from thestandpoint of their own conventional framework,neglecting the complexities and inter-relatedness ofthe issues. At the same time, it should be realized thatwe could not pinpoint issues and problems withoutconducting small-scale observations on all levels, and atthe level of daily life. Overlooking these matters wouldhave resulted in a “master planning” type of urbandevelopment. 10Let me explain what we observed at the kampungwhere we carried out this project.There was a dispute between residents of one kampungand a developer over a particular site. This seemedlikely to go to court. The kampung community calledthe project a “Money Tsunami”. They said that thedeveloper and the local authorities that approved theproject had not gone through the proper process. Thecommunity also blamed the mass media for failing toair the matter in public. Meanwhile, the developerviewed the community residents as “squatters”blocking the project. The dispute became emotionaland neither side had come up with constructive ideasfor an amicable resolution. Though a court may settlethe issue in future, any judgment would likely leave asour taste in the mouth for both parties. We foundthat the dispute was not simply an issue of real estatebut more a social issue. Kampung residents shouldconsider why their property was targeted by adeveloper for a new development. Factors such as “ayouth drain from the kampung,” “economic slump,”“losing industry/culture in the area,” etc., might havegiven a developer reasons for why the site should besuitable for a new development.These issues should be treated as socioeconomic issues.A developer aiming to generate quick projects can getembroiled in a court battle, damaging both the projectand the company image. Companies should avoid thisby recognizing the complexity of urban developmentand the fact that the issues affect many groups. Selfinterestedapproaches are not an answer. It is vital toensure cooperative efforts and approaches amongvarious social groups in order to achieve mutuallyacceptable and beneficial urban development.Through discussions with many stakeholders, we cameup with a proposal for how to proceed with urbandevelopment programs in the context of a fastdevelopingurban environment in Asia.1: Necessity of a committee to discuss urbanmattersEstablish a committee consisting ofrepresentatives of various social groups, with thegoal of reaching a common vision acceptable toall groups.Each committee member should focus onintergroup issues and on issues within his/herown group. All should be prepared to makeadjustments or compromises to reach the goal.We noticed that it is very rare for kampung tocooperate with other kampung on issues.Kampung tend to each have an independentspirit and organization. Through variousorganizations such as RW/RT and socialactivities, residents have a strong kampung-basedcommunity spirit.This cooperative spirit can however mean acertain closure to the opinions or feelings ofother communities, perhaps of a different race orreligion. There is often an iron gate at theentrance of kampung. In fact, cooperation andinformation sharing between kampung would bean important step towards solving commonproblems.2: Importance of education to develop theurban environmentAll stakeholders should have an opportunity toaccess appropriate education to support them torecognize and understand key issues. Thiseducation does not have to be a highly academicand/or special. It should be interdisciplinary andshould include awareness of kampung life, and ofmaster planning.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

98 Panel 2An appropriate educational program should bedeveloped. All stakeholders, including theauthorities, should be familiar with themethodology.Our project is now starting to test the aboveideas in Surabaya with some local professionals,such as an architect, a sociologist and ajournalist, and with kampung communities. Wewill treat the city as a school campus, and aspecial focus will be placed on issues related toindividual kampung and their histories andtraditions.3: Practice in other Asian citiesThis methodology could be applied to otherAsian cities, where massive urban changes arecausing problems such as a lack of harmonybetween people and the space they occupy. Cityauthorities tend to view master planning as thesolution. However, this rarely pays attention tothe specifics of a community and an urban space.This project hopes to show the way towards anenhanced vision of city life.It is intended that the project will have a mediator tospearhead the process. The mediator should be inneutral position without having any financial interestin a particular party and/or prejudice against it. Themediator should be a professional regarding urbanissues and capable of mediating between differentopinions.Our project could be treated as a first step. In fact, afew kampung and media that cooperated in this projecthave started to network with each other. Localdesigners and students are continuing their urbanstudies by holding meetings, public seminars,exhibitions and by issuing publications.Looking aheadIn cities, meaningful actions lead to other actions. Thisprocess makes for dynamism in city life. In contrast,master planning can destroy social cohesion andencourage instead isolation and alienation. In Japan,locations similar to kampung known as shitamachi, aredisappearing. Kampung are also in crisis. Thedestruction of urban systems is a loss and a tragedy. It isvital to revive traditional and indigenous urbanknowledge in relation to cities and for a broadcoalition of groups to work together in new ways for abetter urban future.NOTES1 An unrealized urban planning project by the French architectLe Corbusier, “a Contemporary City of Three MillionInhabitants (Ville Contemporaine)” in 1922, is an exampleof one of the earliest examples of master planning. Thisclearance/master-plan style was totally new when it wasunveiled. Most people who had affection towards the existingspace were against it. However, since the scheme was clearcutin terms of economic efficiency, construction andmaintenance, it became a model that is still followed today.23The Pruitt–Igoe housing project in St. Louis, the UnitedStates, was designed by the American architect MinoruYamasaki in 1954 and became a remarkable failure of masterplanning. This large complex degenerated into slum-likeconditions quickly and was demolished 16 years afterconstruction was finished.Many Asian cities may follow the urban crisis processesalready seen in Detroit and St. Louis in the U.S. Criticalproblems such as Hollowing and Gentrification will need tobe discussed in Surabaya.Christopher Alexander, an Austrian-born Americanarchitect and urban planner, suggested the problems andlimitations of “tree” type urban structures in his article “ACity is not a Tree” in 1965. He proposed an abstract “Semilattice”model as an alternative. This was a proposal for thephysical aspect of a city, but we should consider how it couldbe applied to non-physical aspects. A “Semi-lattice” is a typeof network structure that can contain diversity andcomplexity.4 The concept and details of the “tree” and “platform/network” system were introduced by Kenta Kishi at theInternational Conference on Creative Industry 2011 in Bali,Indonesia.5Kelurahan Tegal Sari, Kampung Malang Kulon 1, no.3 (wewere attached to “RT2”, a local administrative society)6 Neighbors who cooperated with us to set up a base includeddrivers of becak, an Indonesian three-wheeled, pedal-poweredcart. Becak drivers may also be handymen. For our project,they provided a living archive of handy-work knowledgewhich helps maintain the kampung environment.7 Kumara Sadana (Product Designer / Lecturer at DMPUBAYA), Pandu Utomo (Communication Designer) andBintang Putra (Product Designer) cooperated in this projectas local directors. They named our base OHS -Orange HouseStudio.8The Hotel Majapahit is the most popular historical site inSurabaya. It was built in 1910 as the Oranje Hotel (OrangeHotel), after the Dutch Royal family, by Lucas MartinSarkies of the famous Armenian family whose collection ofThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?999grand hotels includes Raffles in Singapore, the Strand inRangoon and the Eastern and Oriental in Penang.A documentary film was produced by students from ITSDESPRO which explains the work of participants in theexhibition “Refugees of Future Cities”.http://vimeo.com/2771698910 During the process, the issues below were recognized asproblems to be overcome:1: Paradox of alternative methodologyWhen an alternative methodology is developed which aimsto replace master planning, there is always a risk that thealternative plan would become another case of masterplanningshould the plan put too much emphasis oneconomic efficiency. How can we solve this risk?2: Ambivalent informationMeasurable data will be needed for any kind of urbanplanning. Immeasurable data, such as the experience andmemory of residents, is also important. Architects and urbanplanners must balance these two types of information. Howwe can operationalize this kind of decision-making?3: Value of inefficiencyMainly because of economic reasons and time issues, a“platform/network” approach is often likely to be turneddown. Yet master planning often incurs unexpected costs andgenerates complaints, down the road. Thus it is difficult andtime-consuming to evaluate the “best” kind of planning, evenfrom a strictly economic stance. How can the “inefficiency”of the alternative approach be understood as a suitable toolfor urban planning?REFERENCESAlexander, Christopher. 1965. A City is Not a Tree.Architectural Forum.Calle, Sophie. 1999. Double Game. With the participation ofPaul Auster. Violette Editions.Jakobs, Jane. 1961. The Death and Life of Great American Cities,Vintage Books.Kishi, Kenta. March 10, 2011. Meta-Kampung: The ThirdConcept of Sustainability. Plenary speech at InternationalConference on Creative Industry 2011, Bali, Indonesia.http://icci2011.wordpress.com/Koolhaas, Rem. April 03, 2009. Sustainability: advancement vs.apocalypse. Keynote lecture at Ecological Urbanism Conference,Harvard University. http://www.oma.eu/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=132&Itemid=25Le Corbusier. 1922. A Contemporary City of Three MillionInhabitants (Ville Contemporaine). Unrealized plan of urbandevelopment.Poster of Camp-on Kampung Exhibition “Refugees of FutureCities” can be downloaded from this link: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/3037653/refugees-of-future-cities.pdfYamasaki, Minoru. 1954. Pruitt–Igoe Housing Project. Urbanredevelopment project.ITS DESPRO (Department of Industrial Design Product,Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember) http://www.its.ac.id/en/despro.phpUBAYA DMP (Program Desain dan Manajemen Produk,Universitas Surabaya) http://ubaya.ac.id/courses/pk_dmp/0/Program-Desain-dan-Manajemen-Produk.htmlWEB AND MEDIA SOURCESculture360. 2011.Refugees of Future Cities. Web magazinehttp://culture360.org/event/refugee-of-future-cities-surabayaexhibition/fold this.. 2011.Camp-on Kampung Exhibition. Web magazinehttp://foldmagazine.com/event/camp-on-kampung-exhibition/Indonesia Kreatif. 2011. Web magazineRefugees of Future Citieshttp://www.indonesiakreatif.net/index.php/id/event/read/refugees-of-future-citiesJawa Pos. 2011. Metropolitan sectionApril 04, April 24 and May 02, 2011Prastyo, Eddy. 2011. Suara Surabaya. Web magazinePeneliti Jepang 9 Bulan Blusukan Kampung Surabaya (April 03,2011)http://kelanakota.suarasurabaya.net/?id=d75e6b3628622670f34d54cbbcc4300d201190918Kampung Jadi Benteng Terakhir Kota Surabaya (April 04, 2011)http://kelanakota.suarasurabaya.net/?id=d75e6b3628622670f34d54cbbcc4300d201190926whiteboard journal. 2011. Web magazineRefugees of Future Citieshttp://whiteboardjournal.com/news/event/refugees-of-futurecities.htmlACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThis project could not have been conducted without strongteamwork by local participants and stakeholders. KumaraSadana, Pandu Utomo and Bintang Putra were the localdirectors during the whole process. My appreciation also goes toresidents of kampungs Malang Kulon, Plampitan, Lemah Putro,Tambak Bayan and all the other kampung. Lastly, I would like tothank staff and students from UBAYA DMP, and students,lecturers and Mr. Baroto Tavip Indrojarwo (Head of IndustrialDesign Department) at ITS DESPRO, a counterpart of thisproject.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

100 Panel 3A Mindscape Like No Other? 1Bits and Pieces on the Globalization of Manga Subculture and Visual IdentityHikmat DarmawanIntroductionThe subculture of manga (Japanese comics) hasbecome a part of global youth culture, especially sincethe late 1990s. Why? Is it because of some internalquality of manga, such as the superiority of this uniquevisual culture? Or is it because of something moreexternal, like the economic aspect of this culturalphenomenon? To find answers, the writer visitedJapan and Thailand, where, in journalistic mode, heobserved manga subculture on the street level. InTokyo, he set out to observe the perpetual movementof people, ideas, and things. He found a dynamicbetween “inside” and “outside” that has created aparticular mindscape that makes Japanese visualculture unique. To understand that mindscape isimportant in understanding what Donald Richiecalled “The Image Factory”, a unique aspect of Japan’sindustrialization process. Within this context, we canunderstand more about the globalization of mangasubculture. In some countries, this can be experiencedas a domination of local cultures.I went to Japan to try to understand the roots ofmanga or Japanese comics subculture. I then went onto Chiang Mai and Bangkok in Thailand, where I sawthe globalization of manga and its impact on the localcomics scene in Thailand.In Chiang Mai and Bangkok, manga is a given. Just goto any bookstore, large or small, in either city. Betteryet, go to any of the rental comics shops that are soprevalent in Chiang Mai. You will find that “comics”are “manga” there. “It’s a cultural invasion, there’s noother words for it”, said Penwadee (“Pooh”), a youngfemale curator working in the Jim Thompson galleryin Bangkok.I am very familiar with this phenomenon: the samething happened within Indonesia’s comic scene in the1990s. That is why I became so curious about whatmakes manga so popular around the world. Whatespecially made me curious was the fact that for manymanga enthusiasts in Indonesia, manga culture hadbecome so embedded in their identity that they couldnot help but become “Japanese” to a certain extentwhen they expressed themselves.One of the most talented Indonesian comic artists,Oyas Sujiwo, said to me that in the 1990s, at the heightof his infatuation with manga subculture, he preferredto spread the Japanese flag in his home during thecelebration of Indonesian Independence Day onAugust 17. Now he says he “knows better”, but he stilldoesn’t know why he did it.I was intrigued as to how this quintessentially Japanese(pop) culture could be so influential on current youthculture in far-flung places. I had read Daniel Choo’sbook, Otacool, which is basically a photo album aboutOtaku 2 (manga fans) around the world. There wassomething surreal for me, reading about an adultCaucasian so in love with Sailor Moon characters andfeeling really “cool”.I wanted to understand this subculture, the lure, theseduction, the machination. I wanted to see it frominside.Non-methodical researchIn Wrong About Japan, Australian novelist PeterCarey seamlessly chronicled his many initial notionsand assertions about Japan and how they all dissolvedafter he got there. Like me, he was driven by curiosityabout what made Japanese popular culture tick, and hewent there on a trip with his son to find out.At the end of the trip, and of the book, Carey said hefelt that almost all outsiders would find their from-adistanceimage of Japan quite wrong then theyencounter the reality of being there. But at the end ofthe experience, they will have found their own Japan.This was somewhat damning for my own research. Iwanted to do journalistic research, like Carey’s. Hisbook made me think that I will be wrong about Japanand I will find my own Japan anyway. I thought Imight as well experience the unknown fully, then.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 101So I gave up trying to learn the Japanese language. Iwent to Japan with some English language books aboutthe country and about Japanese comics, with someideas about where to go, who to speak to, and what todo, but overall I had the attitude that I was fearlesslystepping into The Great Unknown. (I lied to myselfabout this, of course. In reality, the prospect of livingfor nine months inside The Great Unknown was quitedreadful.)I also brought with me a belief that the journalisticapproach was basically “the art of being there”. Ajournalist should be there, wherever the action is,wherever the subject of his interest lives. Whatever ajournalist finds there, he or she should write about itwith a rigorous spirit to bring the reader in, too. Ibelieved that (good) journalistic writing couldtransport the reader, albeit virtually, into places wherethe journalist has been.Initially I wanted to spend most of my time in Japan inKyoto, quietly researching the rich manga materials inKyoto Manga Museum and hanging out in the mangadepartment in Kyoto Seika University. But afterseveral days in Tokyo and Kyoto, I felt the need to bemore inside the current Japanese comics scene. Kyotois a beautiful city, but I didn’t want my stay in Japan tobe all about temples and picturesque old Japaneseculture. I wanted to experience the more currentJapanese visual culture, and its manga subculture, atthe street level.So I decided to base myself in Tokyo, and to visitKyoto and other cities and towns periodically duringmy research between June 2010 and April 2011. Theneon lights, the colorful people who seemed always tobe in a hurry, the noise, the flood of the latest kitsch onthe walls, the constant anxiety about informationoverload. Yes, I needed that: to watch closely theperpetual movement of people, ideas, and things inTokyo.I thought that by being inside all this movement, Iwould understand more about the globalization ofmanga subculture. Globalization is about movement,intensified by technology.No culture is static. Ideas, technologies,products, and people move from one place toanother. When cultures come into contactthrough migration, trade, or the latesttelecommunications devices, they influence eachother… But the pace has changed… Today,because of the telephone, the television, theinternet, telecommunications satellites, worldtrade, and long-distance travel, culturalinfluences can spread across the planet as fast asthe click of a mouse. 3I moved around Tokyo corners. I tried to be there, tobe inside the visual culture that begat mangasubculture. I talked with people, went to events, triedto feel the city’s pulse, and wrote several pieces aboutwhat I saw for Indonesian media outlets. I wasn’t anacademic and I’m afraid that my research wasn’t verymethodical from an academic viewpoint. I just tried tomove along with the movement, and to say somethingabout it. 4Inside, OutsideInside Japan, I will always be an outsider. But I sensedthat Japan is a country where people have acuteawareness about inside and outside. Take a look at torii,the gates at the entrance of temples or shrines.A torii is unattached to any wall and is without anydoor. As all gates do, torii mark the demarcation ofoutside and inside. But without the physicality of walland door, the border between outside and insidebecomes spiritual. Or rather, it becomes virtual.Could it be that by becoming virtual, the borderbecomes stronger?By making the border virtual, the inside and the outsidebecome a mindscape. As a mindscape, the inside andthe outside become more present: in the strong notionabout the absolute difference between an outsider andinsider, in the management of spaces in cities, in“Japanese design” and the ways to enjoy it.Most Japanese houses and apartments have thin wallsand very small spaces. It is customary that soundsheard through the thin walls must be handled withdiscretion: you must pretend not to hear those sounds.The natural and acceptable sounds, that is – and here,we find another work of classification that mostlyoperates within a mindscape.There are acceptable noises from inside a home; thelaughter or wailing of children, a heated argument,possibly the muffled sound of a couple making love.There are also unacceptable noises from inside a home,and that must kept outside; the awkward sound ofThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

102 Panel 3people learning music instruments, or the sound ofpeople partying.Public spaces in Japan also impressed me as placesmanaged by the same acute sense of inside and outside.At temples, the outer side of the temple is generally aplace for economic transactions, a market. Walk to theinside of the temple, and the spaces grow quieter. Walkbeneath the torii, and you are closer to the sereneinside. And then, the temple itself, with its walls anddoors, which are always open: the stillness of the air,the quiet prayer, a monk moves swiftly without asound, and visitors from outside adapt to the soothingsilence.In the Shibuya area of Tokyo, I felt a similararrangement of spaces. There was the Meiji Temple,one of Tokyo’s biggest and most popular temples.Between the inner gate near the temple and the outergates near Harajuku and Yoyogi stations, there was asmall forest. Outside the outer gates, there was thelively Yoyogi park. And around that area, there was thecommercial district of Shibuya, Harajuku,Omotesando with all the noise, crowds and sights.But what was more important for me was that inJapan, the inside and the outside are prepared, oftenmeticulously, to become spectacles. The inside is unlikethe Western kind of inside: this is somethingmetaphysical, hidden in the dark. The act of bringing itout is an act of subversion of the kind that issometimes necessary to reach some kind ofenlightenment; it always a big, often dramatic, deal.Roland Barthes addressed this matter in his book,Empire of Signs, when he analyzed the bunraku theaterand the practice of “bowing” in Japan. About thetheater, he wrote:Take the Western theater of the last fewcenturies; its function is essentially to manifestwhat is supposed to be secret (“feelings”,“situations”, “conflicts”), while concealing thevery artifice of such manifestation (machinery,painting, makeup, the sources of light). Thestage since the Renaissance is the space of this lie:here everything occurs in an interiorsurreptitiously open, surprised, spied on, savoredby a spectator crouching in the shadows. Thisspace is theological – it is the space of Sin: on oneside, in a light which he pretends to ignore, theactor, i.e., the gesture and the word; on the other,in the darkness, the public, i.e., consciousness. 5Barthes, as a Westerner who had problems with theRenaissance, was struggling to understand howbunraku theater works so differently from Westerntheater. He understood that there is no hierarchicalrelation between inside and outside in bunraku theater.In Western theater, the inside commands the outside.The surface acts are always logical consequences of theinner world. Not so in bunraku theater.The key is that in bunraku, there is no concealing actof the artifice of the manifestation of the inside. Thedifference between the inside and the outside is not abig deal in bunraku: it’s just there, and we can watchboth.In the practice of Japanese politeness, in the practice ofbowing, Barthes found another dynamic of inside andoutside. Again, he tried to understand the Japanesepractice with his own set of (Western) problems:Occidental impoliteness is based on a certainmythology of the “person”. Topologically,Western man is reputed to be double, composedof a social, factitious, false “outside” and of apersonal, authentic “inside” (the site of divinecommunication)… However, as soon as the“inside” of the person is judged respectable, it islogical to recognize this person more suitably bydenying all interest to his worldly envelope:hence it is the supposedly frank, brutal, nakedrelation, stripped (it is thought) of all signaletics,indifferent to any intermediary code, which willbest respect the other’s individual value: to beimpolite is to be true—so speaks (logicallyenough) our Western morality.So he found (or rather, he thought Westerners wouldfind) the practice of bowing that is as casual as smilingfor the Japanese, an empty gesture. Barthes himselfappreciated the potential meaningfulness of emptinessin Japan (it is, after all, a typically Zen-thing). Or, moreprecisely, he appreciated the meaninglessness of manythings in Japan as opposed to the burden of meaningthat seems omnipotent in Western civilization.In regard to the dynamics between the inside and theoutside, Japanese people don’t find the very graphicgesture of bowing as problematic as Western people. Itis, for a Japanese person, a part of a natural thing to doin the outside world – the world in which they interactwith other people, the world where other people can seethem.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 103On the street level in Tokyo (also in Kyoto,Hiroshima, Miyajima island, Yokohama, Osaka, andsome other smaller cities and towns that I visited),there is a constant flow of these kinds of appearances:stock gestures, “proper” attitudes, and the “right”costumes. Bowing is but one gesture that isimmediately recognizable because of its very graphiccharacter. A Westerner may find it odd compared tohis or own concept of politeness, as Barthes suggested.Streets and public spaces in Tokyo felt like a bigtheater for me. Japanese people extended so manyexpressions to other people (to foreigners, and to eachother) that it felt akin to the donning of spectacles. Itwasn’t insincerity. It was just that they couldn’t help it.It is part of a “manual” on how to appear when in thepresence of the eyes of another.Hafiz Ahmad is an Indonesian who lives in Chiba,Tokyo. He is pursuing a doctoral degree inexperimental psychology, and he confirmed mysuspicions. One very hot June day in Odaiba, Tokyo,Ahmad told me, “Indonesians have so many differentexpressions for, say, surprise. In Japan, they always havethe same expressions for surprise. They haveuniformity on other emotions too. When I went toDisneyland with my Indonesian friends, we wereflabbergasted. We thought, “Can Japanese not say anyother word besides kawaii 6 when see something theyfind cute?” Every now and then, all day long, wealways, always, heard them shout, “kawaii…!”“The manual” is a term I picked from a scan of HideoYamamoto’s manga titled Homunkurusu(Homunculus). This sci-fi/horror manga plays on thetheme of inside and outside in Japanese society veryeffectively. It is about Susumu Nakoshi who has theability to see “homunculus”, or manifestations of theinner (troubled) psychology of people around him,when he closes one eye. He gained this strange abilityafter having brain surgery. With this bizarre premise,Yamamoto manages to provide a sharp socialcommentary about contemporary Japan.In Homunculus Vol. 3, Manabu and Nakoshi talkabout an underage girl who works in a sex shop. Thegirl is known in the shop simply as number 1775.Manabu thinks that the girl can only live according tothe “manual”, an unwritten book on how to live one’slife in contemporary Japan. Manabu analyzes the girl:I’m sure that her parents are from the manualgeneration. They’ve given 1775 everything…Toys, clothes, a course in life, all from a manual.When people like 1775 rebel against theirparents … they follow “the rebellion manuals”.Burusera, or shoplifting…And in a way, one of those manuals for the Japanese ismanga. As Marry Grigsby pointed out in her paperabout Sailor Moon, quoted by Wendy Siuyi Wong inMechademia Volume 1, the social function of manga inJapan is to provide readers withInformation about the beliefs, values andpractices of the culture in which they areconceived. 7With this social function of manga, one could wonderabout the role of manga in the dynamics of the insideand the outside in Japan. It is a known fact thatJapanese people in real life generally wouldn’t do manythings that “Japanese people” (or characters) do in theirmanga. Yet, many Japanese people are really attached totheir comics and identify with the manga characters.I think that it’s not just about the cathartic function ofmanga at work, or mere escapism. It’s about releasingwhat they cannot do outside into the inside of theirmindscape. But if manga is containing the insidethinking or feeling of Japanese people, the manga itselfis something that is out in the open: everybody canread it, everyone can see it.So, the inside is in the outside again.The image factoryThe age demanded an imageOf its accelerated grimace…- Ezra PoundWe established that as the burden of meaning isomnipotent in the West, image is omnipotent inJapan.We could, as many do, point out that one of the majorfactors in this is the use of kanji in the written cultureof Japan. Japanese kanji, adopted from China, as weknow, is basically a pictographic system of writing. Ithas shaped the Japanese culture and mindscapetowards a strong affinity with images and visualculture.If we connect this affinity with the dynamics of insideand outside in Japanese mindscape, we can see that itThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

104 Panel 3probably relates to the high degree of spectatorconsciousnessin Japanese people.Donald Richie, one of the most articulatecommentators of all things Japanese for the past 20years, approaches this with a slight different focus:Japanese are so “status-conscious”, and that’s why “selfimageis important and new image indicators are indemand”. 8For Richie, this cultural focus on social status, socialacceptance, or social conformity has played a veryimportant part in the flourishing of the phenomenonof fashions and fads in Japan. “This is everywhere true,but Japanese society includes conformism as a majoringredient and everyone wanting to do everything atthe same time creates a need which the fad and fashionfactories fill”. 9Fashion, as Richie used the term, is not only aboutclothing, but includes trends relating to gadgets,attitudes, and beliefs. It is something that floats on theupper layer of the fictionalized “national style” and isstronger than a somewhat unreliable “fad” (or “acustom, amusement or the like, followed for a timewith exaggerated zeal”, as Webster’s Unabridgeddefined it, quoted by Richie).Reading this, my mind was transported back to thedays when I roamed the streets of Tokyo and felt that Iwas in the middle of a big theater stage. Theater needsactors and costumes, right? Especially in Japan, wherethe performance is all about appearance.Images are essential; everybody has a role (or roles) toplay, in the street. “Salary man”, “Schoolboys andgirls”, “rebellious youth”, “cool guy”, “dolls”, “cutegirls”, “grand old man”, “Obo-chan (elderly womenwho walk around the city with travel bags, usuallyhomeless)” and so many more. They all have their owncostumes, accessories, and proper gadgets. Somebodycould make a fortune out of this theater.Indeed somebody (many people) has made fortunes,for quite a long time now. This is possibly what’sunique about the Japanese economy: a large portion ofit is the image-based industry and consumption. 10Richie counted many of its manifestations: the kawaiiindustry, the sex bazaar, manga culture, pachinko, etc.But I don’t really share Richie’s view about the culturalfactor shaping Japan’s economy.There is an affinity between image-culture andindustry in Japan, but it’s not a causal relation. AfterWorld War II, Japan’s severe defeat and its occupationby America coerced Japan to restructure its economyand industry.After the Meiji Restoration in 1868 11 , the economy ofJapan was shaped by both commercial and militaryindustry. We tend to forget the military characteristicsof the Meiji Restoration, its motives to centralize thegovernment, and its patriotic values (at least in its earlyform) to achieve an equal position with the advancedcountries in the West.That was why in the early 20th century Japandeveloped a natural affinity and partnership withGermany. 12 Japan’s economy was becoming more andmore military-based, and military expansion became amajor drive in developing the overall economy. Butafter the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945,Japan’s mighty military regime had to surrender andmilitary ideas became a taboo.What was left then was an American model of aconsumption economy. The post-war Showa periodwas characterized by the brutal speed of modernization(a second time for Japan, after its experience in the late19th century) which lasted until the 1980s. And it isthis economic model that has a great affinity with thevisual culture of Japan.Take manga for example. After the great Edo periodgraphic artist Hokusai introduced and popularized theterm manga, modern comics were born as early as 27July 1881 with a six-frame cartoon by HondaKinkichiro in Kibidango magazine. But the birth of themanga industry as we know it only began after the war.At first, post-war manga artists in Japan just wanted totell stories to somehow ease the pain and horror thatthe children of Japan witnessed during the war.Professor Saya Siraishi in 2005 once explained this tothe comics community in Jakarta, “After the war,children in Japan were confused and traumatized.That’s why manga at first served as an explanationabout what had been going on and as an entertainmentto ease the pain and trauma after the war for Japanesechildren around that time”.One cannot escape Osamu Tezuka when talking aboutmodern manga history. He began early in post-warJapan: by 1947, he co-created his first “Red ComicBooks”, an adaptation (one could say, a Japanization)The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 105of Treasure Island, and laid down one of the mostimportant traits of modern manga: a pure visual formof storytelling, a comic language that relied heavily onthe breakdown of kinetic movement into many panelsto move the story forward, and did not rely on the text.Early in his industrious life, Tezuka also laid down amodel for the manga industry that had a high degree ofcompatibility with the consumption-economic modelof the Showa period. That model of the mangaindustry was best summarized by Jiwon Ahn, quotedby Wendy Siuyi Wong, when he talked about anime orthe Japanese animation industry and its “media mixstrategy”:Although not necessarily in a chronologicalsense, from the original manga (comic book)series, then the manga is adapted to animatedtelevision series or film features or both formats;also video production of the animated seriesfollows… Almost simultaneously, various goodsrelated to the manga and anime, includingoriginal soundtrack CDs, paperback books,fanzines, and numerous character merchandiseslike action figures, toys, stationery goods,confectionary products, etc. are distributed inthe market. Also, the release of computer gamesbased on the manga and anime follows, which inturn increases the sales of the original mangaseries, magazines, books and videos, and spursthe creation extended. 13This media mix strategy was first conceived by Tezuka,particularly with his Tetsuwan Atom (Astro Boy)comics (in 1952) and animation series (in 1963). AndTezuka himself is a very model of this Japaneseconsumption economy: he made more than 150,000pages of comics, or 700 comic books before his demisein 1989—and we haven’t counted how manyanimation works he made (he is also a pioneer inexperimental animation as well as commercialanimation).This Showa economy context for the birth of themanga industry gives us a glimpse of its importantcharacteristics. First of all, the manga industry and thesubculture it nurtured was a child of the JapanizedAmerican consumption-economy of post war Japan.The gigantic scale of manga industry, and by extensionits very rich manga subculture, resulted from the brutalefficiency of this economic model.It wasn’t because of the power of its content, or itscultural power. It was economic. And so, we can readthe manga subculture, and otaku 14 subculture inparticular, as a focused and specialized mode ofconsumption in the economy of post-war Japan. Thesubculture evolved and is still evolving in accordancewith what happened with the economy.When the capitalism of the economy reached its laterstage (what is known as, of course, “late capitalism”),the otaku subculture reached its postmodern stage asidentified by Hiroki Azuma in his seminal work,Otaku, Japan’s Database Animals. Perpetualproduction and reproduction in larger and larger scale,such as modeled by Osamu Tezuka’s career, is the realresult of the market extension of the manga industry.As Richie wrote:The successful and self-perpetuating factory,which is Japan’s image enterprise, has operatedfor centuries but it is only now, in this age ofinstant communication, that it reveals itself as amajor industry.In this context, the globalization of manga subcultureis only a logical extension of the consumptioneconomy.And in this light, we can also assert that theglobalization of this particular subculture can onlyhappen when global consumption reaches suitableconditions for accepting it.What is so “Japanese” about manga?At the purest sense, and its simplest notion, globalculture, I think, is just what everybody does (or could do)regardless of geography. To be sure, the current form ofglobal culture has international economic forces as amajor force behind it. But when all is said and done,it’s about people consuming fast food, popular moviesand music, branded clothes, etc., with all of the prosand cons of that.And what about identity? It’s only a tweak, I think, ofthat situation. A tweak, arising from each country orlocation’s unique (1) history, (2) geographicalconditions, and (3) language.Everybody (this is of course an exaggeration) can eatMcDonald’s now. But Japanese McDonald’s burgersare actually slightly different from IndonesianMcDonald burgers. The same thing can also be said ofthe consumption and production of comics.Comics everywhere are basically “juxtaposed pictorialand other images in deliberate sequence, intended toThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

106 Panel 3convey information and/or produce an aestheticresponse in the reader”. 15 But Japanese comics have atweak that we can immediately recognize.Actually, during the first months when I wasrummaging through used and new comics books inbookstores in Shinjuku, Shibuya, Jimbocho,Akihabara, Nakano Broadway, and many other places,I very much doubted whether there truly was a distinctvisual identity in manga. It’s easy enough to identifywhat’s Japanese in the mainstream of manga: themajority shonen and shojo manga that is dominatingthe industry have the same visual style that iscommonly mistaken as “a Japanese comics style”.But I’ve long ago refused to identify Japanese comicswith its “wide eyes” and “cute characters”. And, yes,that’s exactly what I got: a quite large number ofJapanese alternative manga or their side-streamindustry which produce works that, at least at theinitial glance, defy common assumption about “mangastyle”. It was not that I didn’t know that thosealternative manga existed, but just that I didn’t knowthere were so many of them!I’ve struggled to see approximately 250 volumes ofmangas in Japan, widely varying in style and genre. (Iuse the word “see” instead of “read” because I can’t readthe Japanese language yet. And because what I wastrying to understand was the visual identity in Japanesecomics.) I made a matrix of visual elements in Japanesecomics by comparison with European and Americancomics tradition.VISUALELEMENTS/COMICSTRADITIONLINES/SHAPEFIGURATIVESHAPECOLORSSPACETIMEJAPAN EUROPE AMERICA1. Visual tradition from ancientChinese civilization: an aestheticevolved in the context of heavyuse of brush and ink, and variouskinds of water colors used onfragile paper.1. Impressionist-Lyrical2. Non-Mimesis (2 Dimension) →Non-Realism → Artisticidealization.1. Originated from nature/thecolors of Japanese flowers, food,etc. (the contrasting but calmcolors of Japanese nature).1. Kukan/Supesu: empty spaces arenot empty.2. Ma: the principle of space equalstime: the image of space signifiesthe flow of time.1. A focus on moment (Zen Time)→ Time as mosaic.2. “An individual expanding itself,becoming one with the nature/cosmos” → time becoming onewith movement.1. Visual tradition since theRenaissance: logical, within awell-established discipline of artin art school and other artinstitutions.1. Physiognomy2. Mimesis → Realism → Logicalidealization1. Originated from Fine Arttradition (with references totheir fine art schools andperiods).1. The clear line tradition, fromHergé (Tintin series) which isalso known as a democraticapproach to draw spaces incomics: everything in the roommust be drawn equally clearly.1. Chronological/linear times2. Ideas of movement.1. Visual tradition from mediatradition (cartoons fromBenjamin Franklin) and pulpfiction: semi-logical,autodidactic.1. Stereotype2. Mimesis → Realism →Fantastic-idealization.1. Originated from the printedmedia tradition (With the birthof strip comics Yellow Kidas thefirst colorful printed comics inUS) → continued in Pulp fictiontradition (contrast andaggressive colors)1. Space as a backdrop of a story →space inside a panel is a supportfor texts, an illustration.1. Chronological /linear time, withfocus on action → The ideas ofActionThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 107A Lighthearted CharacteristicBeside those visual styles I found in manga, there is alsoan interesting assertion from Taiyo Matsumoto, ayoung manga artist known for his much-praisedTekkin Konkurito (Black & White) and Go GoMonster.In his youth, Taiyo traveled to Paris and America, insearch of the essence of style in European andAmerican comics. He found that European comicstend to be intellectual, while American comics tend tobe cool. And he concluded that Japanese comics tend tobe lighthearted.When I looked closely at my manga collection, I feltthat the “lighthearted” traits Taiyo perceived appliednot just to the way the stories developed but to thevisual nature of the story telling too.The visuals of manga, with all their over-the-tophumorous takes on everything, felt like a feast of mortalmoments, a jubilation in everything that is ephemeral.No logic, no burden of meanings, no biblical scale ofbattles between good and evil, just laughter, games,poses, cute things, and the joy of an imagination inwhich anything goes. The seriousness in manga is oftenvery playful. There is always a detached view of theworld lurking behind most of the high drama in mangastories.Thailand: an affirmation of dominationAnd then, I went to Thailand. First, to Bangkok for afew days; and then to Chiang Mai for another two andhalf months of research. After the cold climate and thestress from the Great Tohoku Earthquake of 11 March2011, the dust and the heat in Chiang Mai felt like afirst step in my eventual destination, the equally dustyand hot Jakarta.“In Thailand, there is no such thing as comics”, saidPooh, in the library of the Jim Thompson Art Center,one rainy afternoon. “We don’t usually use the term“comics”. We use the term ‘cartoon’, and it is used forcomics, cartoons, drawings for cover art, andanimation”.It is true. My dear friend in Chiang Mai, Jay Santiphap,a documentary filmmaker who I met in Yokohamaduring his artist residency program in 2010, once gaveme three books with cartoon covers, and saidenthusiastically, “I want to show you a legendary Thaicartoonist! He was very popular when I was a kid!”When I opened the books, they weren’t comic booksor cartoons at all. They were storybooks for children,with cartoon illustrations here and there.But there is now a whole lot of manga everywhere.They are translated into the Thai language, whosescript is more similar to Javanese than Japanese script.Along Suthep Road near my apartment in ChiangMai, I found at least 10 comic rental shops with mostof their books being manga.Are there no Thai comics? Of course there are someThai comics. Actually, the history of popular Thaicomics began as early as the Siamese Revolution of1932. After the revolution, Thailand had manypopular comics such as Sang Thong and Khun Mauncomics, which adapted the Popeye and Mickey Mousecomics for local readers. In 1952, Thailand’s firstindigenous comic book series for children wasintroduced: Tuk Ka Ta, written by Pimol Kalasee.Traditionally, ghost stories and humorous comics arethe main genres produced in Thailand.But there was no advance consumption-economy inThailand. There is no industrial approach attached toThailand’s own comics, unlike the brutally effectiveapproach in Japan.Pooh said that this was because Thailand’s popularculture has no roots, but I still think it’s an economicthing. A case in point, Pooh also thinks that Americanpopular culture has no roots, and look at how bigpopular culture industry is in America. (Of course, Idon’t share her opinion about the rootedness ofAmerican popular culture either.)And so, economically speaking, Thai comics arevulnerable from the surge of cultural product frommore developed countries such as America and Japan.In manga’s case, the penetration of the Thai marketbegan in the late 1970s or early 1980s. “I have readmanga and watched anime since I can remember”, saidJay Santiphap, who is in his late thirties.Fusanosuke Natsume, in his research on mangainfluence in Thailand and Indonesia under the APIfellowship program, divided Thai comics into twomain categories. First, the traditional Thai comics, soldon newsstands at very cheap prices (five baht). Second,comics of Japanese origin, targeted at children of thenew middle class. And now, there is a new trend ofThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

108 Panel 3Thai comics by local youth with the style of shojo andshonenmanga, supported by the same constituents asJapanese comics in Thailand, sold in bookstores with arather expensive price (around 50 baht).I found myself attracted to the cheap Thai comics. Theformat is very similar to Indonesian cheap comics thatusually contain religious and humorous themes. Theyare also very similar to the Red Comics Books thatbegan the manga industry in Japan.When I held those cheap Thai comics, I thought, hereit is, an affirmation of the domination of the mangaindustry: this cheap comic, with its cheap paper and poorprint quality, sold on the periphery of the market, outsidethe formal institution of the market (the immaculatelyshiny bookstores). Who knows what the future holds foryou, O marginalized one?And I still don’t have a clear understanding on whyOyas Sujiwo was compelled to spread a Japanese flagduring Indonesian Independence Day. I just know thathe doesn’t do that anymore.NOTES1234This paper is a first draft and is still in development.Nonetheless, I dedicate the paper to Rika Febriyani, withoutwhom my journey would not be possible. I am also grateful tomany others who have helped me, especially KrisnadiYuliawan, my chief editor in Rumahfilm.org, Rane Hafiedzin Tokyo, Ade Armando and Putut Widjanarko in Jakarta,and Jay Santhipap in Chiang Mai. And of course, to all thehelpful board members and staff of the Nippon Foundation,API Fellowship program.The popular Japanese term “otaku” has a slightly differentmeaning outside Japan then the original Japanese meaning. Iwill get back to this difference later, but for now, suffice to saythat the term is used by Daniel Choo for a group of peoplearound the world (usually youth) who are immersed inmanga and anime (Japanese animation) subculture.Millennium in Maps: Culture, a supplement for the GlobalCulture issue of National Geographic, vol. 196, no. 2, August1999.As promised to the API Fellowships Program in Jakarta, I amwriting a journalistic book about the globalization of mangasubculture and visual identity. This work is still in process.But as it turned out, my stay in Japan was very inspiring and Ihave already completed a manuscript about my first monththere, titled Sebulan di Negeri Manga (A Month in MangaCountry). The manuscript is now on the process of beingpublished in Jakarta.56Roland Barthes, Empire of Signs, translated by RichardHoward. 1982. Hill and Wang, New York.Kawai is a contemporary Japanese word, usually translated as“cute”. It has becomes a subculture in itself, the Japaneseaffinity and excitement for all things cute, known as “Kawaiculture”.7 Mary Grigsby, “‘Sailormoon’: ‘Manga (Comics)’ and ‘Anime(Cartoon)’ Superheroine Meets Barbie: GlobalEntertainment Commodity Comes to the United States,”Journal of Popular Culture 32 (1998): 65, quoted by WendySiuyi Wong, “Globalizing Manga: From Japan to Hong Kongand Beyond,” Mechademia Volume 1, University ofMinnesota Press, 2006.8Donald Richie, The Image Factory: Fads & Fashions inJapan. 2003. Reaktion Books, London.9 Donald Richie, idem.10 One could dispute this assertion quite easily. What aboutHollywood? Yes, for a long time, the USA could claimsupremacy in the world’s “image-based industries”. Butdespite its size in the world, the American image-basedindustry is much smaller than its military industry. In Japan,the motor industry is the country’s largest, and one couldargue that it is partly a life-style based industry and partly animage-related industry.11 Many equate the Meiji Restoration with the opening up ofJapan to foreign (Western) influence after long isolation.Actually, the first time Japan opened its doors to Westerninfluence was in 1854, with the treaty of amity with theUnited States, and continuing in 1858 with commercialtreaties signed with the US, The Netherlands, Russia,England, and France. But the treaties did not place Japan onan equal footing. The Western countries considered Japan asan underdeveloped country. The Japanese gradually realizedthat they were not equals to the Westerners, so they sped upmodernization so they could demand a more equal position.The Meiji Restoration itself was a restructuring process of thegovernment system into a more modern (more centralized)system from the earlier feudalistic system.12 I found out about this after I asked around about what is sofascinating about Germany for a Japanese, so much so that wecan find many German references in the comics of OsamuTezuka and Naoki Urasawa?13 Wendy Siuyi Wong, idem.14 As defined by Hiroki Azuma, a self-proclaimed otaku whohappened to be a philosopher, otaku is: “…a general termreferring to those who indulge in forms of subculture stronglylinked to anime, video games, computers, science fiction,special-effects, anime figurines, and so on….”ept Thisdefinition can be found in his book, translated by Jonathan E.Abel and Shion Kono, Otaku, Japan’s Database Animals,University of Minnesota Press, 2009.15 A well-known, and much debated, definition of comics fromScott McCloud’s seminal work, Understanding Comics,1993. Tundra Publishing.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 109Mapping Kyoto: An Artist’s PerspectiveM. Ichsan Harja NugrahaIntroductiona. Project’s ContextIn 2005, as a reaction to the continuous displacementof his hometown’s numerous historic buildings due to—rather ironically— the rapidly-increasing tourismindustry, the author embarked on a self-commissionedproject involving several relevant communities, to mapmost of those buildings and publish the result in abook illustrated with hundreds of watercolor sketchesdone during the mapping activities. Since then, thebook has evolved into a series, each one representing amajor city in Indonesia.The result, however, is a limited success since thedisplacement process has continued since then: of 180historic buildings featured in the first book, eightprivately-owned buildings have since been demolished,largely due to the perception that business in oldbuildings is usually not profitable. It seems that thepublic needs more samples of financially sustainableprivately-endorsed preservation efforts, and we need topublish a more diverse range of materials in order toreach a wider audience. This is an omnipresent issuecommon to all historic building preservation effortsthroughout the world and, thus, we need to learn fromthe best examples.Listed among the world’s best heritage cities, Kyotoclearly offers a wealth of samples of this kind. It is anexcellent example (showcase? Exemplar? Model?) ofhow numerous world-scale cultural heritages sit sideby-sidewith the most advanced modernization iconsof today. More importantly, it also offers a range ofexcellent examples of how a vast number of establishedbusiness owners (shinise) capitalize on the preservationof their historic buildings as an important aspect oftheir business.Another reason for choosing Kyoto is that Japan isbasically a cartographically-conscious society. Thecountry’s earliest map was drawn in the 7 th centuryCE. Numerous Kyoto maps from the Edo period (17 thcentury CE) that accurately portray the city’s features—even individual land parcels — are extant to thisday. Japan is also familiar with illustrated popularpublications: the most obvious and contemporaryexample, of course, being the omnipresent industry ofJapanese comics, whose aesthetics has permeated allkinds of media. Even the most detailed map ispresented in an irresistible kawaii (cute) fashion. Thus,a visitor to present-time Kyoto will immediately findthat —compared to other tourist-destination cities inother countries — Kyoto offers a lot more of tourismorientednavigational publications customized to fit allkinds of interests and different seasons.b. ObjectivesThe objectives of this study are twofold: (1) to studyand categorize various mapping objects and methodsemployed in numerous thematic maps of Kyoto; and(2) to produce a copy-ready script for an illustratedsketchbook of Kyoto City, 1 similar to a previous bookseries by the author.c. SignificanceBy accomplishing the first objective, the author wishesto identify various potential city resources that shouldbe incorporated in any historic preservation-relatedmaps and to present them in a structured andinteresting way. Accomplishing the second objectivewill enable the author to learn about Kyoto’s variousrealistic, workable solutions for the classic conflictbetween a city’s persistent nature to modernize and theurge to maintain its established urban scape andcharacter.d. MethodologyThe project will mainly consist of two activities:1. A map-making activity, with sub-activities suchas:• A literature study on Kyoto’s history todetermine the scope and method of the fieldsurvey, as well as its analysis method• Field surveys focused on collecting data onprivately-endorsed preservation efforts, as wellas map samples. It is crucial to get map samplesthat are as diverse as possible.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

110 Panel 3• Interviews with locals to identify and confirmimportant resources2. Producing an illustrated book will consist ofsuch sub-activities as:• Re-drawing the resulting map, as the directoutcome of the map-making activity• Writing a script in order to present theoutcome of the activity in a more structured,comprehensive way• Creating illustrations in watercolor• Preparing a layout designTo determine what objects should be included in theillustrated sketchbook, the author applied a mappingmethod similar to those of Green Map, anenvironmental movement established in 1995 that hasspread to 55 countries since then. Basically, it is aspecifically-themed map collaboratively created bylocal communities to identify both environmentalresources and problematic spots around theirneighborhood that were then marked in a custom mapusing an established set of icons. The icon set iscopyrighted and to use it (and other Green Map’sresources) the user has to be registered; thus, GreenMap usage is rather exclusive. However, with theadvance of the Internet and GPS technology, similarmethods are also provided by a number of online,editable map services such as Openstreetmap, GoogleMaps, Wikimapia, Bing Maps, and MapFan(Japan only). Although Openstreetmap is arguablythe most versatile of all, the author chose GoogleMaps for its popularity.Substantive Resultsa. Historic Preservation in Japan: The LeadingEdgeJapan is, perhaps, among the most advanced countriesin the world when it comes to historic preservation.Their first comprehensive list of historic artifacts wascompiled in 1871, largely as a reaction to a nation-widemovement known as haibutsu kishaku several yearsearlier, when a large number of Buddhist temples andartifacts were destroyed in an attempt to “purify”Japan. In 1897, the government enacted the AncientTemples and Shrines Preservation Law, which, as itsname implies, focused on protecting historic religiousbuildings and artifacts. However, in the early 20 thcentury, modernization also transformed thelandscape and posed a threat to historic and naturalmonuments, which led to the enactment of theHistorical Sites, Place of Scenic Beauty, and NaturalMonuments Preservation Law in 1919. This wasextended further by a 1929 law, which extendedprotection to all public and private institutions, andindividual estates such as family castles, private shops,and residences. Another law was passed after the GreatDepression in 1933 to prevent the internationaltrading of important artifacts. In 1955, those laws werefinally merged under one comprehensive law, thereby(or effectively) incorporating intangible culturalartifacts such as the performing arts and making itamong the most comprehensive historic preservationlaws in the world.In the 1960s, the destruction of historic sites in severalcities brought forth citizen’s protests that eventuallyled to the enactment of the Law for the Preservation ofAncient Capitals in 1966. In 1975, the law wasexpanded to also include important districts withgroups of historic buildings. Along with thedecentralization of the urban planning authority to themunicipality level, citizen’s participation in historicpreservation efforts began.In 1972, Kyoto Municipality passed the CityOrdinances on Urban Landscape, making it thenation’s first on such subject. Several historic districts(Gion Shimbashi, Sanneizaka) were designated aspreservation areas under this ordinance. More districtswere added to the various categories of preservationareas between 1996 and 2003. In 2007, the NewLandscape Policy was enacted. It strictly regulated allaspects of individual buildings (height, materials,colors, design features) that may affect the overallcharacter of the landscape in those preservation areas.b. The Decline of Kyo-MachiyasAlthough the local ordinances have resulted in a moreconsistent landscape character such as those ofSanneizaka’s and Gion, the designation of certaindistricts as preservation areas creates a new problem inthose areas not traditionally intended as main touristareas. While numerous existing traditional Kyoto-styleshops (kyo-machiyas) have flourished along the touristcrowdedpaths of Sanneizaka and Gion, a large numberof kyo-machiyas are located within the now decliningresidential and industrial areas due to the prolongedeconomic crisis that has been persisting for almost 20years. A 2008 survey on kyo-machiya shows that of the50,000 machiyas within the city, more than 20% existThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 111within the Nishijin area, a declining textile-producingdistrict within the central portion of the city.The kyo-machiya owners have limited options toupgrade their houses due to the new policy; further,maintaining a kyo-machiya is not easy. The woodenstructures are often cold during winter and extremelyhot during Kyoto’s summer. Living inconveniences,the risk of earthquakes and fires, the expensive costs ofrepair, and high inheritance taxes are often cited as theprimary reasons for not living in a kyo-machiya (KyotoCenter for Community Collaboration 2009). In fact,923 kyo-machiyas (9.4%) within the Nishijin area hadperished within a five-year period (2003-2008). Thishappened even after the City Planning Bureau devisedtwo plans to revitalize the district.In 1998 (revised in 2004), the bureau planned tocreate a Business-Residential Special Use Districtthrough a broad-based partnership between residents,businesses, and government. It was followed in 2000by the Kyo-Machiya Revitalization Plan to promotethe reuse of kyo-machiya as new shops, small offices,ateliers, and public service facilities, as well as to createsupport networks to preserve them (City of Kyoto2000). The Kyo-machiya House Development Fundin the Kyoto Center for Community Collaborationeven opted for the most direct (and expensive)approach to reverse the trend, by funding therenovations of the selected Kyo-machiyas and partiallyconverting those into public facilities. But the fund’sfinancial and technical capacities were somehowlimited: only seven machiyas were renovated in 2006,and 12 machiyas in 2007. 2Kyo-machiya’s reputation, however, is not alwaysassociated with backwardness. If maintained properly,a kyo-machiya’s image will easily be associated with theestablished and well-cultured. Most of Kyoto’s shinise(established shops that have been in business for atleast a century) prefer to retain their original kyomachiyashop, even if that would mean having topurchase an additional shop, that is, the one adjacentto it. 3 One particular book that covers most of Kyoto’sshinise, namely, Old Kyoto: A Guide to TraditionalShops, Restaurants, and Inns by Diane Durston isextremely popular among tourists. Its 20 th editioncame out in 2005, with the first revised editionpublished in 2000 or almost 20 years after the firstedition. This fact shows that those traditional shopsstill possess their original appeal among Kyoto’sforeign visitors.This particular “exclusive” image also contributesgreatly to the recently (2011) emerging trends amongKyoto’s young designers, artists, and startupentrepreneurs: to rent and share a kyo-machiya fortheir studios and shops. 4 Sharing is a good strategy tolower the cost of renting and maintaining the wholemachiya, while retaining its well-cultured and exclusiveimage, and giving the customers more choices (thusincreasing their visiting time).c. Promotions as a Means of SurvivalAnother important aspect of any business is about howto make oneself visible. Promoting the business bothonline and offline (through brochures and booklets) isparamount for those who run their businesses in a kyomachiya,especially those who cater to the muchneededforeign tourists. Tourists are usually quitehesitant to enter a traditional kyo-machiya, mainly dueto the traditional Japanese’s discreet nature of doingbusiness rather than displaying a vast array of productsand leaving the door wide open. Original kyo-machiyashops usually keep their doors closed and merely hanga noren (a piece of curtain cloth imprinted with theshop’s insignia) on their front door as a sign that theirshop is open for business.Figure 1. A noren hung on the closed front door of a machiya,indicating that the shop is open for business.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

112 Panel 3Another factor that adds to the hesitation of tourists isthe fact that the Japanese use a completely differentaddress system. Whereas Western countries usually usea linear address system such that houses facing thesame street would be using the same street name andan incremental set of numbers, the Japanese use a socallednested spatial system whereby an address is firstdefined by the largest spatial unit (shi, equivalent to amunicipality), followed by its subunit (ku), then itssub-sub-unit (cho, equivalent to a neighborhood ofapproximately 30 houses), and finally, by the lotnumber (Nitschke 2003). This results in a seeminglyconfusing address system, with houses across the samestreet using a completely different address name and aseemingly random address number. Finding an addressin Japan is simply an impossible task for the first timeWestern visitor.Thus, providing promotional information beforehandwill surely boost the tourist’s confidence in makingtransactions with kyo-machiyas. This provision ofinformation is now being done by most youngentrepreneurs online (via the Internet) and offline (viabrochures, booklets and other printed materials).d. Online Maps of Kyoto: A Matter of DepthA map is always an essential element in thosepromotional materials, both online and offline. Themost influential factor that affects the current publicusage of those maps, however, was the development ofeditable, online map services. MapFan (800 thousandvisitors a day 5 ) and the more commercially-orientedMapion (1.4 million visitors a day) are among theleaders of the online map providers in Japan.Combined with GPS-enabled mobile-phone andmobile-web applications, those providers are heavycontenders for the top position Google Maps, theworldwide leader, enjoys in Japan’s market. Five yearsago, Mapion had already invented the “point-basedsearch” technology, in which users can point mobilephones toward virtually any business location,billboard, or geographical area to access information(BusinessWire.com 2006). To compete with GoogleStreetview (not available in most countries, butalmost always available in any Japanese middle-sizedtown) that enables the user to navigate along a virtualstreet, Mapion has devised a new, three-dimensionaltechnology that enables the viewers to experience thesimulation of depth on their computer screens.Despite these advanced technologies, most of kyomachiya-basedbusinesses that promote online preferto create their own, customized mobile-oriented map,using the online map services only as a base map. Thisis due to the facts that Japanese mobile devices arehighly advanced and, in Japan, most websites areaccessed more often via those devices than a computer.The users usually prefer the much simpler and quicknature of customized maps, as it takes but a singlemouse click to get the location info in a customizedmap, compared to a few more clicks deep in an onlinemap provider’s main page. A customized, speciallythemedmap conveys only relevant information, thusavoiding prolonged download time as well as“information overload” so ubiquitous in most Japaneseweb pages.e. Offline (or Printed) Maps of Kyoto: Selecting theRight InformationThe selective nature of a customized online map alsoapplies to offline (or printed) maps. Even more, withits limited capacity and availability, a printed map hasto be extremely selective in conveying information andnecessitates suitable distribution points. Based on theirtheme, these maps are broadly categorized into thefollowing:1. Mapping by RegionThis map category is usually designed for thegeneral, first-time visitors who do not haveparticular interests or specific destinations. Inthese maps, every object of interest is featured,thereby potentially generating confusion if notchosen selectively. To avoid such confusion, theobjects are usually organized into major objects(such as city landmarks), and into one to twolevels of minor objects. Most official maps(published by local authorities) fall in thiscategory. For example, maps of Takao(www.kyo-takao.com), an area north of Kyoto,features several temples, scenic spots, historicbridges, and even traditional wood loggingactivities within one single map. This type ofmap is mainly distributed at the entry points to aspecific area, such as in bus/train stations andairports2. Mapping by ObjectThis map category is usually designed for specialinteresttourists. Most commercial maps fall intothis particular category. As Kyoto is a historiccity, the most typical of its maps are historically-The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 113themed ones featuring gardens, temples, castles,and palaces. The more specific maps usuallyconsider the said city landmarks merely asstarting points for finding more specific spots orobjects. The specially-themed maps usuallycover:Historic/religious buildings and sites. Oneinteresting map is the Higashiyama RoadsideBuddha Statue Map featuring several statueswithin the Higashiyama area (SoutheasternKyoto). It depicts different manifestations ofBuddha (Furebotoke, Sawaribotoke,Iyashihotoke), as well as some other objectsthought to possess healing properties. Themap encourages visitors to this area to touchthose objects in certain ways to earn merit.Another map encourages visitors to collectand stick a series of shuin (temple’s officialstamp) on a certain portion of their map. Thebearer of the completed map receives a specialsouvenir as his or her prize.Natural Features. One example: TheKYOTO TRAIL MAP (http://kaiwai.city.kyoto.jp/raku/kanko_top/kyoto_trail_en.html) is a paid map thatfeatures a hiking course covering about 70kilometers. The hike starts from FushimiInari Taisha Shrine (southeast of the city),leading to Mount Hiei, Ohara and Kuramaareas, Takao, Arashiyama, and, finally, toKoke-dera Temple on the west side.Accommodation and Commercial Facilities(inns, shops, cafes). This is, perhaps, the mostabundant and most costly map of all. Usually,it comes in the form of a thick booklet oreven a pocket book. The publication(production) of the map is usually subsidizedby advertisements, which somehow affects itsobjectivity. Some maps are even sold at aprofit. There are also maps of this type thatcombine several types of maps within a singlepublication.Other special interests. A map that fallsunder this category would be the Map of theArt Museum in Kyoto that features Kyoto’snumerous public and private art museums,complete with exhibition schedules and a listof the famous artworks in the museum. In asense, Diane Durston’s book Old Kyoto whichwas mentioned earlier is also a special interestmap, albeit with larger sections devoted todetailed explanations on the featured objects.3. Mapping by Distance and Mode ofTransportationThis map category is extremely effective forthose users whose times are limited. Thecoverage area is usually defined by the amount oftime needed to reach all the featured objects(destinations?) on a predestined path, usingcertain modes of transportation (walking, ridinga bike, riding a car, or even taking the train). Forexample, the KYOTO WALKING MAPfeatures interesting objects and scenic spots thatare reachable within 20 minutes of walking.Another map features objects and scenic spotsthat accessible along a specific railroad route, thetrain being the most popular transportationmode in Japan. The Uji Walking Map,published by Japan Railway (JR) Companyfeatures additional information such as walkingtime and distance from each object(destination),with the starting and ending points (naturally)being at the nearest JR train station.It is worth noting that most major railwaycompanies in Japan are actively engaged inpromoting tourist destinations. Differentbanners for different seasons are hung inside thetrain’s cabin, advertising various tourist eventsand destinations along the train’s route. Everyspring, Randen—the only streetcar operator leftin Kyoto—proudly advertises its scenic route(lined with sakura trees in full bloom) toArashiyama, while on certain summer nights,Eizan Railway happily conveys large crowds oftourists to the north to witness the Kurama FireFestival, for free.4. Mapping by Calendrical EventsThis map category is perhaps unique to Japan. Itincludes maps that feature regular events andfestivals, especially those held to celebrate thechange in seasons. Celebrating a change inseason is always a huge event in Japan, withthousands of locals visiting one spot afteranother within days, vying for the perfecthanami (sakura blossom-viewing party) spot inspring, or the perfect momiji (maple leaf party)spot in autumn. To appreciate the fullybloomingsakura or the brilliant red maple leaf, itis crucial to arrive on the right spot at the rightThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

114 Panel 3time. Kyoto is the nation’s favorite place forcelebrating the change of season, and the KyotoSakura Map, the special map that plots the besthanami or momiji spot on a certain date, isextremely helpful. Yahoo® Japan has, in fact,devised a special mobile-map application toindicate in percentage the blooming progress ofsakura flowers in favorite hanami or momijispots.5. Mapping by PeriodThe existence of a series of old Kyoto maps,some dating back to the 17 th century AD, hasenabled some cartographers to put layer uponlayer of maps chronologically, thus simulatingthe development of Kyoto year after year. Aparticular publication stands out for this kind ofmap: the Time Trip Map by Jidai Map(www.jidaimap.jp). A layer of transparent map(made from a vellum sheet) is laid on top ofanother transparent map, thus enabling theviewer to see chronologically all the gradualchanges that the city has been through. Aresearch done in Kyoto Ritsumeikan Universitytakes the experience further by reconstructingthe entire city in certain eras using old maps, GISdata and computer-generated building models.Several layers of these city models are then laidvirtually on top of each other, to enable theviewer to simulate the urbanscape changes inthree-dimensional form.Most of these offline maps have their digital,downloadable versions as well, mainly forenvironmental reasons rather than as a matter ofconvenience. This digital version may gain popularityin the future, mostly due to the rapid development oflightweight tablet computers such as Apple® iPad.Nevertheless, the printed-version is more ubiquitousand is easier to use, making it simply irreplaceable inthe near future.C. User Responses and the Participation of LocalCommunitiesDue to limited resources, the author did notcommence a full-scale survey to obtain acomprehensive account of the users’ responses to themaps. Rather, the author relied on the interpretationof data obtained from a series of existing map-makingefforts (ca.2000-2006). Those were undertaken mostlyto comprise an important step in the machi-zukkuri(“town-planning”) decision-making process, for whichlocals were involved in communal mapping efforts toidentify potentials and drawbacks within theirneighborhood. Satoshi Otsuki et al. (2006) questionedthe effectiveness of those so-called “map-makingmethods”. Based on his findings, he concluded thattheir effectiveness would significantly increase if theusers were directly involved in the process.Otsuki thus implies two user categories according totheir degree of participation:1. Users who are directly involved in the mapmakingprocess, usually local inhabitants or localbusinesses.2. Those who are not directly involved in the mapmakingprocess (especially tourists).a. For them, the goals, scopes and boundariesof those maps must be clearly indicated;b. As far as they are concerned, there is a lackof detailed information in those maps dueto the media’s limited capacity;c. Disorganized, confusing informationcommonly found on certain maps areusually intended to cater to users who are asvaried as possible. A specialized map ismore effective.According to the author’s observation, the first usercategory usually plays an important role in new and/orsmall-scale tourist destinations, where the lack of acomprehensive source of information usuallyfacilitates more intensive interaction between thelocals and the visitors. This was observed during theauthor’s brief visit to Miyazu Town, north of Kyoto.Miyazu is a small, sleepy place located near the famousAmano-Hashidate (“Heaven’s Bridge”), one of the topthree major natural tourist destinations in Japan.However, due to the lack of other tourist destinations,the duration of the tourist’s visit to Miyazu is usuallyrather brief. Miyazu’s Town Council had developed atourist map involving a large number of locals whocould identify interesting spots and objects previouslyknown only to locals. This move has also prepared thecity inhabitants to interact more intensively withtourists in the future, an important factor in creating awarm, welcoming impression.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 115The line between those users who are directly involvedand those only indirectly involved in the map-makingprocess, however, started to blur recently. Thedevelopment of online (internet) map technology hasenabled virtually all kinds of participants, evenoccasional tourists, to be directly involved in the mapmakingprocess. This is similar to Lonely Planet’smethod of authoring travel books: readers actuallycollect and supply the information in Lonely Planet’sbooks. On the other hand, some online map providerslike Google Maps and Openstreetmap have enabledusers to collaboratively build their own maps usingboth default and customized icons. Thus, a group oflocal citizens can simultaneously and collaborativelywork on the map, pinpointing both local resources andhazards that affect the quality of their environment.Technically known as Public Participation inGeographical Information Systems (PPGIS), it has the“enormous potential for community involvement inpolicy-setting and decision-making by localgovernments” (Setoet al. 2009). PPGIS enables theuser to tag various attributes to a location on the map.In a major kyo-machiya survey (2008-2009), a group ofscientists from Kyoto Ritsumeikan University appliedthis PPGIS method to assess the physical conditions ofNishijin’s kyo-machiyas, as well as to identify certainlocations considered as “scenic spots” with aestheticpotentials by the residents. The result was lateruploaded to the Web, using Google Maps asa basemap. Google Maps’ capability has enabledthe Green Map movement in 2009 to launchits collaborative online mapping network,OpenGreenMap.org.D. Implications/Follow-upsThese extensive mapping knowledge and skillsacquired while in Kyoto would greatly help the authorin raising the public’s appreciation and awareness ofhistoric buildings in his hometown (Bandung). Itwould also help privately-owned historic buildings tosurvive financially by effectively promoting theirbusinesses. However, there are significant differencesbetween the two cities, and some adjustments/solutions need to be made, as follows:HistoricLegislationCommunitiesLocal ConditionsKyotoBandungInternational touristdestination focused onhistoric tourism.Information on thoseobjects is easy to obtain.Local touristsdestination, focused onretail-based tourism.Information andpromotion on historictourism are limited.Local ConditionsKyotoBandungSupportive preservationlaws and local ordnancesExisting local cho(neighborhood-scalecommunities)traditionally bound byreligious rituals (matsuri)and local shrinesWeak preservation lawson the national level, withlimited implementationon the local level. Nopreservation ordinancesexisted for privatelyownedobjects.No strong neighborhoodcommunities nor localcommunal events. Mostpublic events are held bysmall special-interestcommunities such ascycling, photograph, andauto communities.AdjustmentsThe offline map should serve primarily as a promotionalmaterial and must be deployed in main entry points tothe city (bus/train/travel stations, airports).Concerned individuals/communities should beencouraged to provide detailed information online.Social media must be used to generate interest inhistoric tourism.Retail-based tourism must be combined with historicbasedtourism.AdjustmentsThe map should be designed to raise awareness onpreservation issues among local inhabitants. Its value toproperty and local businesses should be established(made known?).Create a series of special interest maps that combinecertain activities with historical backgrounds orbuildings. For example, a Historic Cycling Map couldcombine Bandung historic spots with cycling activities.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

116 Panel 3FinancialCultureTechnologyGovernment funding fornationally designatedobjects.Most preserved buildingsare owned by privatecompanies or individuals.Special tax incentives onthe local level.Familiarity with maps ofall purposes andcomplexities.Highly developedmapping and placefindingtechnology inmobile devices.Preservation fund toacquire and preservehistoric buildings isvirtually nonexistent.Most significant historicbuildings are stateowned.No tax incentives at thelocal level.Not familiar with maps.Usually relies on verbaldirection.Limited mobiletechnology.The activities promoted by the map should createeconomic benefits for the owner as well as the localcommunities.Promoting preservation efforts should be a CSR(Corporate Social Responsibility) activity.Held special map-reading events (such as “treasurequest” with unique prizes) to foster mapping skillsamong the youth.Create a series of “you-are-here” map featuringBandung’s important and popular spots, imbued withhistoric information.Concerned individuals/communities should beencouraged to provide detailed information online.Use social media to increase interest in historic tourism.Based on his experience in Kyoto, the author iscurrently working on the following projects:The publication of the Kyoto in Watercolour,preferably in Japan. The author also plans tohold a charity exhibition to sell reproductionsand original versions of some of his works. Fundsgenerated from these activities will be given tothe Tohouku earthquake recovery program.Inspired by the shuin-collecting map, the authorhas already embarked on a pilot project toencourage local tourists to explore the relativelyneglected part of Bandung’s old town, bycreating a so-called Bandung Treasure Map. Theconcept is simple:• Create a network with Bandung’s well-knowndesigners to design 10 categories of souvenirsunique to Bandung. Each category wouldconsist of three to five product items. Eachcategory will be produced in a craft-producingarea within the city, thus creating a muchfavoredlink between designers and craftsmen,enabling the latter to improve on theirproducts.• The souvenirs will be sold in certain locationswithin the old town area, preferable in oldshops (similar to “shinise” in Kyoto) currentlystruggling to survive. This will give thoseshops some unique “branding”, and will enablethem to survive and even diversify theirmerchandise.• Publish a free Bandung Treasure Mapbrochure featuring a “treasure trail” thatconnects all the shops together, along withdetailed descriptions of the souvenirs. Theusers will be encouraged to collect a stampfrom each shop, and a special prize will begiven to those able to assemble a complete setof stamps. In this fashion, the tourists areencouraged to explore the relativelyunexplored parts of the old town, thuspromoting the growth of tourism-basedbusinesses in the area.3. Inspired by young Kyoto designers supportingthe Machiya Revival Program, the author aimsto promote the idea of creating collaborative(“shared”) working spaces in some parts ofBandung’s old town, especially among fellowdesigners and young artists in Bandung. Mostbuildings in Bandung’s old town area have anexpansive floor area (up to 600m 2 ), making itprohibitive for young entrepreneurs and creativeworkers to rent the space on their own. Sharingthe rent and operating cost would make it muchmore affordable for these people. The authoralso proposes to dedicate a portion of theworking spaces as a communal space for collegestudents, freelance workers, and communityactivists. Through this, the author wishes toreverse the city core’s decaying process, establishimages of old buildings as a “hip” place for acreative office, and thus initiate a new trend: thatof using old buildings for new purposes.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 117NOTES1 The resulting book script has been excluded from this paper.See http://watercolorichsan.com for illustration samples.23It is expensive to renovate even a small machiya unit.According to a 2008 workshop, it would take 5 million yen tolease, renovate, and rent 10 small machiya units. It wouldtake the same amount to purchase one large unit.For example, Ippodo, a world-famous tea shop in Teramachidori, prefers to open another additional shop in anothercorner in the same block, rather than enlarge the originalshop.4 One of such shared kyo-machiya is located at Ajiki roji (alley)near Gojo dori (street) in Higashiyama. It was featured in adocumentary film The Alley in Kyoto produced by NHK.The machiya is shared by six tenants, among them, a youngJapanese purse-maker, a florist, a house decorator, and agarment accessories-maker. Another shared kyo-machiya islocated near Imadegawa Dori (within Nishijin area). It isshared by a honey shop, a pottery artist, a furniture designer,and an architect’s office specializing in the renovation of kyomachiyas(Rover Architect).5in August 2011, according to www. neatstat.comREFERENCESIizuka, T., A. Matsumoto, T. Seto, and K. Yano. 2009. “GISbasedmonitoring systems for Kyo-machiya in Kyoto City”. 22 ndCIPA Symposium. October 11-15. Kyoto, JapanIsoda, Yuzuru, Akihiro Tsukamoto, Yoshihiro Kosaka, TakuyaOkumura, Masakazu Sawai, Susumu Nakata and SatoshiTanaka. 2009. Reconstruction of Kyoto of the Edo era based onarts and historical documents: 3D urban model based onhistorical GIS data. International Journal of Humanities andArts Computing 3 (1–2): 21–38.Issarathumnoon, Wimonrart. 200__. The Machizukuribottom-up approach to conservation of historic communities:Lessons for Thailand”. The Nippon Foundation (APIFellowships) 2003-2004.Kyoto Center for Community Collaboration, ed. 2009. Machiyarevival in Kyoto. Kyoto: Mitsumura Suiko Shoin Publishing Co.Kyoto City. 2000. Urban planning-revitalizing downtown: Thecommercial/residential district improvement plan.Kyoto City. 2007. City planning section. Landscape policy:Forming timeless and radiant Kyoto landscapes.Langner-Teramoto, Bettina. 2002. Kyo-Machiya — The cellrevitalizing the whole. In HICPM Builders’ Magazine No. 65.Nitschke, Günter. 2003. Kyoto-Cho: Street or neighbourhood.In KYOTO Journal 55: Street-perspectives on Asia.Otsuki, Satoshi, Taeko Sakai, Takashi Yoshimoto, andHidehiko Kanegae. 2007. A Study on an efficiency of mapmaking method for encouraging residents’ recognition andcoping behavior with local risks. 21 Century Center ofExcellence Project (COE) “Disaster Mitigation of CulturalHeritage and Historic Cities”.Seto,T., A. Matsumoto, T. Iizuka, and K. Yano. 2009. Publicparticipation GIS of historical landscapes: A case study of Kyomachiyacommunity building survey in Kyoto City. 22 nd CIPASymposium. October 11-15, Kyoto, Japan.Shibazaki, Masami, Yuzuru Isoda, Akihiro Tsukamoto,Yoshihiro Kosaka, Kyoko Hasegawa, Susumu Nakata, andSatoshi Tanaka. 2009. Modeling, viewing, and simulating Kyotostreet models created from GIS data. 22 nd CIPA Symposium.October 11-15, Kyoto, Japan.Siegenthaler, Peter David. 2004. Looking to the past, looking tothe future: The localization of Japanese historic preservation,1950–1975. Place: The University of Texas at Austin.Suwa, Sachiko. 2006. The preservation of Kyo-machiya: Asurvey of past history, future plans and current attitudesregarding the unique vernacular architecture of Kyoto”. KyotoNotre Dame University, Graduate School of Humanities andSocial Sciences Program in Applied English and InterculturalStudies.Tung, Anthony M. 2001. Preserving the world’s great cities. NewYork: Three Rivers Press.Electronic PublishingBrawer, Wendy. 2009. Introducing the open green map. http://greenmap.org/greenhouse/files/Green_Map_intro_12-10sm.pdf__________. GeoVector and Japan’s Mapion Deliver theworld’s first pointing based search solution for mobile phones.January 30, 2006. Http://www.businesswire.com/The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

118 Panel 3“The Land of Isolation” - a Soundscape Composition Originating inNortheast Malaysia.Yasuhiro MorinagaIntroductionThis paper describes the production of the soundscape“The Land of Isolation”. It describes the process ofconceptualization, the creation of the work, and therelationship between the composition and thetechniques of field sound recording.The idea for “The Land of Isolation” originated withthe author’s personal experiences of a large storm thatfollowed earthquakes that reached a magnitude of 7.5near Mentawai Island, Indonesia on October 25, 2010.The storm ranged across a wide distance, includingMalaysia, Singapore and even the Philippines. It was anintense, aggressive and unforgettable naturalphenomenon. It inspired the writer to create asoundscape to depict the event in a musical context.The resulting composition drew upon initial fieldrecordings in Terrangano and Kota Baharu innortheastern Malaysia, near the Thailand border.Ambient materials were recorded from rainforestlocations and at the ocean at Terrangano and KotaBaharu. Using different kinds of recording techniquesand through layering, I created a composition ofcomplex sonic structures presented in multi-surroundsound diffusion.The sounds were categorized in colors to make agraphical score;Green: RainforestYellow: Wind (Forest)Orange: Wind (Seaside)Blue: Sea waveRed: Electronic soundPink: RainLight Blue: ThunderImage 1: Graphical score for “Land of Isolation” (using Nuendo software).The final work is a 20-minutestructured soundscape,using techniques such as mixing and layering,overlapping, filtering and equalizing, and designed tobe performed as a concert. In order for the audience toexperience the feeling of the storm as fully as possible,I created 10.2ch multi-surround sound. This was keyto helping the audience to experience the stormenvironment and to understand the nature of themusic.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 119Image 2: Concert setting at Tempo Reale Music Center, Firenze,Italy 2011the topic. Over the years, soundscapes have tended inlarge part to be about the creation of electro-acousticmusic with the use of digital technology. Participantsin the World Soundscape Project, including BarryTruax and Hildegaard Westerkamp, were primarilyelectro-acoustic composers. A notable soundscapereleased as a CD, “The Vancouver Soundscape 1973”was based on recordings taken from around BritishColumbia but produced as a form of electro-acousticmusic. In general, the issue of technique has receivedlittle attention in relation to soundscapes. By contrast,I foreground technique and process in bothproduction of “The Land of Isolation” and in thisdiscussion.2. The definition of field recordingField recordings are one of the core elements ofsoundscape production. Field recordings have longplayed a role in both artistic production and in thefields of ethnomusicology and anthropology. In thedigital era, field recordings are used in digital media artand in the composition of digital music. Digitalequipment has enabled people to create soundscapeseasily and economically, by simply pressing “play” and“stop”. In an earlier era, recordings were made onanalog equipment such as magnetic tape recorders andwere more difficult to do.Image 3: Graphical sound system for the concert. 10.2ch multisurroundsound system setup.Soundscape composition and relation to fieldrecording1. Soundscape compositionA soundscape is an organic or non-organic sound thatenhances and deepens our sonic environment. Theconcept of soundscapes received wide attention withthe work of Canadian composer R. Murray Schafer,leader of Simon Fraser University’s World SoundscapeProject 1970s. 1 Since then, there has been an increasein both the number of soundscapes produced and inthe number of publications and research devoted toHowever, in the digital age field recordings still relygreatly on factors such as skill, method and technique.Sound quality varies greatly depending on the choiceof microphone and microphone position, and thechoice of recording equipment and how it is used. Forexample, in the CD, “The Vancouver Soundscape1973” there is an impression that high and lowfrequencies within the materials was sometimes lost.The technical equipment for “The Land of Isolation”was chosen carefully. “Shotgun” type microphoneswhich have a wide dynamic range and greater soundabsorption were used for both monophonic andstereophonic sounds. Digital recording technologyallows for recordings of up to 96kHz of samplingfrequency, capturing more than magnetic tape, wherefrequency rates are from 20Hz to 20kHz. Althoughthe sonic perception of human auditory rates are from20Hz to 20kHz, with the use of digital technology, thelistener’s so-called alfa wave function is understood tobe activated.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

120 Panel 3Field recording techniqueI focused on different recording techniques to depictthe following three sound types; 1) atmosphericsound, 2) featured sound, 3) Mixture of atmosphericand featured sound.1. Atmospheric soundAtmospheric sound is the sound of a given location orspace. According to German philosopher GernotBoehmes, “the sound of atmosphere is the givenplacement of a particular location”. 2 The appropriatetechnique to capture atmospheric sound is to place themicrophones far from the sound source, according toBritish sound recordist, Chris Watson. 3 Depending onthe choice of microphone, capturing stereophonicsounds through the M/S (middle and side soundsusing a phasing reaction) and L/R (left and rightsound allocation) are the techniques normally used. Inorder to capture the rich and subtle sound movementof waves and wind over a wide range and to depict thison a multi-surround sound system, I focused on usingImage 4: Atmospheric sound: Sea wavesThe M/S recording technique. Stereophonic recordingthrough the M/S technique creates richer and widerperspectives and a fuller sound.2. Featured soundSound recordist Chris Watson has said “the featuredsound is to be focused on the particular soundsources”. 4 Examples of featured sound include thevoices of humans, animals and other creatures, ormoving items such as the sound of footsteps. Featuredsound is often captured via monophonic recording, sothat the sound remains isolated, and in order toprovide the flexibility to place the sound in variouslocations on a computer-based composition.My composition contained the featured sound of fishunderwater. A unique cracking noise consisting of fishin movement was captured with the use of anunderwater monophonic microphone.Image 5: Featured sound–hypobranchial muscular movement offish underwater.Obviously, this is not a sound that is normally heard indaily life, it is a sound that only exists in the invisiblesonic environment. In my composition, I mixed thissound with atmospheric sound in order to place it in aconcrete environment and to enhance the sound of theatmosphere.3. Mixture of atmospheric and featured soundCertain sounds are captured using a mixture ofatmospheric and featured sound techniques. It is oftendifficult to divide atmospheric and featured soundswhen recording in a particular environment. Mostenvironments contain featured sounds which accountfor a large part of the atmosphere.According to sound artist Francisco Lopez, “Thesound of the environment we hear has twocategorizations; one is the background sound and theother is foreground sound”. 5 This statement alsorelates to methods of field sound recording. In general,and in a cinematic context, atmospheric sound isrecognized as background sound and featured sound isa part of foreground sound. 6 In real environments, wehear these two sonic environments as one singularexperience. However, there are always sounds that wedo not hear “in reality”. Hearing sounds is a matter ofperception. For example, at a cocktail party, the earselects from a wide variety of sounds. And whenrecording bird sound, the results may differ dependingon the conditions of the recording.A number of singular sounds, and a variety oftechniques, were employed in “The Land of Isolation”in order to depict the rich complexity and depth of thestorm. In particular, it was necessary to control andadjust sound levels, directions, movements andqualities. The following aspects were controlled bycomputer- based software.1. PanningPanning means allocating selected sounds to speakers.The technique originated in the cinema, when theWalt Disney studio experimented with moving soundsbetween the left and right channels, even before theintroduction of stereophonic technology.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 121Panning is a significant aspect of my composition. Inmy soundscape, in order to allocate the differentsounds to 10 different speakers, each sound had to becarefully balanced and automated. Below is aphotographic image of the panning system for mysoundscape.Image 6: Panning structure of “The Land of Isolation”.The image above depicts the movement of sound alongdifferent speakers. The movement is complex, in orderthat the experience of being in the midst of a stormwould move through the audience. One challenge isthat when sounds are panned through differentspeakers they may begin to mix accidentally, and toconflict with each other. Careful balancing and controlof sound direction and volume is required to avoid thisissueMost of the sound levels from different locations inTerrangano and Kota Baharu were fixed on -12db, sotheir qualities were relatively equal. However, for anaudience to really understand the dynamics of thestorm and of the recording, the different sounds fromelements such as waves, forest, rain and wind needed tobe layered and balanced slightly. Below is anillustration of the volume levels of different windsound movements. By adjusting the level of each andallocating each a different speaker, there was noconflict between the different sounds.2. VolumingVolume control is needed to balance the presentationof different sounds and to prevent unexpected soundmixtures.Image 7: Volume levels and automations, wind movements.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

122 Panel 33. EqualizingIn order for audiences to more easily differentiatedifferent sound qualities, it is necessary to vary thesound frequency levels. Audiences gain perspectivethrough changing and automating frequency rates,together with varying volume levels.For my composition, it was necessary to vary thefrequency rates for the sound of wave and rainmovement. Usually, when the sound of waves and rainis recorded, the sound of amplified air is alsoautomatically captured, creating a sort of “noise”which can help create perspective. For example, seawaves are usually heard at a low frequency of 10Hz and100Hz, creating a sound that gives the listener animpression of something approaching. When the lowfrequency is altered or includes the air amplifiedsound, from around 5kHz to over 10kHz, an illusion iscreated that the sound is closer. By automating thefrequency levels and amounts on an equalizer, thetexture of the sound as well as its qualities is altered. In“The Land of Isolation”, in which sounds emerge fromdifferent speakers, the role of equalizing techniques isvery important so that the audience may experiencethe horizontal sound movements and perspectives as amood or feeling, while also receiving illusionalexperiences.ConclusionWith its strong focus on technique, “The Land ofIsolation” takes a very different approach to the R.Murray Schafer composition, “The VancouverSoundscape 1973” and other soundscapes in which thefocus is primarily on representation.My composition endeavors to communicate theexperience of a huge storm to the audience in a waythat allows them to understand the concepts andinterpret the various sounds in detail in the context ofan indoor concert.NOTES12For more information on the work of R. Murray Shafer, see“The Turning of the World, R. Murray Shafer, Knopf,”1977.Gernot Bohme “Aesthetics of Atmosphere” 2006–please givefull academic reference3 Chris Watson “Field Recording Workshop @ TokyoUniversity of the Arts” 2009–please give full academicreference as per API guidelines4 Please give full reference as above5Francisco Lopez “Environmental Sound Matter” 1998–please insert full Lopez reference as above6 Tomlinson Holeman “Sound of Film and Television” 2000REFERENCETsutomu Oohashi’s “Sound Ecology” – what is the context/reference context for this?The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 123Contemporary Southeast Asian Art: Narratives of a RegionMaria Joselina Anna G. CruzIntroductionThe proposed research was to look into contemporaryart practice and production in an area of artproduction that needed a foundational analysis. It wasproposed that the research culminate an exhibitionthat would travel around three venues in Europe, Asiaand America. While this was hugely ambitious, theresearcher saw this as a necessary approach for theproject. One of art’s traditionally specific conditions isits need to be experienced rather than merely “lookedat” or “seen”. However, the research engendered evenmore research and so the projected exhibition becamean academic conference.The background of the research was inspired by MariCarmen Ramirez who showed the contemporary artworld that Latin American Art was more than just theartwork of Diego Rivera and Frida Kahlo. In an essay,written in 2008, Arthur Lubow 1 briefly brings to ourattention the expansion and recognition (and eventualconsequences such as exhibitions, catalogues, essays,and its introduction into collections) and the LatinAmerican art. As one of the curators for the HoustonMuseum of Contemporary Art, Ramirez rallied for theacquisition of a range of Latin and South AmericanArt by artists who until then were unrecognized byAmerican and European publics. 2 “It is important tostress that Latin American art is part of the West, it isnot hanging out there as neo-Aztec or neo-Mayanculture”, Ramírez argued. 3 While this line of argumentlays the ground for a return to Eurocentriccolonialism, Ramírez nevertheless introduced a set ofartists formerly unknown and unrecognized, and withit opened new ground with which South and LatinAmerican art could be read and discussed.Likewise, much of SEA art was previously unknown.In 1996, T.K. Sabapathy wrote, “Indeed, to date, not asingle perspective or framework for the study ofmodern artists and art of the region has been mootedby writers or scholars from countries in the region”. 4Although there is currently an apparent acceleration ofart production in the region, reflective and criticalconsideration of their movement and production arenary discussed.The research has managed to navigate the twists andturns of the history of the “surfacing” of SEAcontemporary art. Research also brought to light thelabor needed to braid the multi-points of ignition 5present in SEA contemporary art production and theensuing interest regarding its practice. The research isfocused on public institutions only; institutionsrealized by governments to use culture as an economicstrategy.One of these ignition points is found in Fukuoka,Japan. Located in the south of Japan, Fukuoka is closerto Asia than the rest of Japan. For the Fukuoka AsianArt Museum, the purview of their Asian collectionstretches from Southeast Asia all the way to China andSouthwest Asia to include India, Bangladesh andMongolia. However, this research is limited to theircollection of Southeast Asian Art. It must however benoted that the existence of the Fukuoka Asian ArtMuseum came about due to the growing collection ofthe Fukuoka Art Museum; it needed another venuewhich could exclusively hold and study SoutheastAsian Art.Founded in 1979, the museum opened its doors to anexhibition of Asian art 6 focusing on India, China andJapan. Ushiroshoji points out that this exhibitionserved to initiate the rest of the Asian Art Showswhich, through acquisitions, would build up themuseum’s collection to such a point that it needed awhole new framework (critically and physically) tocontinue its growth. The decision to put up theFukuoka Asian Art Museum was made.Critical discussions would surface much later inanother part of the world. In 1992, a roundtablediscussion led by Asia Society’s Vishakha Desai 7 tookplace in New York. Consisting of Asian and Americanscholars, art historians, curators and critics, thediscussions produced the pivotal decision of havingAsian “guest” curators lead the exhibition, whichwould eventually be entitled “Contemporary Art inAsia: Traditions/Tensions”. Thai curator ApinanPoshynanda would become the lead in fashioning thisexhibition that travelled around America and Asia. Itwas crucial to see the context within whichPoshynanda worked in Thailand and the repercussionsThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

124 Panel 3of his key role in creating a valuable platform for SEAContemporary Art outside of Asia. The research forthe API is one strand of the globalizing pace at whichSEA contemporary art grew into importance. Theother two critical strands that allowed forcontemporary art in Southeast Asia to grow are thesustained collecting practices of other public andgovernment backed institutions within Asia andAustralia, together with the large-scale exhibitions thatencouraged the practice within the region. Suchsustained practices underline an economic capitalwilling to encourage cultural and social expression todevelop. Despite the slowdown in funding, in Japanfor example, there continues to be a certain public willto continue supporting cultural practice.Overview of Practices in Public Contemporary ArtCollectionsThe idea of the museum can be traced back totradition of the cabinet of curiosities (wunderkammerand/or the kunstkammer [art cabinet]) which becamehighly popular during the height of colonial conquestswhen voyages into the East brought back “wonders”otherwise only imagined by European travelers. Whilethe heritage is not a direct line, as Douglas Crimpemphasizes, “This late Renaissance type of collectiondid not evolve into the modern museum. Rather it wasdispersed; its sole relation to present-day collections isthat certain of its “rarities” eventually found their wayinto our museums (or museum departments) … insome cases our museums of art”. 8 Wherein its initialand continuing definition has been a repository ofobjects, collections are the core of museums andinevitably their strength, specially for thoseinstitutions who work within traditional frameworks. 9In a UNESCO public discussion on 21 st -centurymuseums, Jean-Louise Deotte essays in hispresentation that museums are devices by whichcertain aspects of culture are made heterogenous.Having had past experience working for the other 2institutions, 10 it was mostly through interviews,watching FAAM staff work on exhibitions display andspending time in the storage that allowed me to gain abetter understanding of the collection and themuseum’s development. My research looks at threemain public and government –backed institutions thatseek to produce a coherent collection within theframework of regionality.There is the Singapore Art Museum, the onlyinstitution of its kind in Southeast Asia that focuses itscollection on Southeast Asian art; the Queensland ArtGallery/Gallery of Modern Art in Brisbane, Australia,the institution that established its name by its activepresence within the region in the mid-1990s; and theFukuoka Asian Art Museum whose early interest inAsian Art and the discourse and problems that wentwith it, broke ground for SEA contemporary artacquisitions.However, while my research was limited to Japan andThailand, thus mainly focusing on the Fukuoka AsianArt Museum (as well as the Asia Society activities, viaThai curator Apinan Poshynanda), there is a need tomention the following institutions as they arenecessary for the discourse in SEA narrative making viatheir museum’s collecting and exhibitionary activities.It must be noted however that each institution uses theidea (and word) Asia in a variety of contexts andconsiderations. But all are government initiated andcontinue their work and their programs throughpublic funding. This research does not include privatecollections whose funding come from privatesources. 11Kuroda Raiji notes that for FAAM geographicalgrouping was their “objective” way forward, collectingeverything from Mongolia to Pakistan to Taiwan, thePhilippines and Singapore. Singapore, on the otherhand, limits itself to the ASEAN group of nations—however, there has been interest in works fromCambodia and Laos. The QAG/GOMA in Australia,which straddles Asia and Europe, collects work rangingfrom international art to Pacific Islander art, withoutany particular category for SEA art.1. The Singapore Art MuseumSAM opened in 1996 with the objective of becoming amuseum aimed at preserving and presenting the arthistories and contemporary art practices of Singaporeand Southeast Asia. It set its goal when their openingexhibition looked at the region’s practice acrossgenerational artistic practice. This was by no meansdefinitive or prescriptive. In fact, its title “Modernityand Beyond”, offered a conscious effort at suggesting apossible discursive framework with enough problems(this being the term “modernism”) to invite and raiseboth comment and discussion, but leaving theexhibition open to the unfolding of regional andnational histories.Fifteen years on, the Singapore Art Museum has goneon to craft a more efficient and ambitious collectionsobjective. From the SAM website, it reads:The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 125Like the region itself Singapore and Southeast Asia isdiverse, dynamic and multifaceted, possessing its owndistinctive aesthetics and artistic traditions shaped bydifferent approaches to art-making and practices. Withthis in mind, SAM has been building a stellar collectionof contemporary Southeast Asian art. SAM’s acquisitionspolicy devotes 80% of funds to Southeast Asian art, andthe remaining 20% to the wider Asian region, such asChina, India, Korea and Japan to provide a broadercultural context for the core collection.An artwork is acquired for its artistic merits andinnovation, as well as what it may reveal or reflect ofwider developments in art and society. The artistsrepresented in the SAM collection fall into three broadgroups: the “pioneering” contemporary artists or onesassociated with avant-garde practices, mid-career artists,and emerging practitioners. Through its acquisitionpolicy and continued funding support from thegovernment, individuals and corporate donors, SAM isable to include iconic works of art in its collection,encourage artists to create important new works throughartist commissions and showcase the best incontemporary art from the region.This collections objective targets SEA but does nothowever provide itself with a direction other than ageneral amassing of works. Upon observation, it maywell be found within the context of Singapore’sincessant drive to fashion itself into a hub, not only asfinancial and economic, but also into one whereinculture is allowed to flourish. Certainly, throughSAM’s efforts, the National Art Gallery, which is set toopen in 2014, has become its logical off-shoot. Thecollection will then be divided between the twoinstitutions. As to how the collection will beapportioned to give each institution a specific identity,is something that will have to be seen when the doorsof the National Art Gallery of Singapore open.2. Queensland Art Gallery/Gallery of Modern ArtQueensland Art Gallery (QAG) is the oldest of all theinstitutions mentioned, with its history dating back tothe 1800s, its initial collection a set of loans from aprivate collector. While its history is mostly checkeredby the search for a permanent home (they finallysettled on the Brisbane River at South Brisbane), QAGcollecting history is also slightly less focused. From itswebsite, we learn that,“… (it) houses a significant collection of more than 14000 Australian and international paintings, sculptures,decorative art objects, multimedia installations, andworks on paper”.A search through its collection search engine shows acataloguing of artworks across a wide range of areas:Indigenous Australian Art to Queensland Heritage toContemporary International Art to International Art.There is of course Asian Art that is differentiated fromContemporary Asian Art and Contemporary PacificArt.The Collection text continues: “… the past 20 years thefocus has shifted towards the representation of modernand contemporary cultures. As a result, the QueenslandArt Gallery is now distinguished for its growingcollections of contemporary Australian art, IndigenousAustralian art, and the art of the Asia-Pacific region”.In 2006, the Gallery of Modern Art (GOMA) openeda new building and gallery that effectively split thedemands on Queensland Art Gallery’s resourcesregarding exhibitions, programs and collectiondisplays. With new GOMA next door, the newgallery’s focus was to look at art produced during the20 th - and 21 st -centuries.Before GOMA’s building opened in 2006, the Asia-Pacific Triennial was launched in 1993. It became amajor event in Australia and the rest of the region,placing Brisbane as an important city for culture andthe arts. It started QAG’s role as a major SEAcontemporary art collector as most of the works shownand/or commissioned by QAG were absorbed into thecollection.QAG, upholds, and rightly so, that the APT “..is theonly major series of exhibitions in the world to focusexclusively on the contemporary art of Asia, the Pacificand Australia”. 12 The APT exhibitions becameopportune moments for acquiring important pieces.The APT also pushed their curators to develop deepties in the countries where their specific research wastaking place (this was the case for the Philippines forthe first three APTs). The work that was shownproved to be of a quality and significance worthy ofconsideration for acquisition. This acquisition schemehas been modified with sharper scrutiny before anartwork is acquired into the collection: “an ongoingelement of the APT series is the commissioning of newworks in tandem with an acquisition program for theGallery’s permanent Collection”. 13The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

126 Panel 33. Fukuoka Asian Art MuseumThe Fukuoka Art Museum (FAM) opened its doors in1979, and similar to the Singapore Art Museumlaunched its museum with an exhibition on Asian art.The interest in Asia was sustained so much so that, “InOctober 1980, the first exhibition in the world tocomprehensively introduce the contemporary art ofAsia was held at the Fukuoka Art Museum. The showwas the first, and probably the last of its kind in termsof scale. More than 450 artists from 13 countries, fromPakistan eastward to Japan, took part. 14 This latteraspect is similar to QAG/GOMA, as these earlyexhibitions led to acquisition of work into the FAMcollection. The first exhibition, called the Asian ArtShow, became an effort which was held every 5 years,resulting in four exhibitions from which more than500 works have been absorbed into the FAMcollection. By the mid-1990s, the situation was similarto that of QAG, and there was the political will tocreate a new museum; this became the Fukuoka AsianArt Museum (FAAM) which was to house the Asiancollection and create a program to support thisgrowing aspect of contemporary art in this area ofJapan.It was, too, in 1999 that the Fukuoka Triennale saw itsinception in this new home. The exhibition, whichmay be seen as a copycat move to the earlier APT, wasinstead a continuation of the Asian Art Shows framedwithin the growing modality of the Biennale/Triennale circuit. By this time, the acquisitionsprogram of FAAM was set in place, with it purchasingoutside of its large-scale exhibitions, but also acquiringthose that were part of it.Narratives from a CollectionIt is necessary to give a background to the collectingpractice of the other important institutions as this setsthe tone for the rest of the paper, which looks at theFukuoka Asian Art Museum, and from this weavespatterns of reading a particular collecting narrative aswell as the stories that arise from its collection. 151. FAAM Collecting PracticeWhat are the political, moral, artistic and philosophicalissues of the collection in the 21 st century? …Theintention of the collection is always to accumulate, protectand exhibit — to make visible and to explain. However,the distinction between the nature and the role ofmuseums has undergone significant evolution,compelling us to study anew how the question ofuniversality has been addressed in the past, and how it isaddressed today. 16Collecting has now become more than mereaccumulation of objects. Each collection, formed,supported and sustained, embodies particulardiscourses that maintain stakes expected of culturallydirected institutions. Raiji Kuroda, current SeniorCurator at FAAM states clearly that the push forartistic activity in Fukuoka was a policy developed bythe Fukuoka City government. 17 In many cases, theaspiration to promote a city becomes viable throughthe promotion of art. Politicians hover on the edges ofartistic entrepreneurship 18 and push for these to existso as to attract a variety of investors and audiences.Kuroda re-tells the moment when the officialexpectation of the new museum, FAAM, developedinto more than mere suggestion:“After examining possible locations for the newmuseum, the city government…chose the location inthe Hakata area…(where) a huge new building was tobe constructed…originally conceived for (sic) adepartment store…the biggest project to re-develop thearea…the museum got two floors”. 19It was therefore no surprise to the curators that “thenew museum was expected to work not only for art,but for the revitalization of the community”. 20 Beforeone reaches the museum, which is found on the 7 thand 8 th floor of the building, one has to cross and passalong the unabashed consumerist pulls of LouisVuitton, Gucci and YSL shops, an expensive wine andsake shop, an organic store and several other poshshops. An expensive restaurant is found on the groundfloor facing the river. Using the museum as an eventsvenue and as a cultured space allowing the Japanese tomeet artists, curators and performers, the revitalizationeffort pushes for global money (the stores are notJapanese) as museum guests crisscross the halls of theRiverain to arrive at the Fukuoka Asian ArtMuseum. 21The museum, its collection, programs, staff, etc. wereasked to look outside of Japan rather than in. ThenSenior Curator, Ushiroshoji Masahiro, then made thedecision to shift FAAM’s original directive to be morein line with the political move of the city government.This shift was to engage with art that was morepractice-driven rather than object-ended. Kurodaexplains that:The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 127“The decision to emphasize practice and encounter 22 ,more than theory and aesthetics, by (sic) producingstages where audiences can directly meet…Asiancontemporary artists, rather than…debating…pasthistory, seeking Asian identities, or to …“teach” peopleabout Asian culture or contemporary art. I do notmean that the museum is allowed to ignore or forgetthese theoretical and historical discourses, but whencan we start practice if (sic) we are to wait to find theconclusion?” 23With this new focus, FAAM’s programs andexhibitions consequently re-directed and re-articulatedthe collection from one that was merely object-basedto a collection with more archival work, videos andinstallations which made possible more audienceencounters.Jean-Louis Deotte asserts that the museum is a devicein which objects solely inhabit the museum’simagination (this being collected objects that merelyre-tell the imaginations allowed by curators) 24 but notits memory (if we consider the original idea of themuseum as not merely repositories of objects, but thatof memory). However, the practice of encounter andexchange facilitated by FAAM removes the loss ofimagination and possession disallowed by detachedobjects. The museum’s practice of allowing encountersand interactions means that audiences can assume“ownership” of an artwork.2) FAAM CollectionThe collection contains a variety of objects andpractices that tell the histories of societies. In this case,FAAM is one of the few institutions that collectedearly SEA art without the political inflections foundacross the collections of QAG/GOMA and SAM. It is,for instance, refreshing to see works by Filipinoprintmaker Pandy Aviado (Photo 1) alongside thoseexpressing the political angst of Indonesian DadangChristanto. These two works which carry particulartimbres of political and aesthetic edges, suggest avariety of plays and juxtapositions that clever andastute curators can pull together to discuss an array ofconcerns and topics. The collections reflect the globalebbs and flows of cultural exchanges.Several artists whose works are found in the collection,come to mind as ably chronicling not only changes inattitudes towards art across the region, but alsoreflecting the context in which they were produced.This reading of art may seem like a task of simplyreading the visual cues that are presented within awork of art. But sometimes the visual blurs the actualcontext, or becomes reactionary impulses towardsevents or are produced as trends dictated by the times.Art has always been a device, used as a carrier ofthought and imagination; processes of thinking andreflection; a purveyor of the tempers of contexts andsociety; of political upheavals and financial turmoil. Attimes they leave us no choice, as some artists tie theirwork down to one meaning and there is no shaking offthis hardened shell.Tang Da Wu’s “Reconstructed Horn from RhinoDrink” (1989) (Photo 2) and “Plaster Cast of a Tiger’sPenis” (1991) (Photo 3) are connected works in theartist’s practice and oeuvre. Both works exist asdocumentation of performances. “ReconstructedHorn from Rhino Drink” is embodied as a sculpture,but at the same time exists as a study for theperformance, entitled ‘“Tiger Whip” (Photo 4). TangDa Wu is seen as the seminal performance artist in theart circuit of Singapore. Da Wu’s works drawsattention and awareness by his critique of animalsbeing killed for one singular part of their physiognomy.Mostly drawn from myth, these marketed potions arepopular for a variety of healing and virility purposes.But high demand for these products has almost pushedthese animals into extinction. 25 The Rhino drink forexample uses rhinoceros horns, while another potionuses tiger penises. Da Wu’s performances take placewithin an installation, with stark elements. Animalforms are merely white, emptied of other referencesother than their universal shape, and Da Wu moveswithin the installation in similarly stark dress to weavehis way across the installed forms.Nindityo Adipurnomo’s works have always centeredaround the headpieces of Javanese women covering thefaces of men (Photo 5). While this may have trappedhis work into a particular reading, Nindityo’s longtermpractice of woven rattan sculptures had pushedhis work into the realm of iconography. His beautifulsepia photographs extended and re-interpreted hissubject of Javanese women. (Photo 6). While in hisstudio in Japan, the artist collected a set of Japanesenotebooks, creating a diary of his stay. Nindityo’s diaryconsisted of objects and paintings. These were keptinside a closet, which contained this set of notebooks,plus another set of modest portraits of people he cameacross. The two sets of stories created a picture of hisstay in Japan, telling the flow of his days; allowing us avisual entry. The details, such as Japanese paintThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

128 Panel 3brushes, a small painting of a blond woman with atooth brush, are concrete and tangible, but despitehaving the objects as proof, the stories flow without afull stop. Nindityo’s works do not tell us when to moveon to the next story. It is a cabinet that allows forcuriosity, if not a sense of voyeurism. (Photo 7)I have placed Navin Rawanchaikul last because while Iwas in Thailand, I witnessed one of his biggest artprojects which took place in his home town of ChiangMai. One of the key artists in Thailand, if not theregion, Rawanchaikul’s art had from the verybeginning involved community participation. His“Navin Gallery Bangkok” (Photo 8) had a taxiinstalled with art and objects. The taxi travelledaround the city like a normal taxi picking uppassengers. Other versions were done in Sydney,London, Bonn and New York. 26 The exhibition in thetaxi would be changed each week. His practice hassince been centered around the act of bridging localsystems with that of global trends. 27 His project withFukuoka Asian Art Museum in 1998 involvedworking with schoolchildren and local people. Hiswork in December 2010 was a public interventionentitled Mahakad (Photo 8, 9, 10) which involved theChiang Mai’s Warorot market (known locally as KadLuang) a market almost as dizzying as Chatuchak inBangkok. Rawanchaikul chose the market, a centralfeature of Chiang Mai, having grown up in his family’sfabric store in Kad Luang. This massive interventioninvolved interviews with the locals of the market’smulti-cultural community. It is to Rawanchaikul’scredit that this site-specific work elaborated not onlythe lives of present-day market vendors (who gavetheir oral histories on video), but also re-establishedconnections to the history of the place.Rawanchaikul’s use of local histories and formats fromwhich to anchor global forms of exchange, frees himfrom being pulled into accepted norms within theinternational art scene. The critique of the spectacleand issue of exoticism can be leveled against hispractice. But as this project was situated in his owncity, self-reflexivity comes into play. Rawanchaikul issituated, and the event’s context untranslatable.Un-crating Collections and the Transit of IdeasIt has been said that art works that enter museums gothere to die. In a sense, there is some truth to this asmuseums tend to freeze the artworks. As a repository,the museum keeps and cares for the objects inperpetuity. The objects are cared for by experts andconservators, housed in particular storages andhandled with gloves. Each object must remain in thesame state, as much as possible, the way they werereceived. In this way, objects are treated withpermanence, so much so that all acts done upon it willpermeate through to the future.Any work of art always exists within a context; andwhile there are possible and even allowable universalinterpretations, art is always made in specificcircumstances and purposes. Meaning can be drawnfrom each object, but the crux of this paper focuses onthe myriads of ways. It may seem like a relativistnotion, interpretations whirl around every object, suchthat “questions can be formulated, and answers soughtin ways very different from the procedures developedin western tradition”. 28 Indeed, art works once drawninto a collection and also once presented in a displayallow for meanings to emerge. However, the reading ofmeanings cannot pivot around an object mercilesslysuch that the object is rendered catatonic. Certainideological contexts can be taken, and depending onwhat one chooses, most especially with conceptualcross-cultural borrowing, each position must be heldinto account for establishing the art objects’ validity.In Ushiroshoji Masahiro’s text, he gives us a glimpseinto the collections via FAAM’s exhibition display.Plainly speaking, exhibitions like these are skewedtowards works that are seen as jewels of the collection.Thus the 2007 exhibition “Asia Collection 70: Fromthe Collection of the Fukuoka Asian Art Museum”,highlights works from either seminal artists likeAmanda Heng and Tang Da Wu from Singapore oriconic works like Thai artist Montien Boonma’s Alm(the work and artist are key in the region) (Photo 11)or Carcass-Cornucopia by Filipina artist AgnesArellano (Photo 12) Indeed, FAAM’s collection needsunearthing to reveal the trajectories that certain artistsand their works have opened to allow for other worksto follow, and other discourses, even those inopposition to theirs.“Henry Moore said,”sculpture is like a journey”. In asense, visiting a museum and viewing its collection alsoresembles a journey. // The journey through that landknown as the Fukuoka Asian Art Museum (FAAM)must be a little eccentric and yet a fresh experience.Unlike well-known tourist destinations, there is noadequate map, there are no guidebooks prepared andthere are no signposts to be found. The travelers who visitthis place may begin to question their own values andartistic standards. When they begin this questioningThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 129process, that may be the moment when the landscapes ofthis journey begin to speak to their hearts. But, this isprobably the case in any journey, bound for anywhere”. 29These journeys as we walk through exhibition displays(these are exhibitions drawn from the collection/s) arejourneys suggested by a curator’s mind. But also ajourney taken through exhibitions seen elsewhere,with objects drawn from this one and then another.The trips taken by curators are to basically cull objectsand absorb them into their own keeps, the basic levelof the global art exchange. One step up is loans—wherein museums borrow from museums. This spursthe exchange of ideas, but also the financial investmentto encourage these exchanges. Critical inquiry intovarious aspects of culture, from the problematic ofAsian-ness, what makes Asia, the congruency ofrelational aesthetics with regional concerns, etc. arediscussed. Through these conduits exhibitions becomereflections and repositories of events and movementsin the art world and their contexts. Exhibitionshowever are temporary events, brief blips in time thatreflect current thought—it is the source of the objectsfrom whence these exhibitions are produced thatanchor the production of thought and discourse.This turn of the gaze inwards, with full understandingof contexts and backgrounds, is one of the aims of theresearch. It is to read the text set out by strong SEAcollections. As explicated above, FAAM has set out astrong position towards the collection of objects andexhibitions geared towards participation. Thisreadiness to forge new ground outside ofstraightforward acquisition of objects, gives us tractionupon which contemporary art museums with SEAcollections can be viewed and re-viewed.While my original project proposal was an exhibition,a conference from the three institutions with largeSEA collections is being studied, instead. The work ofcollections needs to be understood more within thecontext of institutional collecting, and its impact onsociety, and apprise the reach of SEA contemporary artoutside of the region. The exhibition Traditions/Tensions was initiated more than a decade ago andalthough it has spurred on other large-scale Asian/SEAexhibitions, its goals and objectives now need to be reassessed.We too must consider the recent swell offinancial growth in the region which has once againpulled attention to Asia/SEA. HK and Singapore areleading in the creation of sparkling cultural centersattracting European curators and directors. Korea hasalso been actively making rounds and initiatingexchanges. The Jakarta Biennale and SingaporeBiennale have been gaining ground as destinationexhibitions. The auctions have also been active(whether this be to the detriment of the art scene ornot), and art fairs (Manila and Singapore) havebecome common ground for exchanges. We haveoutgrown the Tiger economies era and ambitions haverun beyond mere and blatant financial growth. Thereis the realization that culture too is a consumeristproduct which is as desirable as the next Prada outfit.It is due to these events that a more thorough exchangeshould and can be made within and amongst theseinstitutions, together with leading local critics, arthistorians, curators and artists. Most of theseinstitutions (except for QAG, exempting the fact ofthe APT project and the opening of GOMA) areyoung, newly opened. Whilst patterned aftertraditional western models, the trajectories ofexhibition-making and the future of their collectingpatterns are moving away from given models. We haveto create our own set of histories, discussions anddiscourses, not as a pass? orientalist/other-nessbacklash, but because we must, and we can.NOTES1Arthur Lubow, “After Frida”, New York Times, March 23,2008. Accessed March 23, 2008.http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/23/magazine/23ramirezt.html?scp=3&sq=After%20Frida%20Arthur%20Lubow&st=cse2 “…a spotlight on the less-familiar alleyways of the SouthAmerican avant-garde, especially the artists working in Brazil,Argentina and Venezuela during the quarter-centuries oneither side of the end of the Second World War.Visitors…gazed on striated panels….by the “kinetic” artistsJesús Rafael Soto and Carlos Cruz-Díez in Venezuela; thesinuously calligraphic drawings and vehemently left-wingsculptures of the Argentine Léon Ferrari; the mysterioussteel-wire hangings, like sun-warped or moth-eaten Bauhausgrids, by Gertrude Goldschmidt, a wartime German refugeeto Venezuela who was known professionally as Gego; and themany-faceted work of the Rio de Janeiro artists HélioOiticica and Lygia Clark, close colleagues whose protominimalistand precociously interactive work in the ‘60s”.Lubow, “After Frida”.3 Lubow, “After Frida”.4TK Sabapathy, introduction to Modernity and Beyond,(Singapore: Singapore Art Museum, 1996), p85 When speaking of “multi-points of ignition”, I would like topoint out that the research was not made to look at privateThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

130 Panel 3initiatives of collecting, but rather government backedinitiatives. As such, legislated government projects are lessabout personal taste but more of an institution that validatesart to the public. The 3 institutions highlighted, are the threebiggest PUBLIC institutions which began under suchcircumstances.6 Masahiro Ushiroshoji, “The Birth of the Asia Collection:The Fukuoka Art Museum and Two Decades of Asian ArtShows”, in New Generation of Asian Art. Exhibitioncatalogue, 1997, 12.78Desai was then Vice-President for Cultural Programmes andDirector of the Galleries of the Asia Society in New Yorkwhen the round-table was convened in 1992 in NY.Douglas Crimp, On the Museum’s Ruins, (MIT Press:1993),225.9 There are spaces, such as kunsthalles run by local artassociations or groups (known as kunstvereins) which arelocal museums/ spaces that house temporary exhibitions.10 In 1999 I was an intern for 1 month for QAG’s APT 3, givingme access to the processes of large-scale exhibitions. From2005 until 2007, I worked as curator for the Singapore ArtMuseum, working on exhibitions and advising for theacquisitions team. There is however a need to re-visit thesetwo institutions for research much like the one made withFAAM’s collection.11 Private collections are dictated by the inclinations theirowners and are usually bought for investment, and if note,their own personal tastes. These are very different fromgovernment-run cultural institutions which are answerableto a public. Most curators are powerful in a sense as they arerelied upon to make choices as to which objects are to becollected and which ones are excluded. There are verycomplex and nuanced lines between public/private,economic factors, living museums, etc. which are not coveredby this paper as it would need more time and more extensiveresearch not covered by the remit of API’s programming.12 http://qag.qld.gov.au/exhibitions/apt13 http://qag.qld.gov.au/exhibitions/apt14 Ushiroshoji, “The Birth of the Asia Collection”, 11.15 This is the crux of the research. For the researcher to producea comparative study would mean spending time to look moreclosely at the two other institutions.16 Isabelle Tillerot, editor’s note to “The Stakes of the Collectionin the 21 st Century”, Museum International 59, (2007): 1-5.17 Interview, October 2010, Fukuoka, Japan19 Raiji Kuroda, “From Objects to Projects and Back Again:Practice of Fukuoka Asian Art Museum” paper given inVancouver, 200020 Kuroda, “From Objects to Projects”21 The idea of a “living museum” brought up during theconference paper presentations, is out of the scope of thispaper and does not consider it. The customary practice ofthese types of museums are more anthropological andhistorical in nature with customs and heritage concerns areprimary concerns. Such museums can be interactive to acertain extent, but are mostly sets explaining specificinstances in history. Most art museums do not take thisapproach as their focus is more on producing aestheticexperience and collaborative actions with its audience.Activities thus look into encouraging the public to joinactivities that reference art, rather than historical events. Theactivities programed by the Education Department in an artmuseum are thus more fluid and wide-ranging.22 Please see above23 Kuroda, “From Objects to Projects”24 Déotte, J.-L. (2007), The Museum, a Universal Device.Museum International, 59: 68–79. doi: 10.1111/j.1468-0033.2007.00615.x25 “This work focuses on the rhinoceros, which has been drivento the brink of extinction by poaching and indiscriminatekilling. Rhinoceros horn is used in Chinese traditionalmedicine for its antipyretic and other properties, so by usingantipyretic medicine bottles with an image if the rhinocerosas trademark, Tan symbolically reverses the process, creatinga horn out medicine bottles. Tang addresses issues ofmundane life, Chinese traditional medicine, Chinese cookingand so on, using everyday objects in his installations andcreation of works. Frequently his use of the everyday worldaround him includes inviting viewers to help in theircreation”. Masahiro Ushiroshoji. Catalogue text in AsiaCollection 70: From the Collection of the Fukuoka Asian ArtMuseum. (Fukuoka) Catalogue, 2007, 4.26 In 2008, his work “Navins of Bollywood” was shown in a NYgallery and in New Orleans, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/29/arts/29iht-mertens.1.9573662.html27 http://navinproduction.com/artist.php28 Howell, Signe. Art and Meaning in The Myth of Primitivism:Perspectives in Art.29 Masahiro Ushiroshoji, How to Look at Asian Art: From theCollections of the Fukuoka Asian Art Museum in AsiaCollection 70: From the Collection of the Fukuoka AsianArt Museum. Catalogue, 2007, 4.18 Pascal Gielen, . The Murmuring of the Artistic Multitude:Global Art, Memory and Post-Fordism. Antennae: Valiz,Amsterdam, 2009, p 2The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 131Creative Contemporary Asian Dance based on Traditional Techniques andSpirituality Fusing Lanna (Northern Thailand), Indonesia, and JapanRonnarong KhamphaIntroductionThis paper discusses the challenges of traditional dancein three parts: (1) Artists (2) Village, Palace, Street,Festivals, and (3) Workshops and Collaborations. 11. Artists. This section highlights two artists fromJapan and two artists from Indonesia to show a rangeof challenges and responses to globalization. In Kyoto,Japan, Tatsushige Udaka is a young traditional Nohtheater actor, subject to the strictest rules andrestrictions. Also in Kyoto, Heidi Durning, a half-Japanese, half-Swiss woman dancer, exemplifies thechallenges faced by a person from a multi-ethnicbackground in a traditional society.In Indonesia, Rianto and Mugiyono are performersbased in the city of Surakarta (widely called Solo) whopractice contemporary dance. Rianto is from a villagein Banyumas (between West and Central Java), whileMugiyono comes from a dalang (shadow-puppeteer)family in Central Java.2. Village, Palace, Street, Festivals explores the widerange of traditional dance being presented by groupsand institutions. From Japan, I introduce Awa Odori,a popular street festival held in mid-August each yearin the town of Tokushima on the southern island ofShikoku. The festival attracts hundreds of thousandsof people every year. I also explore Hayachine Kagura,an ancient form of masked shrine dance, believed to bethe ancestor of Noh drama, which is being quietlypreserved by villagers in the town of Tohno in Japan’sfar north. Finally, I discuss traveling troupes of socalled“downtown Kabuki” which play in smalltheaters in the poorer districts of Osaka and Tokyo. Incontrast to the very traditional “Grand Kabuki”, thesetroupes introduce informal elements such as popmusic, the wearing of blond wigs and otherinnovations.In Indonesia, Mangkunegaran Palace in Solo transmitsclassical Javanese techniques and spiritual valuesthrough the teaching of gamelan music and dance inthe palace’s historic pendopo performance halls.Ceremonies at Samwan Tiga, a Hindu temple in Bali,are also highly traditional, but are preserved byvillagers. As an example of an international arts eventof the sort that are greatly influencing contemporarydance around the region, I introduce “In the ArtsIsland 2011,” a dance and music festival held in July2011 in Bali and East Java.3. Workshops, Classes, and Collaborations. Thissection describes workshops in which I learned fromJapanese and Indonesian artists, as well as those inwhich I taught Lanna dance. Three collaborationswith local artists are discussed. In “Tatsushige toRonnarong” (Jan 2011, Kyoto), Noh artist Tatsushigeand I contrasted Noh drama with Lanna dance. In“Rianto to Ronnarong” (June 2011, Solo), Rianto andI conducted a similar event comparing Banyumas(Javanese dance) with Lanna dance. In a performancetitled Kembang Kapa (July 2011, Solo) Javanese singerPeni Candra Rini and I combined music andcontemporary dance.1. ArtistsTatsushige UdakaBorn in 1981, Tatsushige is the son of leading Nohactor Michishige Udaka of the Kongo School of NohTheater in Kyoto. Kongo is one of five traditionalschools descended from the actor Zeami of the 15 thcentury. The Kongo School is led today by a hereditaryiemoto (grand master). At age 29, Tatsushige is amember of the young generation of Noh performers.Noh is a form of masked theater that originated inshrine dances. Abstract, slow, and highly controlleddown to very small details, it includes three elements:mai (dance), hayashi (drums and flute), and utai(chanting). I studied mai and utai with Tatsushige andlearned to perform the dance section (shimai) of theplay Yuki (Snow).Tatsushige was first placed on a stage (where he says hepromptly fell asleep) at the age of three. Today he is aprofessional actor, comfortable with the Noh traditionand ready to step forward into the world ofglobalization. He is an expert on wearing the kimono,The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

132 Panel 3the hakama (Japanese traditional pants) and the obi(sash) when he performs Noh, but he wears jeans and t-shirts otherwise. He engages with artists from manycountries and has taught Noh workshops in France,the United States and Korea. With his openpersonality, he attends dance shows of all varieties,including Western and contemporary performances.He hopes to reach out to people in society and toprovide easy access to the very specialized world ofNoh.However, as an actor of the Kongo School, Tatsushigeneeds to follow the guidelines of the iemoto. The strictrules of iemoto mean that Noh Theater has been passedon, almost unchanged, for centuries, making it one ofthe world’s oldest forms of continually performeddrama. On the other hand, this strength also meansthat it is difficult to break away from the rules.Among Tatsusighe’s attempts to do this arecollaborations with his wife, the contemporary dancerHaruna Udaka, and with artists from Slovenia in aperformance piece called Nohsono. Tatsusighe has said,“I want to go back to the origins of Noh (simple stage,lighting from the woods). It feels contemporary lookedat from today”. 2 For Tatsushige, the road toglobalization lies not in trying to bring in new forms,but in going deeper into the old forms and findingcontemporary value in them.Heidi S. DurningChoreographer and dancer Heidi was born in 1957 ofa Swiss father and Japanese mother. Based in Kyoto,she studied Nihon Buyo (traditional Japanese dance) inthe leading Fujima School, where she received theprofessional stage name “Fujima Kanso-o”. She alsoearned a master of fine arts from the University ofMichigan.Nihon Buyo dates back to Kabuki performances alongthe Kamo river in Kyoto in the early 1600s. Morerealistic and expressive than Noh, it developed withinKabuki theater during the Edo period (1600-1868). Itlater multiplied into many styles, including geishadance. Nihon Buyo features make-up rather thanmasks, elaborate stages and costumes, and flowing anddramatic gestures and rhythms.In her contemporary choreography, Heidi mixesNihon Buyo with contemporary dance. While freerthan Noh Theater, Nihon Buyo is still quite strict, sowhen Heidi performs anything that is not traditionalshe uses her own name “Heidi S. Durning”. When sheperforms or teaches Nihon Buyo she uses her certifiedFujima school name.“Being half Swiss and Japanese, sometimes it seems Iget away with being creative in this way, but I guess if Idid something very embarrassing the school would notlike it. I have not had too much trouble creating newthings. I guess I am also sort of known as a fusiondancer within that world… I feel I have been lucky totravel through these worlds. Sometimes I feel like aforeigner in the traditional Japanese world… It wouldbe nice to be more universally accepted in those wayssometimes”. 3Heidi calls her work Fusion Dance. Heidi’s “fusion” ispart of the centuries-long process of traditional danceadapting to outside influences. Being half Swiss andhalf Japanese has advantages and disadvantages. MostJapanese Nihon Buyo dancers are still focused onworking within the iemoto system and are not ready toventure into contemporary forms. That gives Heidicertain possibilities and openings. On the other hand,many Japanese people feel that she is not a “trueJapanese” and so it can be difficult for her to work inthe traditional formats, at the deeper levels.RiantoBorn in 1981 in a village near Banyumas, a small citybetween central and west Java, Rianto begantraditional Javanese dancing in high school andgraduated with a degree in dance from the Intitut SeniIndonesia at Surakarta (STSI) in 2004. From 2005 healso trained in Javanese court dance at MangkunegaranPalace. Married to a Japanese dancer, he is the founderand director of the Dewandaru Dance Company inTokyo. Rianto spends part of each year in Japan, andthe rest in Indonesia and conducting performances inother countries.Rianto believes that what we now see as “traditionaldance” was the “contemporary dance” of its time. Hedevelops his work by taking the techniques,choreography and ideas from traditional dance tocreate his own new work.In Rianto’s vision, the difference today betweentraditional and contemporary dance is that whiletraditional dance evolved over the years, contemporarydance is more focused on “concept”. It takes ideas fromThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 133the lives of people and the artists themselves to createsomething new. Rianto’s motto is “new creation, newidea”.Rianto works with artists from different countries, forexample, Pappatarahumara (a contemporary dancecompany in Tokyo), Noh actors, and Sen Hea Ha fromKorea. He also takes dancers from Indonesia toperform in dance festivals around the world.Rianto’s challenge is that not many people know aboutcontemporary dance in Indonesia. However,awareness is growing as a result of dance festivals suchas the Indonesian Dance Festival in Jakarta, the SoloInternational Performing Arts event and the LenyogArt Festival in Kalimantan.Mugiyono KasidoMugiyono, the most senior artist mentioned here, wasborn in 1967. Known as one of Indonesia’s leadingcontemporary performers, he comes from a family ofdalang (shadow puppet masters) in Central Java. Hestarted dancing at the age of eight, and continued tostudy classical Javanese dance, graduating in 1993 fromthe Institut Seni Indonesia at Surakarta (STSI).Mugiyono highly values the masters he has studiedunder, such as R. Ng. Rono Suripto from theMangkunegaran Palace, Suprapto Suryodarmo, andSardono W. Kusumo.Starting in 1992, while still studying at STSI,Mugiyono began choreographing contemporarypieces. He wanted to do something new.In addition to dance, he teaches and conductsworkshops. However, he points out, “Anywhere in theworld, it is hard to live as a dancer”. 4 In Solo it isacceptable to perform both traditional andcontemporary dance, and Solo society is supportive.But there is not much support from the government.“The concept of my contemporary work is‘nowadays’”, says Mugiyono. In his vision, he tries tomake the traditional and contemporary elements in hisdance enhance and support each other. He tries totransmit old forms in a modern way. For example, inhis performances, he uses old dance techniques andstories, but wears ordinary clothes and presents thestories in a contemporary way.2. Village, Palace, Street, FestivalsAwa OdoriAwa Odori is a type of dance performed in mid-Augustin Tokushima city in Japan’s southern island Shikoku.Everywhere in Japan in mid-July or mid-August,people gather to dance in honor of the ancestors forObon (Festival of the Dead). In most Obon festivals,people dance calmly in unison in a circle, withmusicians seated in a tower in the center. However, inTokushima, people dance in small separate groups thatparade through the streets, accompanied by musiciansplaying kane (gongs), taiko (drums), fue (flutes) andshamisen (guitar). At times the dance can be veryfrenzied and acrobatic. Dancers and musicians,including women, men and children, make fun withspectators and invite them to join the dancing. Themen, wearing happi (short tunics) and white shorts,dance more energetically than the women who aredressed in yukata (cotton summer kimonos) and strawhats. The women look like delicate white egretsstepping through a pond.Awa Odori is very popular and draws hundreds ofthousands of people from around Japan. Someparticipants practice all year just to dance in the event.Some groups are very traditional, wearing typicalyukata; others adopt a more “pop” style, with costumesdecorated with metallic silk-screen designs, and usingposes from rock or rap bands. Some groups dance forshow in front of an audience seated on viewingbleachers; others just dance for pleasure, wanderingaround at random in the back streets. The eventprovides traditional, informal fun for everyone, adultsand children.An important contribution to the success of AwaOdori is good management by the city authorities. Forexample the authorities invite dancers to come from allover Japan, provide bleachers for the audience to watchthe parades, and close off large parts of the city totraffic so that groups can dance freely.TohnoTohno city is located in Iwate prefecture innortheastern Japan. Northern Japan is known as thecountry’s rice bowl, and is also known for its severewinters. Tohno became famous in Japan afterethnologist Kunio Yanagida published his book TohnoThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

134 Panel 3Monogatari (Tales of Tohno) in 1910, introducing theregion’s colorful folk tales and ghost stories.The region preserves several very old forms of folkdance. One is Shishi-Odori, a very energetic jumpingdance. It’s a kind of “lion dance” using huge masks thatare part-deer, part-lion, and that feature enormousmanes made from shaved wood bark.Another is Hayachine Kagura, an ancient maskeddance performed at Hayachine Shinto Shrine in themountains. Kagura is a type of dance performed atShinto shrines. Experts think that Hayachine Kagurashows the original form of Noh Theater, before itreached the capital of Kyoto and was refined after the14 th century. It has been preserved for centuries byvillagers who have their own groups of performers andeven a local hereditary iemoto, Mr. Suzuki.Shishi-Odori is still going strong, with groups of youngfarmers training and dancing at festivals. But thevillage of Hayachine is ageing, and Mr. Suzuki has noheir. The tradition, which has lasted for so long, is insome danger. It was moving to watch Mr. Suzuki, whois very old and had recently had a stroke, put on themask and dance for us. We could see a world of ancientart that might not survive the modern age.Downtown KabukiIn centuries past there were many traveling Kabukitroupes in Tokyo and in the provinces, but in the early20 th century they were combined into the “GrandKabuki” based in Tokyo. Grand Kabuki is performedby famous artists in big theaters. The level of art is veryhigh, with large orchestras of traditional instruments,painted stages, brocade costumes, and beautifully madewigs and makeup. The manner of speaking is verystylized, as are many of the movements.In fact, some of the small Kabuki troupes didn’tdisappear but went “underground” into small theatersin the old downtowns of poorer neighborhoods inOsaka and Tokyo. One of these theaters is the NaniwaClub in the Shinsekai area of Osaka. I went to see atroupe called Hisho.Unlike at the Grand Kabuki, where people sit veryquietly and clap politely at the end, the audience forHisho was lively, eating and drinking, shouting theirappreciation, and even tacking wads of Y10,000 notesonto their favorite actor’s kimonos. The Hisho troupeis basically one family, with set pieces performed by thegrandfather, grandmother, aunt, father, and evenyoung children. They wore blond wigs, had costumesmade of day-glo synthetics, and danced to pop musicwhile lit by strobe lights. It was Kabuki adapted tointernational pop culture.At the time of its beginnings in the early 1600s, Kabukiwas the art of the people; the pop culture of its day.Nowadays people think of it as “traditional art,” but inOsaka one could see how it grew out of pop culture.Mangkunegaran PalaceThe royal courts of Java preserve a rich tradition ofdance, gamelan music, costume, textiles, ritual, andphilosophical teaching. Their dance is similar toJapanese Noh theater in that the pace is slow andstately, the mood contemplative and abstract. Thecourts themselves, led by hereditary Sultans, andprizing small but important differences between eachother, are similar to Japan’s iemoto (hereditary schoolsheaded by grand masters).Of these, Mangkunegaran Palace, a princely house inSolo dating from 1756, is one of the leading centers oftraditional performance in Indonesia. Its pendopo(open-sided performance hall) is one of the oldest andlargest in the country, and its ruling family placesmuch emphasis on preserving old forms of dance andmusic, and teaching them to Indonesians and foreignstudents.I studied in Solo from August 2006 until July 2008,and again from February to July 2011 on the APIfellowship, and during those years spent much timeviewing performances and studying at MangkunegaranPalace.Mangkunegaran’s emphasis on tradition is actually anadvantage in a globalized age. People around the worldwant to see the highest and best example of old artforms, and so they are drawn to Mangkunegaranbecause of its quality. It is proof that something thatseems very traditional and local can have aninternational appeal.However, it doesn’t happen just by accident.Mangkunegaran Palace works hard on outreach toIndonesians and foreigners, including providing publicperformances on Wednesdays and by organizing theThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 135palace-sponsored Mangkunegaran Performing Artsfestival.Mangkunegaran’s successful combination seems to be:Within the institution, or internally, it maintains apride in tradition and an emphasis on high standards.Externally, it is open to outsiders, eager to teach peoplefrom many backgrounds, and willing to experiment.Samwan Tiga Hindu TempleSamwan Tiga is an ancient Hindu temple in the villageof Bedulu, near Ubud in central Bali. Now a lesserknownlocal site, in the 10 th century it was the statetemple of the main kingdom of Bali.Once a year, people from around 12 villages in thevicinity gather for a huge festival. Groups parade fromall directions to the temple. Lines of women carry tallofferings of fruit and flowers on their heads, bands ofmusicians play cymbals and drums, and men carrypalanquins with the images of various deities,including Hindu gods such as Shiva and Brahma,Buddhist deities and local spirits. Among the latter arethe barong (guardian spirits) which can be in theshapes of lions, dragons, or even people, such as theblack images of a 10 th century Balinese king and hisChinese wife, revered as lords of black magic.Men dressed in white run in circles through the templecomplex, whipping each other with sacred leaves, aselderly women follow them while dancing a veryarchaic style of Balinese dance. Everywhere there areelaborate flower arrangements and fruit offerings. Thethousands of participants are dressed in their bestsarongs made from Balinese and Javanese textiles.Bali is unusual in Indonesia because it resisted theIslamic wave in the 15 th century and continues to thisday to be a Hindu island. In the 20th century it usedtourism to support and internationalize its arts, so thattoday Balinese dance is perhaps the best-knownIndonesian dance worldwide. However, the festival atSamwan Tiga is interesting because it is based entirelyon religious faith, and not on tourism (most touristsdon’t even know about it). Importantly, it shows thatmaintaining a culture is not so difficult; you don’t needsupport from the government or help from outsideorganizations. Simple faith can preserve culturaltraditions. This can be done without modification tofit into modern society or globalization.“In The Arts Island 2011”Regional arts festivals are a powerful engine for theglobalization of performing arts in Asia. Unlike manyother dance events, they are not “tourist shows” withlocals dressed up in picturesque costumes dancingtraditional showpieces. They focus on creative artists,and try to facilitate cultural exchange betweendifferent countries. Arts festivals are venues forpremieres of cutting-edge work by creative artists. Atarts festivals many students get their first taste of theoutside world. Some festivals tour regional towns andvillages, so that even villagers are exposed. Meanwhile,the festivals provide visiting artists with a chance tolearn about local traditions.One of the smaller, but most exciting, Indonesian artsfestivals is “In The Arts Island 2011,” founded bydirector Agung Gunawan from Yogyakarta. I joinedthis festival in July 2011 in its second year. Theconcept is to foster cooperation betweencontemporary dance artists from overseas and artistsand artistic traditions of local areas in Indonesia. Thefestival moves around, presenting the same work indifferent places.In 2011 the festival started in Bali and moved to fourlocations in East Java between 12-20 July. Participantartists came from Australia (Yumi Umiumare, TonyYap, Ida Lawrence); Malaysia (Kuan Nam); Thailand(Ronnarong Khampha), and Indonesia (AgungGunawan, Iwan Darmawan, Memet Chairul Slamet,Gita Purnama Kinanthi, I Nyoman Sura, BagusBudiindarto and Agus Riyanto).One interesting event was held on 19 July at PundenMbah Agung/Pujon Malang in East Java. The festivalstarted with the parade of the bantengang dance (bulltrance dance) in which everyone, including manydance troupes, paraded from village to village fromnoon until midnight, ending at the tomb of thefounder of the first village. Then the action shifted tocontemporary work from Thailand, Australia,Malaysia and Indonesia, finishing with improviseddance by local artists, villagers and overseas artists. Theevent continued on into the night with the bull trancedance.“In The Arts Island 2011” is a good example of alinking between contemporary artists from overseasand traditions of a particular area in Indonesia.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

136 Panel 3Ranging from village to international – and back again– it was a truly globalized event.3. Workshops, Classes, and CollaborationsWorkshops and ClassesI stayed for six months each in Japan and in Indonesiato become familiar with the traditional values andtechniques of dance and other traditional arts in bothcountries. In Japan, I studied Noh Theater withTatsushige Udaka of the Kongo School, and NihonBuyo with Senrei Nishikawa of the Nishikawa School.In Indonesia, I attended dance practice at theMangkunegaran Palace in Solo, and studied Balinesedance with Kadek Dewi Aryani at her studio in Ubud,Bali.I also conducted workshops to introduce Lanna danceto local students. I taught a series of classes in Lannadance at Kyoto Seika University, concluding with aperformance in which students danced in costumebefore an audience. I also taught Lanna dance tostudents at the Institut Seni Indonesia ISI Surakarta inSolo.Through workshops and classes such as these I had achance to learn the dance techniques of Japan andIndonesia, and to pass on some of my traditionalknowledge to students in both countries.Collaborations“Tatsushige to Ronnarong” (22 January 2011)From August 2010 to January 2011, Tatsushige Udakaand I embarked on six months of study of Noh.Beginning with aisatsu (greetings), we worked on howto wear the kimono and hakama (lower garment), theforms of Noh dance, such as kamae (basic stance) andashi-hakobi (moving the feet), culminating in the studyof two shimai (the dance part of Noh Theater) fromthe plays Oimatsu (Ancient Pine) and Yuki (Snow).In Yuki, the kata (forms) used in the dance are verysimple, which makes it suitable for Noh beginners. Atthe same time, the theme (the spirit of snow) makes ita demanding dance, since the actor must express aheart as pure as the spirit of white snow.Once, in a practice session, I remarked that I finally feltfreedom within the totally prescribed forms of Nohdance. Tatsushige responded by explaining theconcept of “shu ha ri”. This was a moment of discoveryfor the two of us.Shu means “obey”; ha means “break”; ri means“depart”. First you learn how to obey the rules, butthere comes a point where you start to break them, andfinally you depart from the rules altogether in order toreach a new level. It describes the process ofdevelopment as an artist.Tatsushige says, “Shu ha ri is a daily theme for mepersonally. After you pass through the ri of shu ha ri,you arrive back to shu again… Always changing, it’s apainful and difficult process, but I feel it points tosomething very deep, essential to art”. 5Tatsushige’s shu, ha, ri is also a metaphor for theglobalization of traditional dance. Shu is thetraditional forms as they’ve been handed down, ha andri are when you break through to contemporary forms.And then you go back to shu to get inspiration fromthe traditional once more.On the night of 22 January 2011, we held a joint eventin the main hall of the historic Honen-In Temple inKyoto. First we demonstrated the similarities anddifferences between Noh and Lanna; and then weshowed the audience something of Noh training. Atthe end, I performed the shimai (dance part) of Yukifour times: once properly, as taught; the second time,“breaking” by adding some Lanna feeling; the thirdtime “departing” by making it mostly Lanna with someNoh feeling. And then a fourth time, I performed incomplete Noh costume with a mask in front of theBuddha; back to shu, the original form again. It was amerging of two traditions that is only possible in ourglobalized world. But it wasn’t just “mix and match”.While sharing, we each preserved the essential core ofour own traditions.“Rianto to Ronnarong”, 30 June 2011The aim of this performance was similar to that of“Tatsushige to Ronnarong”. This time it wascollaboration between me and Rianto, the Javanesedancer from Banyumas, who I have known andworked with since 2006.In this event, performed at the Tidak Sekedar TariProgram at TBS (Cultural Center of Central Java),Solo, we developed the shu ha ri concept in a differentway. We began on opposite parts of the stage dancingThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE 137in our traditional styles (shu – “obey”). When webecame close to each other, we explained to theaudience our styles and how we use them to createcontemporary dance (ha – “break”). We then dancedtogether in contemporary style (ri – “depart”). At theend, we crossed to the opposite side of the stage towhere we started, and danced our traditional stylesagain (back to shu again). The challenge was for us toshow contemporary dance together and in the processto return to the origin of dance that transcends bothgenres.An important part of the event was talking with theaudience at the end of the program. In the stronglyartistic society of Solo, criticism from the audience isuseful for artists in order to develop their work. Whenthe experience and knowledge of the individual artistsare different, this can make for a conflict of ideas, but itis also a starting point of conversation and discussion.Many audience members said that it was interesting tosee the differences and similarities between Javaneseand Lanna culture, and how we developed traditionalforms into contemporary dance. However, somepeople said it didn’t feel so much like a dance“performance” as a “workshop” on stage.The critics were probably right because contemporaryexperiments like ours are in a sense “workshops”.Artists are feeling their way, experimenting as they go.In this case, it was a combination of three cultures: aJapanese concept, Lanna dance, and Javanese dance.Kembang KapasI first met singer Peni Candra Rini at the APPEX(Asian Pacific Performing Exchange) program held inBali in February 2010. Born in 1983 in Tulungagungin East Java, Peni is a composer and well-knownsindhen (a female singer who sings with a gamelan).Peni has received awards for her work and participatesin many festivals, collaborating with different artistsfrom all over the world.In February 2011 I had a conversation with Peni inwhich we said that we would like to create acollaboration piece featuring music and dance. Westarted to work on this project, with each of usworking from our own traditional base. Theperformance was held at the Theater Kecil ISISurakarta in Solo on 11 July 2011. The title KembangKapas meant “cotton flowers”, which are the flowers oflife. It was inspired by a poem “Kembang Kapas” byGarin Nugroho, an Indonesian artist and moviedirector. Peni wrote and sang the music, which wastraditional Javanese-modern fusion; I did thechoreography, which was Lanna-contemporary fusion.Peni said, “We’re all of the new generation that canplay on Facebook and use Skype to talk with friends inother countries. But we are very lucky that we knowabout traditional arts. I am a sindhen singer; I wasfamous for my voice and almost became a pop singerand a star in Jakarta. But I decided to be a teacher toteach students how to sing traditional music. It makesonly small money, but I’m so happy that I can help topass on our traditional music and at the same time Ican work on creating new music based on thattradition I have within me. Amin!” 6ConclusionIn the 21 st century, Asian dance traditions are at aturning point. Some traditions will probably be lost,such as the knowledge of the old Hayachine Kaguradancer Mr. Suzuki in the town of Tohno. But in thesame area, the Shishi-Odori dance is healthy, andcontinues with the young generation. The key tosurvival is the ability to make dance attractive to, andtaught to, young people, and not only the property ofthe old.In Bali, the strong Hindu beliefs of the people ensuretraditions are passed from generation to generation inlocal ceremonies such as the festival at Samwan Tigatemple.In Osaka, “Downtown Kabuki” connects withaudiences by bringing in “pop” elements. InTokushima, good city management of the Awa OdoriFestival helps to make the event fun and popular.The “In The Arts Island 2011” festival in Bali and EastJava has succeeded because of the open-mindedness ofthe local artists and audiences, including villagers.Performing arts in Mangkunegaran Palace thrivebecause the palace has pride in its tradition, promotesthe arts, and teaches to local and internationalstudents.For some artists the challenges are more difficult thanfor others. Noh Theater has elements that make it feelvery modern and abstract, so it should be easy to use itin contemporary work. However, a young actor likeThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

138 Panel 3Tatsushige Udaka under the control of the iemotosystem must be very careful. He cannot do anythingtoo adventurous, too suddenly.Other artists, such as half-Japanese, half-Swiss HeidiDurning in Kyoto, are relatively free to do what theywant, but they find it difficult to be entirely acceptedin local society.Peni, Rianto, and Mugiyono represent differentaspects of Indonesia’s very active performance world.Peni uses avant-garde composing and singing; Riantotravels between Japan and Solo; Mugiyono performs inarts festivals worldwide. All three are succeeding inbringing their traditional arts into the modern worldand appealing to new audiences.These are all examples of what I saw during my oneyear of research: how performers and institutionsmanage to continue traditional dance in interestingways in order to survive in a borderless modern world.For myself, I took up the challenge of fusion andmodernization through collaborative performanceswith Noh actor Tatsushige in “Tatsushige toRonnarong,” with Javanese dancer Rianto in “Riantoto Ronnarong,” and with Javanese singer andcomposer Peni Candra Rini in “Kembang Kapas”.The benefit was not only in the performances that wecreated, but in the time we spent working together,exchanging our cultures through dance. Through theseconnections we are building a network in the Asiandance world, and we will continue this in our owncountries through performances, by giving danceworkshops, and by giving presentations around Asiaand beyond.This kind of collaboration is not a new thing. But in atime of globalization when traditional arts are underthreat, it is important to show how we can developtraditional arts, and bring them alive in thecontemporary world.NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY1In this paper, I divide dance into “traditional” and“contemporary”. Traditional dance has generally arisen inone place or among one people, and has been practiced over along time. Contemporary dance has no “place” because it canbe performed anywhere in the world, and it focuses on onetime, now. Of course, over a long time, traditional danceabsorbed outside influences. For example, traditional Lanna23dance was impacted upon by Siam and China. Noh andKabuki have roots in China. The traditional performances,which I looked at, are the results of these complex processes.Contemporary dance differs from traditional because artistshave access to, and freely make use of, dance styles from anyplace in the world, in addition to which they inventmovements that are new and unique to them. Mostcontemporary dance today involves a specific concept, whichcan be political, emotional, or artistic. This differs fromtraditional which usually focuses on established forms andstories.Conversation with Tatsushige Udaka, 7 September 2010Facebook message from Heidi Durning, 12 February 20114 Conversation with Mugiyono Kasido, 9 February 201156Program notes for “Tatsushige to Ronnarong”, 22 January2011Conversation with Peni Candra Rini, 4 July 2011REFERENCESAlex Kerr. http://www.alex-kerr.com/Antengannuswantara’s Blog. Perihal : Kesenian Bantengan.http://bantengannuswantara.wordpress.com/2010/06/18/perihal-kesenian-bantengan/.Encyclopedia of Shinto. Shishi-odori.http://eos.kokugakuin.ac.jp/modules/xwords/entry.php?entryID=1018.Hanamaki City Official Website. Hayachine Kagura Dance.http://www.city.hanamaki.iwate.jp/english/kagura_shishiodori.html.Heidi S. Durning. Biography. http://www.lucbouvrette.com/heididurning/heididurning2.html.In the Art Island Festival. In the Art Island Festival 2011(Featival Seni Pertunjukan Keliling). http://theartsisland.blogspot.com/.Masayuki Nakamura. r. 2009. A Bilingual Guide to JapaneseTraditional Performing Arts. (Translated by Jeffrey Hunter).Tankosha).Joglosemar. Puro Mangkunagaran.http://www.joglosemar.co.id/mangkunegaran.html.Kunio Yanagida. 1910. (trans by Ronald A. Morse 2010). TheLegends of Tono. Lexington Books.Mugi Dance. Biography. http://www.mugidance.org/biografi.php?bhs=eng.Napovedik. Nohsono. http://www.napovednik.com/dogodek169201_nohsono.Rianto: Indonesian Dancer, Choreographer. http://riantodancer.jugem.jp.Ronald Cavaye, Paul Griffith and Akihiko Senda. 2004. A GuideTo The Japanese Stage From Traditional to Cutting Edge.Kodansha International Ltd.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 139Theories and Practices of Mindfulness in Asian Traditions: HistoricalContext and Relevance to the Modern WorldDante G. Simbulan, Jr.Introduction and MethodologyI embarked on a four-month API Fellowship 2010project 1 in Japan to answer the question: How relevantis “mindfulness” from Asian traditions in the modernworld? To answer this, I searched the literature on thehistorical context and the theories and practicesunderlying mindfulness. Finally, I reviewed themodern applications of mindfulness. The paper wasinspired by the pragmatic goal to contextualize thephysiological research.Mindfulness refers to a state of focused awareness ofbeing in the present moment, of recognizing withacceptance and equanimity present events, past eventsand events that are about to unfold. Mindfulness isassociated with meditation and its purpose, “in itsancient context is to eliminate needless suffering bycultivating insight into the workings of the mind andthe nature of the material world” (Siegel 2009). Thepractice of mindfulness arose within various Easterntraditions, especially in Indian Yogic, Buddhist, Sufiand Daoist traditions (Gunaratana 1992; Odier 1986).I have wrestled with mindfulness as a concept and as apractice concerned with the intuitive acceptance ofreality, and as a cognitive appraisal of the contents ofthe mind, especially in the defining and labeling ofvarious “sins” or “defilements (kleshas” (Figure 1,Figure 2) which bring about “suffering” according toEastern traditions. 2Figure 2. Kleshas or “poisons” in the Buddhist tradition are theequivalent of “sin” in other traditions. The original Buddhistteachings prescribe mindfulness practices, including TranquilityMeditation (samatha) to pacify the “kleshas” while InsightMeditation (vipassana) is said to help one to realize the true natureof reality.Mindfulness: Historical Context and CognitiveFramework“In the wars and violence of the industrial age, our specieshas been neglecting our heart needs. We have alsoneglected the needs of other beings with whom we sharethis planet. We need to probe more deeply and morecommunally into who we are as a species: our strengthsand our weaknesses, our power and misuse of power.Paying attention includes going into our capacity fordestruction and self-hatred, our resentments and ouravarice, our envy and our listlessness, our despair and ourcynicism, our addictions and our projections, ourarrogance and our malice - in short, for lack of a betterword, our sins”. (Fox 1999)I found the above quote a fitting introduction to thissection of my paper on mindfulness, the practice ofwhich takes the mind on a tour not only of humanexperiential comfort zones but also of unpleasantzones that are causes of human suffering - manifestedin what Buddhists call “greed, anger and delusions”.Figure 1. Five defilements (kleshas) in the Yoga SutraFox (1999) adds: “As our species evolves spiritually, wemust take another and harder look at our complicity inThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

140 Panel 4evil and at how our spiritual traditions may assist us ingrowing beyond our violence. Spiritual advancement isnot restricted to increasing light in the world; we needalso to increase awareness of those shadow forces withwhom we must wrestle. If we don’t, we will pay theprice”.Historical Context: An “Axial Age of Spirituality” ata Time of Great Transitions and WarfareArmstrong (2006) links conditions of great socialupheaval and violence in around the 9 th to the 1 stcentury B.C.E. to Karl Jasper’s “axial age” 3 ofspirituality which was meant to “control the selfishdrive of men” and “develop a spirituality ofcompassion”. Armstrong (2006) revisits this axial ageof spirituality which gave rise not only to Hinduismand Buddhism, but also to Confucianism and Daoismin China, monotheism in Israel, and philosophicalrationalism in Greece, with modern Judaism,Christianity and Islam as offshoots of the earlierAbrahamanic traditions of that age. Armstrong (2006)further added: “The prophets, mystics, philosophersand poets of the Axial Age were so advanced and theirvision was so radical, that later generations tended todilute it. In the process, they often produced exactlythe kind of religiosity that the Axial reformers wantedto get rid of. That, I believe, is what has happened inthe modern world”.Search for Answers to Human Suffering: Evolutionof Theories of Mindfulness Encoded in AncientYogic and Buddhist LiteratureWithin the vast and rich literature of Asianmindfulness practices, the interested reader may referto the Yoga Sutra of Patanjali 5 (Figure 3), GautamaBuddha’s concepts 6 of the Four Noble Truths (Figure4) and the Eight-fold Path (Figure 5) as part of theevolution of Asian spiritual thought. Finally, atheoretical framework for modern mindfulnesspractices is provided in the Satippathana Sutta(Foundations of Mindfulness) shown in Figure 6.Figure 3. An Outline of the Eight Limbs of Yoga mentioned inPatanjali’s Yoga Sutras 7According to Armstrong (2006), the “Axial Age wasone of the most seminal periods of intellectual,psychological, philosophical, and religious change inrecorded history”. There was nothing compared to ituntil the Renaissance, which could be seen as thesecond axial age on which modern society is now built.In the Asia region, it is in the context of the “first”Axial age of spirituality that mindfulness practicesevolved, emerging as part of yogic contemplativetraditions and finding their way into Hinduism andBuddhism, and perhaps, in my opinion, influencingDaoist practices in China. In the Indian subcontinent,yogic contemplative traditions arose from so-calledshramana movements dating back to the Indus Valleycivilization (3000 to 2000 B.C.) which predates KarlJasper’s original “Axial age” sages. Santina (1999)provides additional insights into this ancient, pre-Buddhist, pre-Aryan Indus Valley civilization. 4Figure 4. The Four Noble TruthsThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 141Figure 5. The Eight-Fold Path serves as a useful framework for mindfulness practices in daily life, for both Buddhists and non-Buddhists.Figure 6. The Four Foundations of Mindfulness (Satipatthana Sutta)The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

142 Panel 4The Traditional Practices of Mindfulness in ModernLifeFigure 8. Summary of some Formal and Informal MindfulnessPracticesFigure 7. Sitting Meditation Practice. (center picture), with theRinzai Zen Monk Toda san of Daitokuji in Kyoto, Japan in 2010.(Left): attending a ten-day Vipassana retreat in the Philippines in2009; there were Catholic nuns in our meditation batch.Mindfulness practitioners, whether beginners orveterans, are encouraged to practice the minimum ofFive Precepts during meditation retreats, (as well asapplying them in daily life). The Five Precepts can beeither the Five Yamas of Yoga (Figure 3), or the FivePrecepts originating from Buddhist meditationpractice (abstaining from: taking life; what is notgiven; sexual misconduct; false speech; intoxicants).Regardless of one’s religious or philosophicalorientation, these precepts prepare the practitioner toexamine one’s conscience, improve one’s socialrelationships, and help bring about a calm mindconducive to meditation.In addition to the practices mentioned in Fig. 8,another formal as well as informal mindfulnesspractice is “loving kindness” (metta) meditation(Siegel, 2010). This involves silent expressions ofpositive affirmations and intentions for oneself andothers, while in formal sitting meditation practice, orin informal situations. One such affirmation is “May Ibe happy, may I be healthy, may I be free from harm”.This is repeated a few times. The affirmation can bededicated to loved ones, acquaintances, or to thosewho have harmed one in the past or irritated one in thepresent.Attitudinal Foundation of Mindfulness Practice: Dr.Jon Kabat-Zin (1990) has listed eight attitudesnecessary for developing a mindfulness practice. Theseare outlined below in Table 1.Below (Fig. 8) are some formal and informal practiceswhich can help bring mindfulness to one’s daily life,further discussed by Siegel (2010).The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 143Table 1. Attitudinal Foundation of Mindfulness Practice (adapted from Kabat-Zinn, 1990. pp. 33-40)1. Non-Judging “Impartial witness to one’s experience, aware of the constant stream of judging and reacting toinner and outer experiences.”2. Patience “Cultivating patience toward our own minds and bodies when practicing mindfulness.”3. Beginner’s Mind “Too often we let our thinking and our beliefs about what we know prevent us from seeing thingsas they really are…”4. Trust “It Is important to be open and receptive to what you learn from other sources, but ultimately youstill have to live your own life, every moment of it. In practicing mindfulness, you are practicingtaking responsibility for being yourself and learning to listen to and trust your own being.”5. Non-striving “Although it takes a lot of work and energy of a certain kind, ultimately meditation is a non-doing.It has no goal other than for you to be yourself. The irony is that you already are.”6. Acceptance “Acceptance does not mean that you have to like everything or that you have to take a passiveattitude towards everything and abandon your principles and values ... it simply means that youhave come around to a willingness to see things as they are... setting the stage for actingappropriately in your life, no matter what is happening.”7. Letting go “In meditation practice, we intentionally put aside the tendency to elevate some aspects of ourexperience and to reject others. Instead we just let our experience be what it is and practiceobserving it from moment to moment. Letting go is a way of lettings be, of accepting things as theyare.”8. Commitment, Self-Discipline and intentionality“A strong commitment to working on yourself and enough self-discipline to persevere in theprocess are essential to developing a strong meditation practice and a high degree of mindfulness.”RELEVANCE TO THE MODERN W0RLDMindfulness practices evolved as tools to overcome the“causes-of-suffering” known as kleshas in the earlieryogic/ shramana traditions (Figure 1 and 2),summarized as “greed, anger, and delusions” inBuddhism.Mindfulness can certainly help us to be in touch withour own “greed, anger, and delusions”, in a nonjudgmentalway, accepting the sensations of the bodythat come along, without acting upon them. If one sitslong enough, meditates enough, in regularity andpersistence, it can help one recognize theimpermanence of one’s emotional manifestations inbodily reflexes. Mindfulness can also help us torecognize our own failures with full loving acceptance,and allow us to begin again anew.1. Overcoming modern expressions of the Kleshas:Could mindfulness practice help in overcoming“greed, anger, and delusions” in modern society,especially now that societies have become soglobalized? Greed has become so institutionalized inglobalized, class-stratified societies. Anger has taken onnew expressions in the conventional and nuclear armsrace, in “fundamentalist” movements seeking tochallenge the established global order, in civil wars andwars of aggression most often brought about by fearand hatred of the “other”, driven by resourcecompetition and control by mega-corporations.Nation-states hold onto their concepts of permanentborders, and powerful nation-states as well as despoticleaders attempt to maintain their dominance invarious ways, both diplomatic and violent. Delusionaryvisions of rapid growth societies, fuelled by massconsumerism, and technological quick-fixes havecaused global warming, and the mass extinction ofspecies.It is my belief that mindfulness, as a practice of“nonjudgmental awareness and acceptance of reality as itis” can help in recognizing the kleshas as they arise, notjust the external manifestations, but by recognizing theproblems that originate “within the mind”, thuspreventing destructive behavioral and materialmanifestations.2. Health Applications: Mindfulness Practices fuelscientific research on the mind-body connection.Mindfulness literature abounds in the medicaldatabase. The reader may be interested to look into theClinical Handbook of Mindfulness (Didonna 2009)multi-authored by numerous experts in the field.Another book which gives an overview of the clinicalapplications of mindfulness in medicine is The Art andThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

144 Panel 4Science of Mindfulness: Integrating Mindfulness intoPsychology and the Helping Professions (Shapiro andCarlson 2009).Biomedical researchers have focused on three yogictechniques (pranayama, asana, jhana) for their healthapplications (Figure 9).Figure 9. Three yogic techniques that are the main areas of research interest found in electronic medical databases.While these techniques of the yogic and mindfulnesstraditions are worthy of investigation, researchersshould not fail to understand that these practices arecarried out in conjunction with cognitive frameworkswhich emphasize ethical principles such as nonviolenceand honesty, which may possibly affectemotional responses and help effect positive long-termhealth outcomes due to their effects on the autonomicnervous system and immune functions (in otherwords, the mind-body connection).In 2009, I conducted a review of research activityindexed by Medline (Pubmed.com) on yoga andmindfulness over the past few decades (Figure 10).In the 1970s, Harvard University medical physiologistDr. Herbert Benson 8 carried out studies on meditatorswithin the Transcendental Meditation (TM)movement, which led him to the characterization ofthe physiological “relaxation response”, the opposite ofthe “stress response”. The TM group, largelyinfluenced by the Vedic tradition, used repetition of aphrase or “mantra” as the focus of concentration inmeditation activities. Dr. Benson demonstrated thatthere are different ways of inducing the “relaxationresponse”, including the use of words inspired byChristian, Jewish or Islamic traditions. 9 The TMstudies were later overtaken by a wide range of clinicalstudies, mostly conducted at the beginning of the 21stcentury, and many utilizing a combination oftechniques such as yoga stretches, sitting and walkingmeditation, and cognitive group therapy, popularlyknown as “mindfulness-based stress reduction”(MBSR) 10 . The latter focused on breath awareness,breath counting, somatic awareness, and othertechniques like positive affirmations (e.g. mettameditation) and visual imagery.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 145Figure 10. Frequency of published journal articles on “yoga” (left) and “meditation” (right) indexed in the Medline electronic medicaldatabase.An overview of clinical studies on yoga andmindfulness applications for various illnesses andspecial subpopulations in the medical literatureindicates that emotional health is a key measuredoutcome. 11 Stress reduction is a main outcomemeasured in most if not all yoga-related studies,alongside changes in physical strength and otherphysiological parameters.Meta-analyses of various systematic reviews of yogaindicates positive outcomes with recommendations formore studies with more refined methodologies, inorder to be able to make more definite conclusions.Meta-analytical reviews using random-controlledtrials, with an increase in sample size, uniformity andrefinement of methodologies, have helped to increasethe quality of yoga-related studies. 12The mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR)program started by Dr. Jon Kabat-Zinn at theUniversity of Massachusetts School of Medicine is agrowing specialty in the health care field. The MBSRmodel, originally spanning eight weeks, is important asit reasserts a holistic approach to stress reduction. Itcombines different components of traditional yoga(stretching asanas, breath awareness and meditation),and integrates them into a modern health care setting.A 2004 meta-analysis of MBSR studies has shown thatthe approach can be effective in helping a broad rangeof individuals, contributing to symptom reduction inpatients suffering from pain, cancer, heart disease,depression, and anxiety, as well as for those who arestressed but generally healthy. 13 While a 2007 metaanalysisof MBSR studies for anxiety and moodsymptom reduction, compared to active controls,indicated that there was no reliable effect, 14 a 2009meta-analysis of MBSR studies for cancer patientsindicated that that MBSR helps improve cancerpatients’ mental health. 15 A 2009 systematic reviewand meta-analysis of MBSR for healthy people alsoshowed that it is able to reduce stress in suchcandidates. 16I have summarized the health benefits of mindfulnessand yoga training in Figure 11 below.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

146 Panel 4Figure 11. Summary of Results of Clinical Studies on Effects of Mindfulness and Yoga Training in Healthy and Chronically Ill PatientsRecent studies have indicated that the balancing ofparasympathetic and sympathetic nervous systems notonly induces the “relaxation response”, but also affectsthe immune system through vagal innervations ofimmune tissues, thereby improving immune functionseven among those with cancer. 17Recent studies have focused on the effects of long-termmindfulness training on preserving the telomerelength of human chromosomes, which is a sign oflongevity. 18 A probable model has been presentedbelow (Figure 12), adapted from the work of Epel et al.(2009) presented during a scientific convention on thetheme “Longevity, Regeneration and Optimal Health”of the New York Academy of Science. According tothe authors, “some forms of meditation may havesalutary effects on telomere length by reducingcognitive stress and stress arousal and increasingpositive states of mind and hormonal factors that maypromote telomere maintenance”.Figure 12. A hypothetical model by which mindfulness practices can affect longevity.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 147The cardiologist Dr. Dean Ornish has pioneeredintegrating mindfulness practices as part of apreventive and rehabilitative health care model 19 (Fig.13A). Dr. Herbert Benson has a similar model 20 inwhich he integrates “mind-body therapies” within thewestern medicine framework (Figure 13B).There are safety issues and precautions to be observedin yoga and meditation training. Certain physicalaspects of hatha yoga undertaken in a regular fitnessclass are contra-indicated for people with hypertensionor for those with spinal injuries. There are variouslevels of hatha yoga training that are appropriate forpeople of various health conditions, and ages. Intensemeditation training may not be appropriate withpeople with severe psychosis. It is now common formeditation retreat organizers to request prior healthprofiles of participants.How does this positive picture of the health benefits ofmindfulness practice fit into the lives of economicallydeprived working men and women of Asia and the restof the world? Even the Buddha found the “MiddleWay” after finding out that extreme ascetic practicewas not helpful in mind cultivation. A nourishedbrain/mind and body is necessary for mind-bodytraining.Figure 13. (A) Spectrum Model of Dr. Dean Ornish; (B) Three-Legged Stool model of Dr. Herbert Benson. Both models emphasizeintegrating mind-body interventions with conventional medicine and other healthy lifestyle modifications.3. Mindfulness in Education:The tradition of basic mindfulness training is broughtinto the classroom by Schoeberlein and Sheth (2009)in their publication Mindful Teaching and TeachingMindfulness, “offering hands-on tools, exercises, andinsights tempered by the voice of experience that helpto build relationships with students and engage themin learning, and that will renew teacher’s own energy,passion and commitment”.Fontana and Slack (1997) in Teaching Meditation toChildren: The Practical Guide to the Use and benefits ofMeditation Techniques, suggest that the practice “giveseven very young children power over their thinkingand their emotions through enhanced selfunderstandingand self-acceptance, helpingadolescents navigate the emotional peaks and valleys ofthe transition from childhood to adulthood”.A Mindfulness in Education Network was begun in2001, organized by United States-based educators andstudents of the Vietnamese Zen monk Thich NhatHanh, for “the purpose of facilitating communicationamong educators, parents, students, and othersinterested in promoting mindfulness in educationalsettings”. The network has organized annualconferences on mindfulness in education since 2008. 21A similar group, the Association for Mindfulness inEducation, is committed to promoting mindfulnessresearch and to providing “support for mindfulnesstraining as a component of K-12 education”. 22 Theefforts at bringing mindfulness education to schools,colleges and universities in the United States have beenchronicled by mindfulnet.org. 23 Learning from theefforts of a pilot mindfulness training experiment in aprimary school in California in 2007, many schoolstried out a similar program under a CommunityPartnership for Mindfulness in Education, whichevolved later into Mindful Schools, with a vision to“transform education through mindfulness”. 24The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

148 Panel 44. Mindfulness in LeadershipInspired by the successful documentation of the healthbenefits of mindfulness training in controlled clinicalsettings, and their gradual acceptance in theeducational arena, mindfulness training has also beenintroduced in the arena of leadership training. Carroll(2007), a mindfulness practitioner/ trainer andbusiness management consultant, has for examplepublished The Mindful Leader: Awakening YourNatural Management Skills through MindfulnessMeditation. The book covers a wide range ofmindfulness-related topics related to training staff andmanagers of organizations to develop innate leadershiptalents. Finally, the Center for Mindfulness of theUniversity of Massachusetts has pioneered programsin mindfulness in leadership training. 25ConclusionThis study provided me with insights into howmindfulness practice and cognitive frameworks mayhave evolved within the historical context of greatdissatisfaction with human suffering brought about byintense human rivalries and violence, from which arosean “axial age of spirituality” when ancient sages aspiredto give meaning to human existence.Despite the technological wonders that have shapedindustrialized countries of the Western hemisphere,and the newly industrializing countries of Asia andSouth America, and even after the end of the ColdWar period, the planet continues to be faced witheconomic, political, and cultural-spiritual crises, and acommon ecological crisis - climate change. The visionof sustaining a model of continuous economicexpansion and consumption has become blurred, if ithas not gone into a decline, with the traditional majoreconomic powers apparently reaching an economicplateau. New economic superpowers such as China areemerging, while Western powers have conspired tostabilize aligned dictatorial client states in the MiddleEast while supporting the de-stabilization of nonaligneddictatorial states. Religious “fundamentalist”resistance to the neo-liberal economic powerstructures in some parts of the world has spawned nonstateterrorism which tries to match the barbarity ofstate-supported terrorism of small and large powernationstates. Indeed, the planet appears to be enteringanother crisis period.To answer my principle question, how relevant ismindfulness practice in the light of these numerouscrises confronting the planet?1. Mindfulness practice can be a tool to recoverthe original intentions of ancient sages ofvarious spiritual traditions: to continuallyrevisit the inner resources necessary for aspirituality of compassion, which evolved topacify and temper the human species amidviolence and warfare. As the Dalai Lama oncesaid: “This is my simple religion - there is noneed for temples, no need for complicatedphilosophy. Our own brain, our own heart, isour temple. The philosophy is kindness”. In thisway, mindfulness practice is also a way todevelop a link across theistic and non-theisticworldviews, to help improve the humancondition.2. In the past, mindfulness practice had becomeconfined to monastic communities in Asia,isolated from the mainstream of society. Thechallenge, time and again, has been how toreengage mindfulness to influence socialstructural transformation. We have seenattempts at engaged mindfulness practice insome Asian countries; such as during the IndianIndependence struggle from Great Britain,during the Vietnam war when peacemovements arose to try to stop the civil war, inThailand through the engaged Buddhadasainspiredsocial movements, during theAmerican Black civil rights movement of the1960s, in the continued adherence to nonviolentresistance to the Burmese dictatorship,and even in the Philippines through peoplepowermass movements. Inspired by Easternmystic’s traditional adherence to non-violence,similar movements have emerged in the pastand present in other parts of the world,including in the recent Occupy Wall StreetProtests against corporate greed. How canmindfulness practice further strengthen suchsocial movements for change?3. The advances in mindfulness research andpractice in the scientific, medical andeducational community in the West and in Asiahave helped further the adoption ofmindfulness practices in non-Buddhistcountries. These advances can contribute to theconscious revival of mindfulness practices.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 1494. Mindfulness is not just a matter of “technique”,as often investigated by the scientific andmedical community. It is a way of life. It has acognitive framework and an ethical framework,as earlier discussed. We should always allowsuch cognitive-ethical frameworks to bereexamined whenever necessary, in continuingdialog with modern science, as well as withother religious, philosophical traditions orevolving worldviews.5. Mindfulness is meant to assess a situation of“suffering”, using “suffering” as an opportunityfor growth: Quoting the 13th century Sufi poetand mindfulness teacher Jelaluddin Rumi: “Donot turn your head. Keep looking at the bandagedplace. That’s where the light enters you”.NOTES78The Eight Limbs of Yoga: The Yamas explicitly setrequirements for the ancient yogi to follow a code of moralconduct – non-harming (ahimsa), truthfulness or non-lying(satya), non-stealing (asteya), sexual continence or celibacy(bramacharya), and non-possessiveness. These weredefinitely guidelines for shramana or ascetic monk training.The eight limbs of yoga prepare the postulant for acontemplative lifestyle, dedicated towards achieving anenlightened consciousness through meditation. To be able todo this, one has to be socially engaged in a positive way,observe personal hygiene and purification steps (niyamas),then dedicate oneself to the individual practice of meditationwhich starts from a correct sitting posture (asana). Breathawareness and breath control exercises (pranayama) help toprepare the body for different levels of contemplation(dharana and jhana), until one reaches the promisedenlightened state of mind (samadhi).Dr. Herbert Benson was a Physiology professor at HarvardUniversity in the 1970s, and authored the book TheRelaxation Response based on his meditation research studies.See: Profile of Dr. Herbert Benson: http://www.mbmi.org/benson/default.asp1 My API Fellowship Activity Report can be accessed online at:https://sites.google.com/site/mykyotodiaryofmind/home234Hindu and Buddhist traditions incorporate the concept ofkleshas in reference to defilements which obstruct theattainment of full human potential. See http://www.palikanon.com/english/wtb/g_m/kilesa.htm as well ashttp://www.nathorder.org/wiki/Five_KleshasThe term “Axial age” was first coined by the Germanphilosopher Karl Jaspers (1883 – 1969). Jaspers pointed tothe period between 800 to 200 BCE in which greatrevolutionary thinking arose in China, India and the West,during which the common goal of sages was the search for themeaning of human existence. The “axial age” concept wasfurther explored by Karl Armstrong (2006).Archaeological excavations have revealed a number ofsymbols important to the people of the Indus Valleycivilization which include the pipal tree (bodhi tree), animalssuch as the elephant and the deer, and the image of a humanfigure seated in a cross-legged meditation posture. These areimportant images in Buddhism.9 Other papers did show that mantra recitations, whether ofthe Christian or Hindu type, could affect autonomicresponses. See: Bernardi L, Sleight P, Bandinelli G, CencettiS, Fattorini L, Wdowczyc-Szulc J, Lagi A. Effect of rosaryprayer and yoga mantras on autonomic cardiovascularrhythms: a comparative study. British Medical Journal.2001;323:1446-910 For descriptions of the mindfulness-based stress reductionprogram started by Dr. Jon Kabat-Zinn, see: http://www.umassmed.edu/Content.aspx?id=4242611 The titles of some representative science papers on the effectsof yoga and mindfulness on emotional health can be accessedat my website: https://sites.google.com/site/mykyotodiaryofmind/home/vii-appendix-preliminaryreview-papers/api_endnote-4612 The titles of some representative meta-analytical reviews ofyoga and mindfulness studies appearing in medical journalpublications can be accessed at my website: https://sites.google.com/site/mykyotodiaryofmind/home/viiappendix-preliminary-review-papers/api_endnote-4756Some online sources of translations and commentaries onPatanjali’s Yoga Sutras include: http://www.abardoncompanion.com/Alex/Patanjali.pdf ; http://www.swamij.com/yoga-sutras.htmFor free online access to the Pali Canon, see: http://www.palicanon.org/. The Buddha’s discourses were dividedinto three parts: (1) Vinaya Pitaka contains all the ruleswhich the Buddha laid down for monks and nuns; (2) thesecond part is called the Suttanta Pitaka which contains theDiscourses; (3) the third part is known as the AbhidhammaPitaka which comprises the psycho-ethical teachings of theBuddha.13 See: Grossman P, Niemann L, Schmidt S, Walach H.Mindfulness-based stress reduction and health benefits. Ameta-analysis. Journal of Psychosomatic Research. 2004Jul;57(1):35-43.14 See: Toneatto T, Nguyen L. Does mindfulness meditationimprove anxiety and mood symptoms? A review of thecontrolled research. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry. 2007Apr;52(4):260-6. Review.15 See: Ledesma D, Kumano H. Mindfulness-based stressreduction and cancer: a meta-analysis. Psychooncology. 2009Jun;18(6):571-9.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

150 Panel 416 Chiesa A, Serretti A. Mindfulness-based stress reduction forstress management in healthy people: a review and metaanalysis.Journal of Alternative and ComplementaryMedicine. 2009 May;15(5):593-600.17 For discussions on the mechanisms of the health benefits ofyogic practices, see: Kuntsevich V, Bushell WC, Theise ND.Mechanisms of yogic practices in health, aging, and disease.Mt Sinai J Med. 2010 Sep-Oct;77(5):559-6918 A recent study has been published on the effects of a threemonthmeditation retreat, increasing telomerase activity inretreat participants versus control subjects: Jacobs TL, EpelES, Lin J, Blackburn EH, Wolkowitz OM, Bridwell DA,Zanesco AP, Aichele SR, Sahdra BK, MacLean KA, King BG,Shaver PR, Rosenberg EL, Ferrer E, Wallace BA, Saron CD.Intensive meditation training, immune cell telomeraseactivity, and psychological mediators.Psychoneuroendocrinology. 2011 Jun;36(5):664-8. Epub2010 Oct 29.19 The website of the Preventive Medicine Research Institute,founded by Dr. Dean Ornish who is a pioneer in the area ofintegrating mindfulness practices in health care, is at: http://www.pmri.org/20 The Benson-Henry Institute for Mind-Body Medicinefounded by Harvard University Professor Emeritus Dr.Herbert Benson integrates mindfulness practices withmainstream Western medicine.See: http://www.massgeneral.org/bhi/about/21 The online group Mindfulness in Education Network wasinspired by the work of the Vietnamese Zen monk and peaceactivist Thich Nhat Hanh. See the website at: http://www.mindfuled.org/22 The website of the Association for Mindfulness in Educationis at: http://www.mindfuleducation.org/23 Case studies on mindfulness in educational settings arechronicled here: http://www.mindfulnet.org/page7.htm24 The website of Mindful Schools in California, USA. http://www.mindfulschools.org/25 The mindful leadership training program of the Center forMindfulness in Health Care, Medicine and Society: http://www.umassmed.edu/cfm/leadership/index.aspxREFERENCESArmstrong, Karen. 2000. Buddha. USA: Phoenix (paperbackedition)Armstrong, Karen. 2006. The Great Transformation: TheBeginning of Our Religious Traditions. Alfred A. Knopf /Random HouseCarroll, Michael. 2007. The Mindful Leader: Awakening YourNatural Management Skills through Mindfulness Meditation.USA: Trumpeter Books.Desikachar, T.K.V. 1995. The Yoga Sutra of Patanjali (Part III).In The Heart of Yoga. 143 – 215. Rochester, Vermont: InnerTraditions International.Didonna, Fabrizi (editor). 2009. Clinical Handbook ofMindfulness. New York, U.S.A.: Springer.Epel, Elissa, J. Daubenmier , J.T. Moskowitz, S. Folkman, and E.Blackburn. 2009. Can Meditation Slow Rate of Cellular Aging?Cognitive Stress, Mindfulness, and Telomeres in: Longevity,Regeneration, and Optimal Health: Ann. N.Y. Acad. Sci. 1172:34–53 (2009).doi: 10.1111/j.1749-6632.2009.04414.x C 2009 New YorkAcademy of Sciences. p. 35Fontana, David and Ingrid Slack. 2007. Teaching Meditation toChildren: The Practical Guide to the Use and Benefits ofMeditation Techniques. U.K.: Watkins Publishing.Fox, Mathew. 1999. Introduction: A Species WantingAttention. In Sins of the Spirit, Strengths of the Flesh. New York:Three Rivers Press.Gunaratana, Venerable Henepola. 1992 Mindfulness in PlainEnglish. Wisdom Publications. (http://www.vipassana.com/meditation/mindfulness_in_plain_english.php_ )Kabat-Zinn, Jon. 1990. Full Catastrophe Living: Using theWisdom of Your Body and Mind to Face Stress, Pain, and Illness.USA: Bantam Dell (Random House)Odier, Daniel. 1986. Nirvana Tao: The Secret MeditationTechniques of the Taoist and Buddhist Masters. USA: InnerTraditions.Ravindra, Ravi. 2006. Yoga in the Yoga Sutra and the BhagavadGita. In The Spiritual Roots of Yoga: The Royal Path to Freedom.45 – 100. Canada: Morning Light Press.Santina, Peter Della. 1999. Tree of Enlightenment: AnIntroduction to the Major Traditions of Buddhism. Yin ShunFoundation. Available at http://peterdellasantina.org/books/tree_of_enlightenment.htm.Shoeberlein, Deboraha and Suki Sheth. 2009. Mindful Teachingand Teaching Mindfulness: A Guide for Anyone Who TeachesAnything. Boston, USA: Wisdom Publications.Shapiro, Shauna L. and Linda E. Carlson. 2009. The Art andScience of Mindfulness: Integrating Mindfulness into Psychologyand the Helping Professions. Washington, DC, USA: AmericanPsychological Association.Siegel, Ronald D., Christopher K. Germer, and AndrewOlendzki. 2009. Mindfulness: What Is it? Where Did It ComeFrom? In Clinical Handbook of Mindfulness, ed. FabrizioDidonna, 17 – 35.USA: Springer.Sujiva 2000. Essentials of Insight Meditation (A PragmaticApproach to Vipassana). Malaysia: Buddhist Wisdom Centre.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 151The “Contemporary Art Museum” in Japan: A Study on the Role andFunction of this Cultural Institution in Today’s Urban SocietyAroon PuritatIntroductionIf art museums were considered a function existing inthe urban fabric in the same manner as markets, trainstations, theaters, parks, universities, offices, etc. are,one would see the constant adaptations andadjustments of these urban buildings and spaces overdifferent periods. It is inevitable for art museums toresist the changing course of time. Such changeseventually become significant evidences of Japan’shistory of art and culture, and of the progression of itssociety, economy and politics, including itsarchitectural developments.Architect Arata Isozaki classifies the historical changesof museums into three generations. “The Pantheonstyle museums in the first generation focus mainly oncollection and preservation, while the secondgeneration art museums are modern museums wherewhite cubical space carries out main functionality inexhibiting different genre of art. Contemporarymuseums in the third generation are site-specific,which integrate artworks into the museum’sarchitectural space” (Fudo 2011, 2).Yuko Hasegawa (2004, 78-79), chief curator of theMuseum of Contemporary Art in Tokyo, divides theevolution of art museums into four differentgenerations. She wrote:Art museums have changed with the times. InJapan, the first generation of museums built inthe postwar period up to the 1960s focused onthe function of preservation. The secondgeneration, in the 1960s and 1970s, emphasizeddisplay and presentation. In the 1980s and after,a third generation appeared with an emphasis onvisitor participation, learning experiences, andhospitality to visitors. Facilities were establishedfor workshops, concerts and performances.Amenities such as cafes, restaurant, and shopswere provided for the people who were spendingmore time in the museum, taking advantage ofthe many programs it offered. Since the 1990s, afourth generation of museums has appeared inresponse to the greater influence of informationin society, the trend toward globalization, andthe demand for lifetime education. They giveviewers a more active role and provide them withgreater opportunities for personal growth andself-realization.It is noticeable how the architect Arata Isozakicategorizes the generations of art museums accordingto their architectural styles, while Yuko Hasegawaclassifies art museums by their functionalities andsocial roles. The researcher, meanwhile, incorporatesthe insights of the two experts in the classification ofart museums proposed in this research. This research isthe result of a one-year fieldtrip, during which theresearcher traveled to art museums in the differentcities of Japan to explore and analyze the urbancontexts surrounding the museums, theiradministration systems, as well as their architecturalaspects.The methodology chosen for this research included indepthinterviews with artists, architects, curators, andart museum directors in Japan. The researcher alsoparticipated in several academic seminars including artand architectural exhibitions. The events wererecorded in the form of a digital video for further studyand analysis for this research.The First Generation Art MuseumAfter the Second World War, Japan attempted toreconstruct the nation from the debris of destructionthrough the developments that looked toward severalWestern models, ranging from the education systemand industrial technology, to art museums, which werethen an emerging cultural unit inspired by the West. Itwas the era when the first generation of art museums inJapan was conceived with the main roles of collectingand preserving several genres of art.Junzo Sakakura designed the Museum of Modern Artin Kamakura in 1951. The museum marks aprominent milestone in Japan’s modern architecturalhistory and is considered Japan’s first museum ofmodern art. The country’s first National Museum ofThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

152 Panel 4Art was initially founded under the administration ofthe Ministry of Education. The Japanese Governmentback then bought the building from NikkatsuCorporation and assigned the architect KunioMaekawa to be responsible for the renovation. 1The Museum of Modern Art, Kamakura, architect Junzo Sakakura (1951). Photos taken by Aroon Puritat.Not long after, Le Corbusier designed The NationalMuseum of Western Art in Tokyo, which opened in1959. Its spiral circulation plan resonates with LeCorbusier’s desire for the museum to be able to expandin the future when the collection grows larger. Theoriginal collection exhibited in the museum was KojiroMatsukata’s personal collection. Such contributionexemplifies the way art collectors transfer theirpersonal collections to public art organizations, apractice that later became more common in theJapanese art culture scene. The art pieces exhibited inart museums during this period were mostly paintingsand sculptures. 2This was also the period when collections of westernart from different eras were gradually compiled indifferent art museums. For instance, the NationalMuseum of Western Art exhibited a collection ofartworks from the 14 th to the 19 th centuries, while theNational Museum of Modern Art in Tokyo mountedJapan’s notable artworks by both Japanese andinternational artists from the 20 th century, or themodern era.The National Museum of Western Art, Tokyo, architect Le Corbusier (1959). Photos by Aroon Puritat.The Second Generation Art Museums (1970-1980)The second-generation movement emphasizedexhibition and presentation more. During this time,art museums began to emerge in the differentprovinces of the country, instead of clustering inseveral venues in Tokyo.It was during this period when the 1970 Expo inOsaka manifested the majesty and early developmentof Modern Japanese architecture that started to breakaway from the influence of Western architecture,particularly that of Le Corbusier. This era’s generationof architects, among them, Kunio Maekawa and JunzoSakakura, projected such differentiation distinctively.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 153In the early 70s, Arata Isozaki, the new generationarchitect of that time, became widely recognizedthrough many of his important architectural creationssuch as The Kitakyushu City Museum of Art,Fukuoka and The Museum of Modern Art, Gunma(finished in 1974). Kisho Kurokawa, anotherimportant architect from the same generation,designed the Saitama Prefectural Museum of ModernArt (finished in 1982).The works produced during this period took the firststep into the realm of late Modernism where geometricforms were not distinctively visible. Instead, thearchitecture played with the diversity of form andspace, which seemed to allow the Japanese architects toconceptualize and crystallize their own architecturalnotion and identity.The Third Generation Art Museum (1980-1990)This decade marked the time when art museums grewsubstantially both in terms of size and function.Theaters, concert halls, and workshop areas were thepopular add-ons that allowed viewers to have a morecollective experience in museums. Since the venueswere getting bigger physically, areas such as a café and arestaurant were put in, mainly to accommodate theviewers so that they could spend more time in themuseums.This period can, more or less, be considered as theRenaissance of art museum construction due to themassive financial injection art museums enjoyed fromthe country’s bubble economy. Japan entered therealm of architectural transformation, stepping intothe third generation with the rise of influentialarchitects of the era, particularly the renownedprotégés of Kenzo Tange: Kisho Kurokawa, FumihikoMaki, Arata Isozaki, Yoshio Taniguchi, etc. Thesearchitects had had the chance to work on several artmuseum projects, both in and outside Japan, since theearly days of their profession back in the 70s. But it wasthe 80s that was considered the true golden era of thisgroup of architects.In an interview, Professor Hiroyuki Suzuki (2010 ), 3 aprominent architectural historian of JapaneseArchitecture, notably the Modern era, explained thenature of the social movements that were influencingJapanese architecture at the time. In 1969, universitystudents in Japan were actively participating in thepolitical movement that called for several changes inJapanese society then. Professor Suzuki was a studentat Tokyo University where the architecturalmovement emphasized the search for the manner bywhich to initiate massive residential projects, inresponse to the expansion of the urban fabric and theincreasing population. Nonetheless, when Japandeveloped into a country of better-quality living,which was the result of its post-war economic revivaland advanced technology, Japanese architecture veeredtoward a more individual direction. Such change canbe seen in the abundant births of architectureconceived in the 80s and the early 90s—the timeswhen Japan’s bubble economy reached its highestcapacity prior to the explosion that led the country toeconomic recession.Kyoto National Museum of Modern Art, Kyoto, Architect Fumihiko Maki (1986). Photos by Aroon Puritat.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

154 Panel 4Hiroshima City Museum of Contemporary Art, Hiroshima, Architect Kisho Kurokawa (1989). Photos by Aroon PuritatIt comes as no surprise to see renowned architects ofthe 80s create their own architectural theories and usethese to conceptualize their own designs. It was alsoduring this period when the Post-Modern Movementstarted to emerge, and many art museums were createdwithout sufficient supporting factors that couldenhance future sustainable operation, and address themuseum’s lack of a suitable architectural program andadministration strategy. Given that many art museumorganizations had to face massive maintenance costs,the art museum buildings were unable to function asproperly as expected. While the architects from thethird generation were swamped with large-scale publicbuilding projects, the fourth generation ones who hadnever studied under the Japanese or Westerneducation system, among them Tadao Ando and theTokyo University educated Toyo Ito, playedincreasingly significant parts. This group of architectswould later assume an important role in the localarchitectural scene, specifically from the post-90s untilthe present.One of the interesting art museums built during thisperiod was the Marugame Genichiro-InokumaMuseum of Contemporary Art (1991) designed byYoshio Taniguchi, the modernist architect whoseworks were known for their rather simple, humble,and serene architectural expression. Interviews withseveral curators showed how most of them admiredand agreed that Yoshio Taniguchi’s design exemplifiesthe architectural program of a museum that is highlyflexible, making it very convenient to facilitatedifferent forms of installations and presentations.The Marugame Genichiro-Inokuma Museum ofContemporary Art (MIMOCA) is located in a smalltown of Magurame. The functionality of the buildingis designed to interestingly connect itself to the cityfabric. The huge staircase is at the side of the building,allowing viewers to access different areas of thebuilding, such as the restaurant and the library,without having to buy a ticket to enter the exhibitionarea of the museum. The distinctive development ofMIMOCA as an art museum is its ability toincorporate extra functionality, such as the publiclibrary, into the building. The large ground in front ofthe museum is mostly used for exhibiting sculpturepieces; however, the area also has opened public access.In 1991, wrote:The main point of Taniguchi’s design is hiscreative intention to create a building thatenhances the viewer’s desire to go to themuseum, but in the meantime, the architecturemust not disturb or distract the viewer’s interestsfrom the artworks exhibiting inside of themuseum. This explains the simplicity of hisarchitecture, which is a simple looking box thatdoesn’t have any gaudy decorative architecturalcomposition or flashy building’s surface. 4Architecturally speaking, Taniguchi’s design can beclassified as belonging to the Second Generation artmuseums, which basically have a white-cube spacesuitable for artworks from the Modern art era. Theaccessibility the architect creates for the general publicto use certain spaces in the museum without having tosee the exhibitions was developed from this generationof art museums. However, when considering theadministration system and time of construction,MIMOCA can be classified as a Third Generation artmuseum.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 155Marugame Genichiro-Inokuma Museum of Contemporary Art, Marugame, architect Yoshio Taniguchi (1991). Photos by Aroon Puritat.The early 90s was when Installation art andConceptual art became more influential, resulting inthe museum’s readjustment of exhibition space due tothe changing process of artistic creations. Artists didnot just work in their studios and install their works inmuseums anymore. On several occasions, they began toincorporate museums into their artistic projections.Yokohama Museum of Art, Yokohama, architect Kenzo Tange (1989), Photos by Aroon Puritat.One of the interesting museum projects from the late80s is the Yokohama Museum of Art, which began tooperate in 1989. The museum was designed by masterarchitect Kenzo Tange. Globally renowned and one ofthe most influential architects in Japan, he was knownfor his work in stadiums and urban planning projectsin the 60s and the 70s.The Yokohama Museum of Art can be classified as aSecond Generation art museum for its emphases onthe exhibition and preservation of artworks with astrong “institution” image. It projects a great deal ofcontrast with other museums conceived during thetime of transformation, when art museums werebeginning to adjust and adapt themselves. Severalmuseums had then opened up their spaces for morepublic access, connecting the museums to the cityfabric and communicating with a general public morethan they used to.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

156 Panel 4Watari-Um Museum of Contemporary Art, Tokyo, architect Mario Botta (1990). Photos by Aroon Puritat.The Fourth Generation Art Museums (1990-2000)Opened in this particular period was the small artcontinually. 5 architecture were integrated.museum, the Watari-um Museum of ContemporaryArt, with Mario Botta as architect. This private, The Fourth Generation Art Museums werefamily-operated museum had the Watari family incharge of administration. Koichi Watari, the directorand second-generation successor of the museum,provides an interesting point of view. In an interviewon how the Watari-um is operated, he said, “I organizethe exhibitions that I find interesting, be it art orarchitecture. We don’t really mind whether theconstructed during the age of information andglobalization. It was the period when viewers were ableto access information and began to extend their artisticunderstanding in the form of long-term studies.Through art, viewers became capable of understandingthemselves more under different social roles, be thispolitic, gender, or culture. For their part, art museumscontents we choose to exhibit are popular or not. I were adapted and extended to encompass several otherdiscuss what I want to do with my colleagues and forms and genres.family, and then we make the final decision”. TheDespite the economic recession, the construction ofmuseum has hosted several art and architecturalart museums in Japan continued. Some of the privateexhibitions of many world-class artists and architectsones had to close down after less than two decades ofsuch as Joseph Beuys,Henry Darger, Jean Fabre, operation. In interviews, curators and directors ofFederico Herrero, Mike Kelley, Barry McGee, and several state-funded and provincially-funded artNam June Paik, to name a few.museums revealed that their budgets were cut down by10 percent for 10 consecutive years, while many artMario Botta designed the architecture of the WatariumMuseum of Contemporary Art by emphasizingsymmetrical forms, while the installation of surfacemuseums were required to prove to the general publicthat their organizations were spending the taxpayer’smoney properly and efficiently.materials and the structure were designed in responseto the symmetrical shape of the building. It was a In the late 20 th century, a distinctive example of an artchallenging task, considering the triangular shape of museum conceived with a site-specific program inthe land that made it even harder for Botto to executeJapan was an art project initiated by the group calledhis signature symmetrical architecture.Benesse Art Site Naoshima. This was originated bySoichiro Fujutake, the chairman of Benesse Holdings,Inc. and the Naoshima Fukutake Art MuseumThe Watari-um Museum of Contemporary Art isFoundation. Soichiro Fujutake came up with the ideaconsidered another important piece of architecture ofto build an art museum on Naoshima Island. His aimthe Post-Modern Era. Designed by foreign architects,was for the museum to function not only as a venue forit is also a great example of how a small private exhibiting artworks, but also to serve as a tool thatorganization can manage to operate and function as a would expand the conventional frame of art museums,successful art museum, without having to depend on by taking the art out of the museum context. Thegovernment support. Watari-um still organizes project offered new alternatives and directions forinteresting exhibitions of several artists and architects artistic presentations, where nature, art, andThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 157The Benesse Art project was founded in 1988, whilethe first museum of the island, the Benesse HouseMuseum, was finished in 1992 with Tadao Ando incharge of the architectural direction. The museum hashosted a personal collection of Soichiro Fukutake thatincluded the works of several internationallyrenowned artists ranging from Gerhard Richter,Donald Judd, Nam June Paik, Robert Rauschenberg,David Hockney, to Andy Warhol, etc. The interiorspace of the museum was specifically allocated for theinstallation of each artwork, while the balance betweenthe artworks and the architecture was creativelycontrolled. 6The museum’s architectural style and the presentationof exhibitions are not entirely different from those ofother museums from the Second Generation.Nonetheless, the location and the hotel facility, whichhave been incorporated as part of the program,differentiate the Benesse House Museum from otherart museum projects. In the meantime, Tadao Ando’sarchitecture does not exactly exhibit any distinctiveevidence of its attempt to create specific interactionsbetween the architecture and the artworks.In 1998, the Benesse Art Site, Naoshima launched TheArt House Project in Honmura district by renovatingseveral old traditional houses that were to serve asexhibition venues for site-specific Installation artpieces. Tatsuo Miyajima was the first artist to ever jointhe project, which was followed by many other similarinstallation art projects. The project did not onlyintend to restore and preserve the old, traditionalJapanese wooded houses, but also interwove localhistory with the contemporariness of the artworks.Some of the works were installed next to the district’sreligious place, causing the artists to reinterpret theirartistic creations under an entirely new surroundingcontext and environment, quite different from theartistic process taking place in the conventional whitecube-like space in a museum properly designed by anarchitect.Benesse House Museum, Architect Tadao Ando (1992). Photos by Aroon Puritat.The Art House Project, Honmura district, Naoshima (1998). Photos by Aroon Puritat.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

158 Panel 4In 2004, Tadao Ando designed the Chichu ArtMuseum that hosts the works of three legendaryartists: Claude Monet, James Turrell, and Walter DeMaria. The majority of the building is locatedunderground, beneath the grass hill. The architecturewas designed to emphasize each space where each artpiece is installed. For instance, the room where ClaudeMonet’s Water Lilies is exhibited is laid with smallwhite mosaic pieces that accentuate the painting, tomake it even more vivaciously distinctive.Although concrete is the common material used inmost of Ando’s designs, the architect adjusted his ownarchitectural language to suit the presence of theartworks to the Chichu Art Museum. The circulationis controlled by limiting the number of viewers foreach visiting round, while noise making is prohibitedwhen entering the exhibition space. These measuresprotect the art viewing atmosphere from anydisturbance. To illustrate, the museum allows only oneviewer at a time to see James Turrell’s works.Viewers who walk into the museum go through a seriesof empty spaces in the different areas of the museumbefore reaching the artworks. The clash between theartworks and the architecture that takes place insidethe Chichu Art Museum rigorously draws out thecontemporariness of Claude Monet’s Impressionistpaintings.Chichu Art Museum, Architect Tadao Ando (2004). Photos by Aroon Puritat.In 2008, the Inujima Art Project Seirensho made itsdebut on the island of Inujima (Okayama Prefecture)with the Art Museum Seirensho as the first phase toopen for operation in April. The museum wasrenovated from the old copper refinery closed down in1929 after only 10 years of operation. The renovationof the old factory, which was a testament to Japan’sindustrial modernization, was creatively undertakenby the environmentalist architect, Hiroshi Sambuichi.The specialty of this museum was the way the architectdesigned the building to embrace the sea breeze, so asto cool down the museum during summer. On theother hand, natural sunlight was incorporated into thebuilding to generate warmth during winter. Both endswere achieved without use of any electrical power.Wastewater in the museum, meanwhile, is put throughtreatment and later used to water plants.The Art Museum Seirensho is another successfulexample of how the renovation of a deserted buildingcan result in an impressive architectural creation ofgreat aesthetic values and environmentally friendlyfunctionalities. Installed in the building are YukinoriYanagi’s artworks, in which the artist brings in doors,windows, and plug sockets from the house of thefamous Japanese writer Yukio Mishima and reinstallsthem within the space of the museum. Yukio Mishimais one of the most significant Japanese writers whocritiqued the changes that transpired in Japanesesociety during the modernization period.Art Museum Seirensho interweaves thecontemporariness of the present to the days of Japan’sindustrial modernization by bringing back the oldfactory and the deceased writer to life, therebyallowing people of the later generations to appreciateand understand the presence of the past.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 159The Art Museum Seirensho, architect Hiroshi Sambuichi, artist Yukinori Yanagi (2008). Photos by Aroon Puritat.Teshima Art Museum, architect Ryue Nishizawa (2010). Photos by Aroon PuritatNot long after, in 2010, to be exact, the NaoshimaFukutake Art Museum Foundation opened theTeshima Art Museum. The museum that covers 2,334square meters is situated on the hill overlooking apanoramic sea view. This small museum only exhibitsthe works of the female artist Rei Naito, a naturalobserver who picks up on natural phenomena whatmost people tend to overlook, and visualizes them intointriguing artworks, among them her delicate, barelyvisible sculpture that transforms the “wind” into anintriguing visual perception.The Teshima Art Museum is a collaboration of ReiNaito and the architect Ryue Nishizawa. The artist’sdecision to present water and different naturalphenomena involving water has resulted in the liquidlikeshaped architecture. Reinforced concrete is notused to create a normal beam structure, but to form aconcrete shell structure. The construction process isbegun by piling up the earth to create massive curvyhill masses onto which the concrete is poured, coveringentire earth hills. After the concrete is set, the earth isdug out, creating massive voids, which become theinterior spaces of the museum.Once at the museum, the viewers are guided to walkthrough the designated path before entering theexhibition space where Rei Naito’s works are installed.The exhibition area is filled with water droplets thatmove around in different directions as a result of thespecially coated floor. When rainwater comes down,the viewers are able to see the natural, real-timemovements of water and wind, Massive openingsarchitecturally and artistically enhance the building toembrace every natural presence—from the wind, therain, sunshine, and snow, to the birds and insects.Several projects initiated by the Naoshima FukutakaArt Museum foundation manifest the attempts tocreate new programs in the art museums of the early21 st century. Such attempts include the dispersion ofmuseums from the high-density urban fabric todifferent venues in the rural areas surrounded bybeautiful nature. They also include the design andconstruction of architecture that accommodate onlyone specific artistic creation. This has resulted in amore collaborative process between architecture andart, not to mention consideration for creatingenvironmentally friendly architecture. Art museumsThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

160 Panel 4have become tourist attractions that aim for viewers tospend more time visiting them. That artworks arelocated in different parts of the island explains thepresence of additional facilities such as the BenesseHouse hotel, thereat.Community wise, the arrival of artworks, architecture,and tourists on Naoshima Island enlivens the smallisland village and rejuvenates the spirits of its 3,307residents, who are mostly senior citizens. In themeantime, young people have increasingly begun tosettle on the island, starting tourism businesses thatrange from restaurants and hotels, to cafés. Statisticsalso show how the number of tourists visiting theisland has grown continually since 2005.While all sorts of activities and projects thatincorporate the involvement of the local communityhave helped stimulate collective contributions and theparticipation of community members, the Foundationhas revived the activities that the islanders used toundertake by making them part of people’s everydaylives once more. For instance, starting 2006, theongoing Naoshima Rice-Growing Project resuscitatedthe rice-growing activity, which had been absent fromthe local community since the 70s. Another interestingproject was the Honmura Noren Project initiated in2001 by the artist Yuko Kano. The projectreintroduced the use of noren (short cloth curtainshung in the entrance to Japanese shops) after Kano,the dyeing expert, made noren for the 14 houses inHonmura district, thus leading to the birth of theHonmura Noren Project committee advocated byBenesse.21 st Century Museum of Contemporary Art,KanazawaFrom 2004 to August 2011, the 21 st Century Museumof Contemporary Art Kanazawa proved itsoverwhelming success, attracting over 10 milliontourists to the museum and the city of Kanazawa.Before it reached this glorious stage, the museum hadbeen the subject of comprehensive planning, a processthat took over nine years to accomplish. In 1995, theproject was initiated with the establishment of theUrban Core District Preparation Scheme Committee,a joint committee consisting of the IshikawaPrefecture and Kanazawa City. In 1996, the CitizensForum was held to discuss the art museum schemebefore the board of special advisors (17 members) andgeneral advisors (4 members), appointed to draftgeneral art museum plans in 1997. Another CitizensForum was held in July-August 1997. In 1999 KazuyoSejima and Associates + SANAA was selected as theproject’s architectural designer.In 2000, the museum began its artwork collecting and,not long after, in May of the same year, the name “21 stCentury Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa”was proposed to the General Standing Committee.The first official meeting of the 21 st Century Museumof Contemporary Art, the Kanazawa SteeringCommittee, and the Preparatory Committee was heldin 2002. In 2003, the citizen’s observations of the 21 stCentury Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawaconstruction site took place 10 times. In July 2004, thedesign of museum staff uniforms by Miyake DesignStudio was made public. The 21 st Century Museum ofContemporary Art, Kanazawa finally opened foroperation in October 2004.The 21 st Century Museum of Contemporary Art,Kanazawa is situated in the center of Kanazawa City.Through its transparent glass walls, one can see theactivities going on inside the building, as well as thelinkage between the museum’s interior and exteriorspaces. The circular plan of the building creates a senseof connectedness between the architecture and thecity, for it embraces the cityscape from all directions,surrounded by the city’s three main roads. 7Under the collaboration of the architects, artists, andcurators, the exhibition area is divided into 14 galleries,resulting in the more flexible adjustment of space thatcan accommodate various forms of artworks, with themain corridor connecting all the galleries to eachother. This particular planning allows the viewers tostep out of the galleries if they want to rest their eyes,or to easily leave the exhibition areas should they wishto, for any reason whatsoever.Here, the flow that museum visitors follow is differentfrom that in other museums, in general, for it allowsviewers to choose their own, without having to followparticular sequences, the way it is done in most artmuseums. Visitors can also walk around the museumwithout having to enter the exhibition areas if they donot want to. The architects came up with thisalternative to expose viewers to new art-viewingexperiences whenever they come over. Even aftervisiting hours when the exhibition area is closed, thepeople may use the exterior space of the museum until22.00, as this is accessible via the four entrances locatedalong the museum’s different ends. 8The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 161As for the administration, the museum has beenadvocating several educational programs that wouldurge museumgoers to have more interactive artisticexperiences. This has resulted in the birth of manyprojects, such as an art project with a one-yearexhibition duration, that sees qualified candidateshelping artists in the work and installation processes.By allowing viewers to be part of the artistic creationprocess, the project enhances the viewer’s interactiveexperience with the artists.Akimoto Yuji, the former director of the Chichu ArtMuseum and the current director of the 21 st CenturyMuseum of Contemporary Art, shares some of histhoughts on the budget issue pertaining to themuseum,Despite having over one million visitors everyyear, our budget has been cut down by 10% everyyear, as well. The ticket sales of our museum donot generate that much income compared to theNaoshima Fukutaka Art Museum Foundationthat can generate six to seven times morerevenue from their ticket sales. Having said that,both museums cannot depend entirely onentrance fees to pay for all their expenses. Take alook at a private museum like the Benesse ArtSite Naoshima: the project receives financialsupport from the Naoshima Fukutaka ArtMuseum Foundation. On the other hand, the21 st Century Museum has the city of Kanazawaas its main supporter.Akimoto discusses the issue concerning the generalpublic’s understanding and attitude towards“contemporary art”, and the common perception thatcontemporary art is “too incomprehensible”,To understand contemporary art takes time. Butit is not that hard. What we are trying to do iscreate educational programs that focus mainlyon students. We work closely with severalelementary schools in Kanazawa that have over5,000 students under their responsibility; weoffer them the chance to come to our museum.These kids learn to be familiar with the veryfoundation of contemporary art and when theygrow up, they will become the people who have abasic understanding of contemporary art. It isthey who will become the viewers and importantsupporters of our museum in the future. 9The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

162 Panel 4The 21 st Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa, architect Kazuyo Sejima and Associates + SANAA (2004). Photos by AroonPuritat.Contemporary Art and Art Museums of the Early21 st Century in Japan: The Overall PictureWithin the overlapping period from the late 20 thcentury to the early 21 st century, several art museumsemerged in the different cities of Japan, while somemuseums incorporated the term “contemporary” intotheir names. Nonetheless, the understanding andappreciation of contemporary art remain limited to asmall group of people. Based on recorded statistics, theexhibitions with the highest number of viewers areoften those of famous Impressionist artists and otherartistic legends such as Picasso and Van Gogh. Forinstance, Claude Monet’s exhibition held at theNational Art Centre, Tokyo from April to July of2007 had viewers totaling 704,420, while othercontemporary art exhibitions held in the samemuseum averaged only 30,000. This was so despite thefact that the durations of both were the same: threemonths. Such phenomenon is evident in almost everyprincipal art museum in every big city of Japan.In a 2010 interview, Minami Yusuke (2010), the ChiefCurator of the National Art Centre, shared heropinions on the matter,Massive media corporations in Japan have a greatdeal of influence on big art museums. Theychoose popular artworks and promote theexhibitions through the media they have in theirhands, which explains the overwhelmingnumber of viewers. The media-sponsoredexhibitions often feature works from the Classicor Impressionist era, mostly because they areeasier to understand compared to works fromthe contemporary art genre, which require aconsiderable amount of interpretation andcomprehension from the viewers. In addition,the administration system for the organizationof this type of exhibition usually demands a greatdeal of preparation and investment, whichconsequentially costs a lot of money. Theseexhibitions bear a resemblance to concerttouring with a showing scheduled in big namemuseums around the country, while they realizeprofits from ticket sales”. 10The exhibitions of artworks from the pre-Modernismera such as Impressionism in contemporary or modernart museums in Japan create a sense of obscurity, whilemanifesting a gap in understanding among the generalpublic regarding the way “art” is still perceived in sucha limited manner. Further, they are sometimes limitedto only one specific artist or era. In the meantime, theway the museums, as governmental organizations, havethe duty to serve the public and the majority of thepopulation reflects the political structure of thecountry’s liberal democracy. As a result, recordedstatistics regarding the number of viewers remain thekey indicator of the museum’s performanceestimation.ConclusionFollowing the establishment of nation states in the19 th century, various political and social institutionswere formed. One of the early forms of nation-stateoutputs was the art museum, a place used to store artand cultural history for the citizens to learn about theroots of the nation, consolidate the history of variousethnic groups, and thread them together into acompletely new story. The intentions of these artmuseums were to educate people about the history ofthe new nation and foster a shared ideal, politicalphilosophy. Thereafter, the new nations attempted togather every social element and citizen together as partof the state, hence, founding a politicaldecentralization system.Japanese art museums were no exception to this newpolitical structure. A perusal of art museums foundedera by era since World War II reveals that the earlymuseums took to collecting both Japanese and foreignart pieces along with historical evidences, displayedthem in a coherent manner, and sought to explain theartistic influence that the outside world brought toJapan, and Japan to the outside world. Most artmuseums in Japan were founded by the government;therefore, the main art museums of the state werelocated in major cities such as Tokyo, Kyoto, andOsaka, where the country’s masterpiece collections ofeach era were stored.Given Japan’s decentralized political system, theprefectural museums of art within each city received alocally allocated budget to maintain their sites. Duringthe 1980s and 1990s, a large number of these museumswere founded in each city. They focused onconstructing hardware or buildings, and purchasingThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 163modern and contemporary art collections from thewestern world. Building these unique art collections ineach museum required a huge investment, while artpieces created by Japanese artists were largely ignoredor disregarded by the museum. Moreover, Japanese artcollectors did not pay much attention to modern andcontemporary Japanese art. As a result, many of theseworks were purchased and possessed by foreign artcollectors and museums. Once these Japanese artistsbecame famous, their works’ value appreciatedconsiderably in the global market.But then in 1900s, Japan faced a tough financial crisis.After the bubble economy burst, the financialcapabilities of many Japanese art museums diminishedsuch that they could no longer afford to possess oracquire Japanese art pieces, whose prices were goingbeyond levels that the museum’s budgets allowed.In addition, unlike their contemporaries in thewestern world, Japanese art museums do not have largefunds that can support long-term activities. Moreover,the government does not give any special incentive todonors or art and cultural organizations – a schemeput in place in the US and the UK, where a donatedamount is tax-deductible or entitles the donor to havethe collection named after him or her. Westerncountries likewise hold various systematic fundraisingprograms and engage the private sector in the arts, topromote their organizations.This comparison clearly shows that Japan has notestablished systematic funding support, even ascapitalism and the art market are observed to havebecome inseparable in many parts of the world. It isevident, as well, that art galleries, artists, art collectors,and media in art museums have come to be regarded asbenefits that the government must provide its citizensas these are all funded by tax. But, in Japan, thegovernment has not established a system that cansustain the business of these art museums, an oversightthat has consequently crippled other sectors in theJapanese contemporary art industry. It has beenevident how some art museums have gone out ofbusiness because they did not have adequate funds tomanage and maintain their sites.Several Japanese art museums founded in the early 21 stcentury have started to engage the general public,curators, architects, and specialists from different areassomehow involved in the process—from planning,designing and constructing the museums, to sourcingart collections which resulted in outstandingarchitectural design and remarkable exhibitionprograms, aside from reflecting transparency in thework process. This was in keeping with the liberaldemocracy nature of Japan. Still, the funding used tomaintain the museums continues to be sourced fromlocal government bodies. The negative affect of thisarrangement will be palpable and inevitable once theeconomy falls.Many private art museums in Japan have established afund to help in the long-term sustainable managementof the sites. But the limitations of this set-up remainevident. For example, the museums housing them aresmall scale and lack collection variety. To build a goodcollection takes time and consistency, along with thevision to see which collections will be of greathistorical value in the future. To achieve this statusagain requires time and effort on the part of curators,historians, and critics who design and plan collectionsthat reveal powerful histories.Art museums are often connected to politics in manyways – through policy, the economy, society, andculture. It is therefore important to maintain a goodproportion of each element and fit them together withthe budget.Currently, Japanese art museums are facing difficultiesfrom a tight budget, while experiencing the need toreview their role in presenting contemporary art in avery competitive global arena, and to simultaneouslyprovide more knowledge to society. Theseresponsibilities add up to a huge burden in the face oflimited manpower. We have yet to see how these artmuseums will adjust themselves and survive the toughcurrent in the future.NOTES1 Yamauchi, Maiko (Curator of The Museum of Modern Art,Kamakura). 2011. Interview by author, July 21.234Murakami, Hiroya. 2010. Interview by author. Tokyo.October 12.Suzuki, Hiroyuki. 2010. Interview by author, October 29Nakata, Koichi. 2011. Interview by author, June 265 Watari, Koichi. 2010. Interview by author. August 296Akimoto, Yuji. 2011. Interview by author, June 7.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

164 Panel 478Fudo, Misato. 2011. Interview by author, June 7.Hirayabashi, Megumi. 2011. Interview by author, June 7.9 Akimoto, Yuji. 2011. Interview by author, June 7.10 Minami, Yusuke. 2010. Interview by author, September 17.REFERENCESBaniotopoulou, Evdoxia. 2001. Art for whose sake? Modern artmuseums and their role in transforming societies: The case ofthe Guggenheim Bilbao. Journal of Conservation and MuseumStudies, 07: 1-15.Fudo, Misato. 2007. The Museum as the Site of a QuietRevolution of the People / An Interview with TATEHATAAkira. A journal on contemporary art and culture. The 21 stCentury Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa, 04: 9-15.Fudo, Misato. 2011. Beginning of the Endless Dialogue of Post-Collection. The Collection Catalog of 21 st Century Museum ofContemporary Art, Kanazawa. Bluemark Inc. 1-2.Haseagawa, Yuko. 2004. What is 21 st century art museum? In AMuseum of the New Century, The Vision and Innovation of the21 st Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa. BijutsuShuppan Ltd.Mauhler, Marina Gizinic. 2002. Does Contemporary Art NeedMuseums anymore? A journal on contemporary art and culture.The 21 st Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa, 01:10-15.WEBSITES21 st Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa,Museum Timeline http://www.kanazawa21.jp/data_list.php?g=50&d=1&lng=eBenesse Art Site Naoshima, Historyhttp://www.benesse-artsite.jp/en/about/history.htmlThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 165MUKHANG PERA: Banknotes and nation.Ambeth R. OcampoIntroductionMukhang pera is a title I owe to the witty API FellowNick de Ocampo who coined it effortlessly when I wasexplaining my research project. The phrase literallymeans “looks like money” but in everyday Filipinoconversation, it carries a double meaning: the positivemeaning refers to the faces or portraits engraved onbanknotes; the negative connotation refers to a greedyperson, someone who figuratively “looks like money”.All round the world people deal with banknoteseveryday; these are so common we tend to take themfor granted. We see and exchange banknotes butseldom notice the details in them that tell a storysignificant to the country that issued the notes and thepeople who use them. Almost all banknotes haveportraits of people on them, how and why did they getthere?My API research project began from my involvementas historical adviser to the Numismatic Committee ofthe Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (Central Bank of thePhilippines) from 2002-2011. The most significantwork of this committee was to finalize and recommendto the BSP Monetary Board the designs and securityfeatures that would go into the “New GenerationCurrency” (NGC) that was issued in December 2010.Being the only person on the committee notconnected with the Central Bank, the meetingsprovided an introduction to the arcane world ofbanknotes, especially the complex design elements andtechnical requirements considered primarily to detercounterfeiting. A historian was called into thecommittee to provide inputs on the historicalpersonalities on the face of the banknotes, as well as thehistorical events and icons printed on the reverse.Aside from aesthetic or artistic considerations, theseimages were chosen as a proud display of the historyand culture of the Philippines. The images integral tothe banknotes were meant to evoke pride, images thatwere an expression of nation.After almost a decade with the BSP NumismaticCommittee, I have never looked at banknotes the sameway again. Armed with this unique experience and areferral from BSP Deputy Governor Diwa Gunigundoto his counterparts I embarked on my researchfellowship to study the banknotes of countriesparticipating in the Asian Public Intellectual program:Japan, Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia to see if theirdesigns were also an expression of nation andnationhood. To this end, I was based: in Kyoto fromOctober- November 2010; Bangkok, December 2010-February 2011; Jakarta, February-April 2011; andKuala Lumpur, April-June 2011.Why banknotes?In its earliest form, money began as barter for goods,often food or the exchange of physical objects ofequivalent value. Before the use of precious metals likegold and silver, monetary value was reckoned in staplefoods like rice in China or Japan or grain in Egypt andMesopotamia. One of the earliest coins, the drachma,was based on the weight of grain and one of the earliestpaper money in Japan, the koku, was based on riceeither in storage or even in expected yield, an earlyexample of futures trading. As societies became morecomplex, other inedible products were also givenexchange value: pearls and cowrie shell from the sea,and finally processed precious metals from the earthlike gold and silver or copper and bronze.While coins came before paper money and were moredurable, these were physically more difficult totransport in large quantities, thus individuals, banks,and governments started to issue paper as a promise topay a given sum with equivalent value in gold or silver.This made transactions easier, safer, and morelightweight. While some form of paper money wasused in ancient China to address the shortage of coinscirca 960 AD, the acknowledged first banknote inhistory is dated to Ming China in 1375. Sheets ofpaper made from the mulberry tree, the size of an A4sheet today, were printed to be exchanged for 1,000coins printed on the banknote. When you realize thatthis piece of paper was worth three kilos of coins, youwould understand the advance and practical use ofpaper money. In the West, the earliest banknote wasissued in the 17 th century; in Sweden in 1660, and bythe Bank of England in 1694.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

166 Panel 4Banknotes and IdentityOften overlooked is that paper in itself is of little or novalue compared to a piece of gold or silver. However, apiece of paper printed into a banknote depending onwhat is written on it and the person or institution thatissues, it is a promise to pay in a given value. Banknotescan be as simple as cheques if all that is required are thetext and numbers that clearly indicate its amount orvalue, but all banknotes issued by different MonetaryInstitutions around the world contain more than thevalue and the guarantee of payment. These banknotesusually have the portrait of a person significant in theircountry on the front of the note and a scene or othericonic elements on the reverse. All these pictures areplaced on the notes primarily to deter counterfeitingbut in the process these images reflect the uniquehistory and culture of the issuing country. One couldsay that the images on banknotes can be read as anexpression of the identity of a country. When you seeGeorge Washington on a green dollar bill, you know itis issued by the United States of America; when yousee the face of Queen Elizabeth II on a banknote, youknow that it is issued by the United Kingdom or any ofthe countries in her realm. Like Flags and Emblemsthat are symbols of a State, a banknote placed in yourpocket or wallet is like a name card of a country.Banknotes are a supplement to textbook andclassroom history and civics because they expresssomething about the past: Founding Fathers,significant events and personages. Some banknotes,like the present currency series in Malaysia expressaspirations for the future or a development goal theycall “Wawasan”. In a global and globalizing worldbanknotes are not just means of exchange but a way forpeople to see their place in the larger world or even in asmaller geographic and political grouping like theAssociation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).Banknotes attempt to tell a story, or part of a storyregarding nation and nationhood. Thus, like classroomhistory a banknote is both informative as well asformative when this past is utilized to situate citizens inthe context of nation. While banknotes tell a story on asmall sheet of paper, what people do not see are thereasons behind banknote design, for example, the useof particular historical personages and the exclusion ofothers is a decision that underscores the contestednature of history especially when it is handmaid tonation building and nationalism.Numismatics or the study of money is traditionallyfocused on coins that have a longer, more complexhistory than banknotes. Numismatics often studiesphysical qualities of coins and coin design inchronological order for as a reference for collectors andspecialists. This study was narrowed down tobanknotes or paper money because it provided morevisual material and its widespread use covers themodern rather than ancient history.Almost all modern banknotes in the countries visitedwere issued in the 19 th century by private banks orindividuals and as a promise to pay was, in principle,physically convertible to precious metals like gold orsilver. Sometimes the banknotes were worth theprecious metal value that was to be drawn by the issuerfrom whatever was kept on deposit in a secure storagefacility. In abstract terms, paper money is importantbecause it is based on trust or confidence in the issuer.Thus, most early money came in two forms: a draftthat was value held on account or a bill that was apromise to convert to its equivalent in precious metals.With the establishment of central monetaryauthorities in the 20 th century, banknotes issued byprivate banks were taken off circulation and replacedby notes issued by sovereign governments. Fromsimply printed or designed monetary instruments,these evolved into the complex and beautifulbanknotes we know and use today.All the monetary authorities interviewed for this studysaid that the design or redesign of banknotes wasprimarily a response to counterfeiting. All otherconsiderations like durability, legibility, and aestheticdesign were secondary. Like the Philippines, Thailand,Indonesia and Japan printed their own banknotes.Malaysia outsourced banknote production. In Japan,the system is slightly different. The Bank of Japanissues the banknotes but these are produced by theJapan Bureau of Printing, coins are manufactured byMint Bureau. Some security printing facilities in othercountries produce passports and documents onsecurity paper aside from banknotes. During our visitsmuch discussion was related to the various securityfeatures placed on the notes: from actual printing,engraving and embossing to the type of paper or plasticused, and other elements such as holograms, magneticstrips, infrared text etc. The end result of this longdesign process was to factor in all the physicalrequirements and yet keep in mind the aestheticconsideration that banknotes should be beautiful, or atleast pleasing and attractive to the end user.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 167All modern banknotes have on the front or face: adetailed and prominent portrait, the denomination orvalue of the note clearly stated in numbers and words, apromise to pay the bearer the value indicated on thenote, a serial number, issue date and the signature ofthe Governor of the Central Bank (sometimes thesignature of the President as seen in Philippinebanknotes). Banknotes are often in a distinct over-allcolor to help users differentiate the variousdenominations. As a historian, I was more interestedin the reasons or rationale behind banknote design andtheir historical and cultural background. One couldsay that banknotes were a form of public history, or adocument that expressed a given historical past asunderstood by the Monetary authority. All banknotescarry images of nation: from portraits of monarchs andpresidents to icons of nationalism like heroes andsignificant cultural artifacts or historical events. Allthese are positive symbols that promote a sense ofpride and identity. The use of historical figures orevents on a banknote is an attempt to connect past andpresent to achieve relevance for the public as the enduser. Most of the figures on banknotes are no longerliving, they are historical, and connected to the birth ofthe nation with the notable exception of thebanknotes of Thailand who have a living person, thereigning king, H.M King Bhumibol on all theirbanknotes.Banknote Design ApprovalWhile the Monetary authority cannot speak for anation, it actually does so on banknotes. There are nogeneral or public consultations made regardingbanknote design because this would complicate anddelay issuance. Consultations are made often in-houseor in committees within the bank to discuss designelements. In the Philippines a new banknote design isinitiated by the Bangko Sentral NumismaticCommittee that discusses all aspects of design andproduction, they recommend approval to theMonetary Board of the Bank and then the Governor ofthe Bangko Sentral presents these to the President ofthe Philippines for final approval. In Japan, theFinance Minister initiates the process, the Bank ofJapan draws up the designs and the Governor of theBank goes back to the Finance Minister for approval. Itis presumed that the Finance Minister has consulted orinformed the Prime Minister regarding these designs.In Thailand, the process is the same: it begins with aBanknote Management Group, goes up to the Boardand Governor of the Bank, then the Finance Ministerwho transmits these for final approval by the RoyalHousehold, and in particular by authority of the Kingwhose portrait is on all the notes. In Indonesia andMalaysia, the process begins and ends with the BankNegara.What follows are some notes gathered from eachcountry visited that will figure in a book on the subject.It is unfortunate that for this report we cannot includethe many illustrations that make the subject veryengaging.PHILIPPINESThe oldest known example of Philippine writing issaid to be the Laguna Copper Plate Inscription or LCI.It is a piece of copper with ancient Javanese, dated tothe 10 th C, documenting a transaction in gold. It issignificant that the earliest writing in the Philippines isnot a poem or a piece of literature but a receipt. Goldwas used as a social marker and in trade in pre-Spanishtimes and archeological evidence reveals that earlymoney were small gold pellets, known in numismaticcircles as “piloncitos”, stamped with the pre-Spanishcharacter for “ma” that some historians claim wasshort for “Ma-yi” one of the ancient names of one ofthe islands in an archipelago that is now the modernPhilippines. These piloncitos have also been found inarcheological sites in Indonesia and Thailand andother parts of insular Southeast Asia suggesting acurrency that was in use before the coming of the Westin the 16 th century. It is significant that the character“ma” stamped on the piloncito could mean “mas” andshort for “emas” the Malay word for gold.While the Spanish silver dollar, a coin better known as“piece of eight” (ochoreales) was legal tender in thecolonial Philippines, the first paper banknote wasissued in 1859 by the BancoEspañol Filipino de IsabelII (Spanish-Philippine Bank of Isabel II) that laterbecame the present Bank of the Philippine Islands.The First Philippine Republic issued banknotes in1898-1899 and when the United States acquired thePhilippines from Spain in 1898 and ruled for half acentury, notes were issued by private banks and later bythe Commonwealth government until the SecondWorld War when the Japanese occupied thePhilippines and issued banknotes.In 1949 upon the establishment of the Central Bankof the Philippines, private banks were not allowed toThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

168 Panel 4issue notes and the first modern Philippine banknoteswere issued, in English in 1951, printed by Thomas dela Rue in England. There were nine differentdenominations all of which carried a portrait of adeceased historical person. Seven of the ninebanknotes issued then carried the portraits of 19 thcentury heroes associated with the struggle forPhilippine Independence. Two of the nine notes inthis series carried 20 th century figures, both formerpresidents of the Philippines. It is significant that eightof the nine banknote portraits were male with the soleexception of Melchora Aquino or “TandangSora” anelderly woman who supported the Philippinerevolution against Spain. She was later moved frombanknote to a coin in 1967. The next time the portraitof a woman appears in a Philippine banknote, after aquarter of a century, in 1991.The New Generation Currency released at the end of2010 is composed of six denominations, the text on allare in Filipino. It is significant that compared toprevious banknote series the portraits carry no more19 th century heroes of the Philippine Revolution,these historical figures had been relegated to coins overthe years. Five of the six portraits on the notes are ofPresidents (politicians), the only note withoutpoliticians is the 1,000-peso note that honors threeheroes of World War II who fought against theJapanese during their occupation of the Philippines.Public reaction to the 2010 New GenerationCurrency, while generally positive, has included somecriticism regarding accuracy in detail and also theinterpretation of history, making a banknote abattleground for various viewpoints.THAILANDEarly money in Thailand was cowrie shell and latergold, silver bullet money or “pod duang” and evenChinese gambling chips and some flat coins. The firstpaper money was issued in 1853 and known as the“Maii”. The paper money “AttKradat” was issued in1873 to address a shortage in coins. Like othercountries in Southeast Asia before the establishment ofcentral monetary authority, the paper moneycirculated was that issued by private or commercialbanks that were multilingual. One banknote had textin English, Chinese, and Thai.At present, banknotes are issued by the Bank ofThailand in six different denominations. Thailand hashad 15 different banknote series. In the 20 th C, onlythree Thai kings have appeared as portraits inbanknotes: Rama VII, Rama VIII, and Rama IX withthe rest appearing as design elements on the reverse ofthe bills. As the world’s longest reigning monarch, it isnot surprising that the portrait of Rama IX hasappeared on seven out of fifteen banknote series from1948 to the present. With the portrait of the reigningking dominant on the face of the banknote, the reverseexpresses other symbols of nation: Chakri kings, GreatKings, Temples, significant historic and culturalartifacts, achievements of different kings through Thaihistory.JAPANUnlike Thailand that has the reigning king as aportrait on the front of all their banknotes, or Malaysiathat has the portrait of their first King on the front ofall their banknotes, Japan is unique because it has areigning Emperor but he is conspicuously absent fromJapanese banknotes. One explanation given for this isthat the image of the Emperor was so revered in thepast it was not appropriate to be placed on a commoneveryday item as a banknote.The earliest paper money in Japan known as “koku”was based on rice as a medium of exchange. Later, inthe 19 th century banknotes took on the form werecognize today with portraits on the face of the note.It is significant that in the development of Japanesenotes, almost all the portraits are male, preferably witha beard to deter counterfeiting, and before 1984 thesewere mostly politicians. Only two women haveappeared as a portrait on Japanese banknotes: EmpressJingu in 1881 and Higuchi Ichiyo in 2004. To addressthe gender gap the Bank of Japan suggested placing theportrait of Murasaki Ichibu, author of the “Tale ofGenji” on a commemorative 2,000-yen note to beissued in 2000. A technical difficulty was raised by thePrinting Bureau because there was no clearphotograph or image of Lady Murasaki. Thus, the2,000-yen bill did not have a portrait on the front andhad an image of the Shureimon Gate in Okinawa thesite of an important G8 meeting that year. LadyMurasaki appeared as a small detail on the reverse ofthe banknote.The 1984 Japan Banknote Series followed the patternof European banknotes that celebrated artists andwriters, thus resulting in the series with Meiji Period“Men of Culture” namely: Natsume Soseki (Writer),Nitobe Inazo (Agricultural economist, author andThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 169educator) and FukuzawaYukichi (writer, educator,political theorist). The reverse of these banknotes andthat of the 2000 series were marked by an emphasis onCulture and thus featured significant cultural icons:Phoenix from Byodoin Temple, Irises from a screen byKorin Ogata, and Cherry blossoms with Mt. Fuji.Two decades later, to address counterfeiting a newseries was introduced in 2004 still with Meiji period“Persons of Culture”, namely Noguchi Hideyo(Scientist), Higuchi Ichiyo (Writer) andFukuzawaYukichi. When asked why Fukuzawa wasretained from the 1984 banknote series, the officialanswer is that the Printing Bureau had no time to do anew portrait. The unofficial explanation is thatFukuzawa was the founder of Keio University. Was itmerely a coincidence that the Finance Minister andPrime Minister in 2000 who were heads of bothauthorities responsible for the approval of the note,were alumni of Keio University?MALAYSIAOf the countries in this research, Malaysia has had theleast number of design series of banknotes issued bythe Bank Negara Malaysia. To date they have onlyissued four different banknote design series beginningin 1967. This simple design became the standardfollowed in succeeding issues. All bills carry a portraitof DYMM Yang D-Pertuan Agong, first King ofMalaysia, on the face of the bill. His portrait has gracedbanknotes of all denominations from 1967 to the2011. Since Malaysia has a system of rotatingmonarchs, the portrait of the first king is a practicalsolution to the challenge of printing new notes foreach king. The Bank has publicly announced thecoming of a new design series to be released in 2012,and during my research, no details were given.Since the face of the bill is basic and simple, it is onlyon the reverse that we can see an expression ofcontemporary times. SERIES II was issued in 1982 onthe theme of Malaysian monuments and historic sites,buildings, cultural artifacts, ornaments, woodcarving,etc. Series III first issued in 1996 was on the theme“Wawasan 2020” aiming to “reflect Malaysia’seconomic development and achievement towards afully developed country”. There are several categories:TELECOMMUNICATIONS is depicted by: KualaLumpur Telecom tower, MEASAT satellite, and amap of ASEAN; CONSTRUCTION andINFRASTRUCTURE is depicted by: Petronas TwinTowers, Kuala Lumpur International Airport and amap showing the location of Putrajaya and Cyberjaya;TRANSPORTATION is depicted by: MalaysianAirlines plane and a Putra LRT train; MINING isdepicted on RM50 represented by a [Petronas] centraloil drilling platform together with wellhead controlvalves and images of oil pipes; MANUFACTURINGis depicted on the RM100 bill by a car production line,next to which is shown a close-up of a Proton carengine, also gear wheel and cam-patterns.In 2007, Malaysia celebrated the 50 th anniversary ofMalaysian Independence and issued a RM50commemorative note. Later, RM50 notes have,basically, the same face but the reverse now carrieshibiscus and songket weaving designs. Following theWawasan 2020 theme on economic development,the RM50 note depicts AGRICULTURE with oilpalm and Tunku Abdul Rahman Puta Al-Haj, thefirst Prime Minister during the declaration ofindependence.INDONESIAIndonesia has the most numerous banknote series inthe countries visited for my fellowship with designelements just as numerous to be detailed in thisnarrative report. In 1953, Bank Indonesia issued itsfirst banknotes ante-dated to 1952 with designsreflecting Indonesian heritage. The portraits on thenotes were as follows: 5 Kartini, 10 Statues, 25 Clothdesign, 50 Wayang, 100 Sudirman, 500 Bas-reliefsculptures, and 1,000 Borobodur making classificationby theme difficult. In 1958, the series were onhandicrafts like wood-carving, weaving, fishing,spinning etc. and the portraits were the differentartisans at work on these Indonesian traditional crafts.In 1959, the “SerieBunga” depicted flowers and birds.In 1960, the theme was Dance and Dancers. The nextdesign series was the “Seri Hewan” or Animals serieswith portraits of Monkey, Crocodile, Squirrel, Tiger,Elephant, Monitor lizard, and Water buffalo. At themoment, I am still consolidating my notes and tryingto make sense of the frequent design changes inIndonesian currency.ConclusionFrom the data gathered in the above countries, one canclearly see that banknote design can be studied at facevalue for the images and history they depict but whenThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

170 Panel 4studied in chronological order, these banknotes arealso an expression of the desires and aspirations of thecountry. For example, in Japan the present banknotescarry portraits of Meiji period persons of culture:scientist, writer, and educator. Significant culturalartifacts and natural scenery are also depicted on thereverse of the notes. In the Philippines, all theportraits, except for one denomination, are presidentsand or politicians. There are no more heroes of the19 th century Philippine Revolution and on the reverseare scenic wonders and animals of the Philippines. InIndonesia, the portraits in current banknotes pertainto heroes and the Indonesian struggle forindependence and nationhood. In Thailand, the notesexpress the significant role the monarchy plays in thepast, present, and future of the kingdom. In Malaysia,the notes express goals for economic and socialprogress.Banknotes may seem like ordinary everyday objects,they are so common that people tend to see these butrarely take the time to look at the design elements andask whether the notes truly reflect their own ideas ofnationhood. Banknotes are meant to teach or expressnational history and culture, but we must ask whodecides on the designs and why because these addanother dimension to a study of the nation’s past inrelation to its present and its aspirations for the future.There is more in the small space of a banknote than wethink.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 171IN SEARCH OF AN ASEAN IDENTITYPham Quang Minh“We are inescapably and forever part of Southeast Asia.But we must also never be limited to or be trapped bySouth-east Asia” (Bilahary 2005, 31).BackgroundAccording to Article 1 of the ASEAN Charter, one ofthe purposes of ASEAN is “to promote an ASEANidentity through the fostering of greater awareness ofthe diverse cultures and heritage of the region”(ASEAN Secretariat 2011, 5). In the ASEAN Vision2020 issued in December 1997 during the group’sannual meeting in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, one of thedirectives was defined thus: “We envision the entireSoutheast Asia to be, by 2020, an ASEAN communityconscious of its ties of history, aware of its culturalheritage, and bound by a common regional identity”.The Vision also emphasized that the region will be onein which “all people enjoy equitable access toopportunities for total human development” underthe heading “A Community of Caring Societies”.From these statements it appears that the organizationis not only about political will, but also asks the peoplehow they think of themselves as citizens, and whetherthey see themselves sharing one identity consisting ofdiverse cultures and heritage, tied together by history.Looking back at the history of ASEAN, it is clear thatthe association’s founders adopted the Malay culturalpractice of consultation and consensus building asoperation processes in its rigid policy of noninterference.ASEAN realized how “Economicadvancement and powerful governing bodies areessential aspects of developing a dynamic region, butthey do not guarantee social cohesion or open societies.Instead a strong, participative, well-informed publicare the hallmarks of open societies and dynamicregional bodies” (Jones 2004, 142). Therefore,ASEAN’s 2003 Social Development Report providedfor a regional project to instill awareness of theASEAN identity in primary education curricula.What is the ASEAN identity? How did ASEANconstruct this during its development? What coreelements shape the ASEAN identity? How do itsmembers consider the common identity? Suchquestions seem to be more important nowadays, withASEAN trying to ask all its citizens to re-conceptualizetheir thinking: Do they think of themselves as citizensof the organization? Do they seem themselves asbelonging to a common community? The ASEANpolicy combines the expansive goals of governmentbodies on the one hand, and expectations regarding thefulfillment of duties and responsibilities by citizens, onthe other. According to Wendt (1994, 386-390), whena corresponding sense of being and a shared destinythat means identity exist, international politics seemsto be more stable and enduring, rather than ad hoc oropportunistic, as materialistic approaches wouldsuggest.ASEAN was founded in 1967 amidst the turbulence ofthe Cold War and the intense East-West rivalries.Looking back at this period, one could say thatASEAN had successfully played the big powers againsteach other. Therefore, ASEAN’s foundation and itssuccess were used as strong arguments for realism. Itssupporters saw ASEAN as the product of a “balanceof-power”.With the end of the Vietnam War in 1975,and of the Cold War in 1989, Southeast Asia seemedto fall into a power vacuum populated by theoverriding interests of states. By arguing that ASEANstill faces similar external threats like it did during theCold War years, neo-realism perceived the need forASEAN to balance these threats. In 1997, as SoutheastAsia faced a financial crisis, we realized how greatpowers outside Southeast Asia still continued theirdominance of ASEAN.It is true that Southeast Asia cannot “escape” from theinfluence of outside great powers, as neo-realists haveargued. But how can one explain the undoubtedsuccess that ASEAN has achieved during its forty longyears of existence? Liberal institutionalism was rightwhen it argued that ASEAN was a single force thatcould act as a regional conflict-mediator. As for thepolitical question, ASEAN was successful in dealingwith the outside world with a single voice. The series ofASEAN-led initiatives, including the establishment ofa dialogue with the European Community in 1972, theAsia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in 1989,the ASEAN Region Forum in 1994, the ASEAN-plusthree meeting after 1997, and the East Asia Summit inThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

172 Panel 42005, were recognized by the world community. As forsecurity issues, the Paris Agreement on the Cambodianconflict in 1991 and the peaceful settlement of theSpratly Islands are examples of the significantcontributions of ASEAN. In the economic sector,ASEAN signed the agreement to establish an ASEANFree Trade Area (AFTA) in 1992. Overall, liberalinstitutionalism argued that ASEAN is on the phase ofinstitutional-building, and is actually doing this in itsown special way-the “ASEAN way”.Differently from both realism and liberalism, whichfocus more on material forces, constructivism hassought to explain state behavior by “inter-subjectivefactors,” including both material components likepower and wealth, and spiritual elements such asnorms, standards, policies, values, and traditions. Overits 40 years of existence, despite many challenges,ASEAN was able to develop and sustain its existencebased on its own identity. This identity was reflectedand represented in the so-called “ASEAN way” and theASEAN Charter. Thanks to this common identity,ASEAN was able to act as a unique group in itsregional forum and mechanisms such as APEC, ARF,ASEAM, ASEAN Plus Three, East Asia Summit, andADMM+. Although there are differences amongASEAN countries, they nonetheless share a commonfeature-that of “belonging together”, which reflectsASEAN’s motto of “unity in diversity”. 1Theories on identity and their implications forASEANThe theories of identity are rich in their approaches(Schlenker 1980; Sheldon 1987; Yardley and Honess1987; Turner 1987; Leary 1996; Abrams and Hogg1999). Simon (2004) argues that identity is anexpression or placeholder for social psychologicalprocesses dealing with self-definition or selfinterpretation.However, the question refers to thefunction of identity. According to Simon, identity canhelp people provide themselves with a sense ofbelonging and a sense of distinctiveness. Identity canalso help people “locate” themselves in social worlds.Last, but not least, identity can help provide peoplewith self-respect and self-esteem (Simon 2004, 66-67).Campbell (2000, 67) provides a more concretedefinition: “The self-concept is a multi-faceted,dynamic construal that contains belief about one’sattributes as well as episodic and semantic memoriesabout the self. It operates as a schema, controlling theprocessing of self-relevant information”.In his “Self-Aspect Model of Identity”, Simon (2004)clarifies the main elements of a person’s self-conceptincluding: personality traits (shy), abilities, physicalfeatures behavior characteristics, ideologies, socialroles, language affiliations, and group memberships.He considers it important to distinguish betweenindividual and collective identity. Individual identityrefers to the self-definition of an individual as a uniqueperson, while collective identity refers to the selfdefinitionas a group membership.Brewer and Gardner (1996, 84) distinguish threedifferent levels of self-representation: the individual,the interpersonal, and the group. According to them,each level is appropriate to one self, namely the“personal self”, the “relational self,” and the “collectiveself”. Hecht (2005, 63) shares the same idea, arguingthat an individual identifies him- or herself through hisor her relationship with others. He regards arelationship as a unit of identity.Simon (2004) also argues that despite the differentlevels and processes of self, they are, by nature,cognitive and social. This means that identity is aphenomenon consisting of both stable and enduringelements, and of such processes as interaction,negotiation, and construction.From the Southeast Asian perspective, identity mustbe understood via conscious attempts by the leaders ofthe region, to overcome the region’s diversity andcountervailing forces that might otherwise hinder thebuilding of a peaceful, cooperative and prosperousregion for its member states. These attempts atcooperation have played a key role in constructing themodern Southeast Asian identity.Relating to the regional identity, in general, SoutheastAsia, should be examined from two specificperspectives. First, the politics of Southeast Asia has arich history and deals much with the differentattempts of its representative leaders to build up itsown space for political, economical, socio-cultural andstrategic development, to confirm its existence andsurvival. The process of making Southeast Asia acoherent region has been long-winded and hasconsisted of a series of ups and downs. Second, thecommon assumption is that regional cooperation hasplayed a decisive role in creating the modern SoutheastThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 173Asian identity. Through its international relations andinteractions, Southeast Asia has developed regionalpatterns and characteristics, which help in recognizingits regional identity. In addition, this argument isimportant because, on the one hand, “the almostuniversal tendency of historians” has been “to focus onthe constituent parts of Southeast Asia rather than todevelop a perception of the region as a whole, as asuitable subject of study” (Legge 1992, 4-5). On theother hand, political scientists and security studieshave neglected the questions regarding whatconstitutes the components of the regions and whatmakes the region exist (Acharya 2000, 1).With the development of Southeast Asia itself and ofSoutheast Asian studies as a field of its own, a newapproach has emerged for studying Southeast Asia:that of approaching the region from interdisciplinaryperspectives such as history, anthropology,international relations, comparative politics, etc. Mostof these perspectives try to show the new importanceof the region and regionalism. Regionalism wasdeveloped over several different stages beginning withthe establishment of the Southeast Asia Command(SEAC) through inter-regional linkages within SEA,on to the creation of the first regional organization.The new ways of thinking about regions andregionness that have emerged consist of both culturalhistorical,as well as political factors. If the first idea ofinter-regional linkages is represented by the concept ofthe Mandala state of O.W. Wolters (1999), 2 theresearch on “theatre state” of Clifford Geertz (1980), 3and the idea of “galactic polity” of Stanley Tambiah(1985), the second takes a look at the evolution ofregionalism as a product of interaction. Throughinteraction, regionalism and regionness can developnorms, standards, values, policies, organization, andlast, but not least, identity. In this way, we can say thatidentity is socially constructed. 4The most successful political form that Southeast Asiahas thus far achieved is ASEAN way. The developmentof ASEAN represents a quest not only for anorganizational but also for a regional identity.According to Acharya: “Regions are sociallyconstructed, rather than geographically or ethnosociallypre-ordained. Southeast Asian regionnesscannot be established by simply looking at itsgeographic proximity or shared cultural attributes.Regions like nation-states are imagined communities”(Acharya 2000, 11).The formation of the ASEAN identityOn 8 August 1967, ASEAN was created in Bangkokwith the participation of Indonesia, Malaysia,Singapore, the Philippines, and Thailand. Althoughthe Bangkok Declaration stated that ASEAN is opento “all States in the South-East Asian regionsubscribing to the aims, principles and purposes”, it didnot define clear boundaries of the region itself.The motivation of the ASEAN foundation was notonly to “accelerate the economic growth, socialprogress and cultural development in the region,” butalso “to promote regional peace and stability”.Whether consciously or unconsciously, considerationsof national and regional security also figured largely inthe minds of the founders of the ASEAN. In fact, theimmediate motivation to form ASEAN was a commondesire of its members for collective action towardexternal powers. According to Prime Minister LeeKuan Yew (1978), the formation of ASEAN helpedthe members “to have their interests taken intoconsideration when great powers make theircompromises”. However, in comparison to externalthreats which could be considered differently, theASEAN members shared a common perception ofinternal threats. This was explained by the fear of thenational liberation movement in Vietnam, Laos, andCambodia, and by the communist insurgency alongthe border areas between Malaysia and Thailand, andbetween Malaysia and Indonesia. The agreementsregarding the common control of the border betweenThailand and Malaysia in 1959, Indonesia and thePhilippines in 1964 and between Indonesia andMalaysia in 1967 explained the strengthening of thebilateral security cooperation between ASEANmembers.The creation of ASEAN also marked tremendouschanges in the Southeast Asian environment. First,with its final abandonment of Konfrontasi(confrontation), the New Order regime of PresidentSuharto in Indonesia provided new impetus forregional integration. Second, since its separation fromthe Malaysian Federation in 1965, Singapore felt moresecure upon joining a regional organization such asASEAN. Third, the other ASEAN members likeThailand, Malaysia, and the Philippines also sawASEAN as a tool for fostering and strengtheningmutual trust and understanding among its members.Fourth, the creation of ASEAN also reflected changesin the rivalry between big powers. In the second half ofThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

174 Panel 41960, the Soviet-China dispute and competition overSoutheast Asia became public and tense. Meanwhile,the détente and rapprochement in the relationshipbetween the US and the Soviet Union on the onehand, and between China and the US on the other,made countries in Southeast Asia worry that theirsecurity interests might be neglected or undermined.Fifth, the founding of ASEAN also reflected theregionalism trend in other parts of the world wherethree regional organizations were born: theOrganization of American States (OAS), the ArabLeague, and the Organization of African Unity(OAU) in the 1970s. Last, but not least, the VietnamWar and American aid extended to ASEAN memberscontributed to the economic growth and security ofeach country, as well as of ASEAN as whole.Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand profited much fromthe situation and experienced their best economicperformance yet; the Philippines stagnated. Regardless,the common features of ASEAN economies were“uneven development, limited national integrationand plural societies” (Dixon 1991, 50). Thus, all ofthem, externally through WB and IMF, and internally,had to seek a close alliance among the state, foreignenterprises, and domestic capitalists in their efforts tofollow common economic policies such as economicliberalization and export-led development. Accordingto Acharya (2000, 90), “while rejecting a military rolefor ASEAN, its members hoped that politicalcooperation would create an atmosphere of stabilitywhich in turn would facilitate economic growth”.The birth of ASEAN, however, could not prevent themember states from experiencing conflicts. Very soonafter the creation of ASEAN, the association faced adispute over Sabah, between the Philippines andMalaysia, from April 1968 to December 1969. Thanksto diplomacy, measures, communication, and pressure,the foreign ministers during their meetings in Jakartain August and in Bangkok in December 1968, wereable to prevent the further escalation of the Sabahdispute which could have led to open armed conflictsand destroyed ASEAN. Moreover, the outcome of theSabah dispute provided ASEAN the impetus todevelop a new framework to build up a Zone of Peace,Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) in SoutheastAsia in 1971. The ZOPFAN idea emphasized theimportance of regional countries to “respect oneanother’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and notparticipate in activities likely to directly or indirectlythreaten the security of another” (Ghazalie bin Shafie1971, 115). However, the ZOPFAN frameworkencountered difficulties in implementation due todisagreements among member states with regard to thepresence of the US in the region. A step forward in theestablishment of a regional cooperation was the Treatyof Amity and Cooperation (TAC) signed by memberstates at the First Summit in Bali, Indonesia in 1976.For the first time, the norms that formed the bases ofASEAN’s code of interstate behavior were signed.They included five fundamental principles: (i) mutualrespect for the independence, sovereignty, andterritorial integrity of all nations; (ii) the right of everystate to lead its national existence free from externalinterference, subversion, and coercion; (iii) noninterferencein the internal affairs of one another; (iv)settlement of differences and disputes by peacefulmeans; (v) renunciation of the threat of use of force(ASEAN Secretariat).The “ASEAN way” as core component of theASEAN identityBased on the main principles of TAC signed in 1976,despite challenges arising since its foundation,throughout its more than four decades of existence,ASEAN could prove to be a cohesive regional groupingwith a distinctive and effective approach to peace,stability, and development. This “soft approach” tointer-state relations among member states was calledthe “ASEAN way”. The ASEAN way consisted of a setof institutions inclusive of norms, principles, rules, anddecision- making procedures that were “softinstitutions”. These institutions were based onconvention and informal agreements rather thanformal treaties. Connors et al. (2004, 80) contend that“The pillar of ASEAN is voluntarism not legalism”.The roots of such informal mechanism and voluntaryprocedures for decision-making could be found in theMalay culture of “musyawarah” (consultation) and“mufakat” (consensus). These characteristics ofnegotiation are very common in Southeast Asiancountries including Vietnam.The ASEAN way of diplomacy in Southeast Asiaconsists of six norms including sovereign equality; thenon-recourse to the use of force and the peacefulsettlement of conflicts; non-interference and nonintervention;the non-involvement of ASEAN toaddress unresolved bilateral conflicts betweenmembers; quiet diplomacy; mutual respect andtolerance (Haacke 2003, 1). In fact, the ASEANemphasized quiet diplomacy and friendly negotiation.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 175“Musyawarah”, as explained by a former IndonesianForeign Minister, means a setting in which negotiationwould be considered “not as between opponents but asbetween friends and brothers” (Acharya 2000, 128).As members of a family, the ASEAN countries havenever used Articles 13 to 17 under Chapter IV ofTAC, in the settlement of disputes. According to thisTreaty, whenever there are disputes among countries,there will be a High Council consisting of aministerial-level representative from each memberstate that will take appropriate measures andencourage direct negotiations for a peacefulsettlement. However, until now, the ASEAN membershave never called a meeting of the High Council,though there had been a number of disputes amongthem. Almost all disputes among ASEAN memberswere solved in an informal way, without resorting toformal, multilateral measures.The other example of the ASEAN way of informalitywas its relatively small bureaucratic apparatus reflectedin the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta, although therehave been about 700 meetings of different levels ofASEAN officials.Despite the fact that ASEAN had had to adapt to anew environment and situation by issuing legalisticdocuments, “soft regionalism” based on consultationand consensus remained the most important norm forASEAN.The six norms mentioned above provide the basis forfour main principles of ASEAN. The first principle is“open regionalism” which means avoidance ofdiscrimination among intra and extra regional actors,mutual commitments, and non-exclusive ordermaintenance. The second principle is “cooperativesecurity” which means the opposite of a military blocthat implies exclusive membership, non-interference,respect for national identity, and territorial integrity.“Soft rule” is the third principle which means a nonlegalisticapproach to cooperation, a looseorganizational structure, non-binding decisionmaking,networks, and the absence of any supranationalagencies. The last principle is “consensusbuilding” which means moving forward by establishingbroad support (Acharya 1997).Despite the success of the ASEAN way, it faced a lot ofcritics. According to Estrella Solidum (1974) from thePhilippines, the cooperation among ASEAN memberswould be more realistic and successful if it dealt with“safe” or non-sensitive issues. Because of theheterogeneous polities of ASEAN members, suchmatters of high politics like the establishment ofmilitary alliances or common markets would not besuitable to the early phase of cooperation. Malaysianexpert Pushpa Thambipillai (1980) presented thepoint that ASEAN countries would not follow theprocess of community building as Karl Deutsch (1957)prescribed, not striving to build political communitywhenever there is according to Deutsch (1957, 6):“formal merger of two or more previously independentunits into a single larger unit, with some type ofcommon government after amalgamation”, but wouldprefer to preserve their own autonomy. Consequently,although the level and scope of interdependenceamong ASEAN members had been increasing, themember states of ASEAN still try to maintain theirown identities by supporting the principle of noninterferencein internal affairs.The most important explanation for the obstaclesencountered in the course of building a commonidentity would be the historical burdens. According toKorean expert Ching-si Ahn (1980), the explanationbehind the slow process of regionalism of SoutheastAsia could be found in its bitter memories ofcolonialism and the Second World War. ASEANmembers are very reluctant to give up their sovereigntyand independence, the achievement of which entaileda long, tough battle. The ASEAN secretariat continuesnot to make any decisions for or on behalf of itsmember states.Until the outbreak of the Asian financial crisis in1997, there had been a strong belief in the ASEANway of informal, soft, non-binding procedures. Thenthe crisis showed how ineffectively ASEAN wasworking and thus put an end to the procedures ofASEAN ideal model of development before depressionand disintegration could set in. There were differentpoints of view regarding this development, but onething was clear: ASEAN lacked the economicresources and the institutional mechanisms to dealwith the financial crisis. The third point of view sawthe crisis as a chance for ASEAN to revitalize its spiritby developing new mechanisms of cooperation forAsia-Pacific and sub-regional levels like the ASEANPlus Three Forum.Following the crisis, Thailand, with the support of thePhilippines, proposed that ASEAN’s non-interferenceprinciple should be replaced by so-called “flexibleengagement”. This idea was, however, not accepted bymajority of ASEAN members, but was neverthelessThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

176 Panel 4believed in by then future ASEAN General SecretarySurin Pitsuvan (1998) observed:In 31 years, diversity has become a problem forASEAN… Diversity, which used to be a source ofstrength, has become a source of weakness… Wehave no freedom and flexibility of expressing ourviews concerning some members. We have to besilent because we are members of the family.This is not fair, not just.Since the end of the Cold War, ASEAN has witnesseda period whose emerging post-Cold War politicoeconomicstructure Philip Cerny (2006) hascharacterized as being neo-medieval, whereby thetransnational character of global exchangesundermines the traditional border and allegiances ofthe nation-states and “de-concentrates” loyalty as itderacinates identities.In 2007, after four decades of existence, ASEAN couldapprove for the first time the most importantdocument of Association: the ASEAN Charter whichprovided ASEAN a legal personality as an intergovernmentalorganization. This personality serves asthe organizational identity, distinguished from theidentities of its individual member states (ASEANSecretariat 2011). The Charter is not only areassertion of traditional practice, but is also a new call“to strengthen democracy, enhance good governanceand the rule of law, and protect human rights andfundamental freedoms…” (ASEAN Charter 2010, 4).It is, as well, a call to commit the Association toestablishing an “ASEAN human rights body”(ASEAN 2010, 19).Despite some renewal changes in its institutionalmeasures and mechanisms, ASEAN is a state-drivenprocess rooted in the consciousness of relative power,rather than a normatively regulated process. Its centralobjective was, and remains, the pragmatic one ofsustaining regional order (Jones 2008).In order to achieve a shared regional identity, theVision of ASEAN suggests the enhancement of“human resource development in all sectors of theeconomy through quality education, upgrading ofskills and capabilities, and training” (ASEANSecretariat 2011). Without education, there are anumber of policies that would not be achieved, forexample, “creating a zone of peace …respect for law andjustice…economic development strategies in line withthe aspiration of respective peoples…reduced povertyand socio-economic disparities …governance with theconsent and greater participation of the people”(ASEAN Secretariat 2011). The education policy willfocus on the following categories: an educationrepresentational structure to help regional educationdirections; civic education for multicultural society;and language and cultural issues (ASEAN Secretariat2011).The future of ASEAN depends much on educationand the perception of young people. In 2007, a studycarried out by Eric Thompson and ChulaneeThianthai in ten countries showed differentperceptions and attitudes of students toward ASEAN.More than 75 percent of the 2,170 surveyed agreedwith the statement “I feel I am a citizen of ASEAN”.This sentiment was strongest in Laos (96.0%),Cambodia (92.7%) and Vietnam (91.7%); and wasweakest in Singapore (49.3%) and Myanmar (59.5%)(ASEAN Foundation 2008, 4-5). On the question: “Ingeneral, how familiar are you with ASEAN?”, only60.7% of the students considered themselves “very orsomewhat familiar with ASEAN”. If students fromVietnam and Laos showed their very good knowledgeof ASEAN at 88.6% and 84.5%, respectively, some90.3% of students from Myanmar and 49.7% fromSingapore said they were a little familiar or not at allfamiliar with ASEAN (ASEAN Foundation 2007,6-7).On the issues crucial to cooperation, there were verydiverse responses from the students across countries.In general, poverty reduction, education exchange andimprovement, and science and technologydevelopment ranked highest among the issues.Students from Brunei and Malaysia considered healthand disease control the most important, while thosefrom Cambodia and Vietnam considered them theleast important. If students across the region foundnatural resource and environmental managementmoderately important for ASEAN, the majority ofthem considered cultural preservation and promotionthe least important issues (ASEAN Foundation 2007,17).Ever since the end of the Cold War, ASEAN seemedto have been facing more challenges, among themtraditional and non-traditional security, competitionbetween big powers, and, last but not least, the rise ofChina. On the one hand, during the last decade, Chinabecame the most important trade partner, ODAprovider, and FDI investor for almost all ASEANThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 177members. But the rise of China and its militarymodernization were very much causes for concernamong ASEAN countries, especially Vietnam, thePhilippines, Malaysia and Brunei that had sovereigntydisputes with it over the South China Sea. The othersix members of ASEAN preferred not to include theSouth China Sea issue in its agenda due to theirrelationship with the Mainland. Singapore,meanwhile, also shared the same concern, articulatedby one official thus: “Our worst fear is to get twosimultaneous phone calls, one from Washington andthe other from Beijing, asking us to take sides in aconflict” (Lampton 2008, 164). Faced by a risingChina, ASEAN should not consider it as a “threat”,but as a “possibility”, and therefore should continue toengage China to play a more positive, constructive andresponsible role in regional and world affairs.The ASEAN identity from the VietnameseperspectiveThe year 1995 marked a turning point in the history ofASEAN as well as in Vietnamese foreign policy, asVietnam became its seventh member. The relationshipbetween Vietnam and ASEAN transformed fromsuspicion and distrust, to cooperation. For Vietnam,this meant ending a long period of hostility rooted inthe Cold War. It also reflected a new environment forthe region where ideological confrontation wasreplaced by the sharing of a common interest in theregion’s peace, stability and prosperity. Along with itsrenovated open foreign policy, Vietnam expressed itswill to become a friend and reliable partner with allcountries in the world community striving for peace,cooperation, and friendship.Vietnam’s ASEAN membership also meant a newidentity for it because until the collapse of the SovietUnion in 1991, Vietnam had always acted as a memberof the communist bloc. Amidst the bipolar worldorder then, there was division between SoutheastAsian countries. The end of the Cold War ended thisdivision and brought ASEAN to a real regionalorganization. Joining ASEAN meant for Vietnam, acoming back home.Since joining ASEAN, Vietnam has followed andfulfilled all ASEAN policies pertaining to political,economic, as well as socio-cultural issues, inclusive ofsensitive problems of the other members. It wasVietnam’s very membership that hastened theacceptance of Laos and Myanmar to the ASEAN in1997 and Cambodia in 1999. One can easily concurwith the following statement: “Thus regionalism canperhaps be said to have become a part of Vietnam’sidentity building. I therefore emphasize the politicalnature of identity building, in contrast to those viewsthat emphasize the common cultural values behindregional identity” (Palmujoki 2007, 122). ForVietnam, the commitment to regional identity is aresult of the political search for a state identity afterthe Cold War (Nguyen 2002, 206-120).Besides the multiple gains Vietnam enjoyed from itsASEAN membership, ASEAN’s loose politicalstructure offered Vietnam a flexible instrument to helpmold its relationship with the region, as well as theexpression of its identity. This does not mean thatVietnamese officials have ignored the problems of theASEAN structure by emphasizing its national interestsin the regional organization. This dynamic also limitsthe use of ASEAN when Vietnam faces globalchallenges, such as dealing with and accession to theWTO.Whether its ASEAN membership has been asbeneficial to the conduct of Vietnam’s foreign affairs asis generally assumed, has yet to be discussed. DoesASEAN indeed present a continuous goldenopportunity for the management of Vietnam’sinternational relations; or would it be accurate for thecountry to view the Association as a golden cage, whichoffers clear opportunities in terms of the managementof the regional order while also increasingly restrictingVietnam’s foreign policy options? According to someauthors, in many ways, Vietnam has become one of thestrongest supporters of the traditional approach tointer-governmental cooperation, which ischaracterized by a strict adherence to consensusbuilding based on the lowest common denominator,non-binding decision-making, and non-interference(Dosch 2006, 236-237).Concluding RemarksThe history of ASEAN reflects a process of identitybuildingwhereby the regionalism of the 1970-1980sdeveloped by ASEAN provided Southeast Asia aregional identity. The post-Cold War period linkedwith the wider Asia-Pacific region, whose foundationwas laid by ASEAN. As expressed by, the outsiderSoutheast Asia became an organization of and for theregion.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

178 Panel 4Through its existence over four decades, ASEANcontributed to the region by maintaining regionalunity and preventing any serious internal conflicts, andby establishing regional autonomy and self-reliance.Despite its mixed impact on regional identity, throughparticipation in ASEAN, “the people of Southeast Asiahave come to accept as a matter of course theiridentification as Southeast Asian” (Andaya 1996).The lack of resources, the economic crisis, and the riseof China attest to ASEAN’s abilities and its future.Without financial resources and material capacities,however, a number of ASEAN activities and planscontinue to remain on paper.The unity and identity of ASEAN and Southeast Asiadepend much on the internal political will of memberstates, as well as on external factors such asglobalization and great power relations.NOTESAcharya, Amitav. 2000. The Quest for Identity – InternationalRelations of Southeast Asia. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Ahn, Ching-si. 1980. Forces of nationalism and economics inAsian regional co-operation. Asia Pacific Community, 7:106-18.Andaya, L.Y. 1996. Ethnonation, Nation-States andRegionalism in Southeast Asia. Proceedings of the InternationalSymposium “Southeast Asia: Global Area Studies for the 21 stCentury, Kyoto University 18-22 October.ASEAN Secretariat. 2010. ASEAN Vision 2020. Jakarta.ASEAN Secretariat. 2011. The ASEAN Charter. Jakarta.ASEAN Secretariat: www.aseansecretariat.orgBilahary, Kausikan. 2005. Small State’s Big Challenge to StayVital. Strait Times on September 2.Brewer, Marilynn and Wendi Gardner. 1996. Who Is This“We”? Levels of Collective Identity and Self Representations.Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 71 (1): 83-93.Campbell, Jennifer et al. 2000. Structural Features of the Self-Concept and Adjustment. Ed. A. Tesser, R. B. Felson, J.M. Suls(eds). Psychological Perspective on Self and Identity. WashingtonD.C.: American Psychological Association: 67-87.1234Interview of Author with Dr. Pranee Thiparat, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok onAugust 10, 2010.According to Wolters, the mandala was a state system inSoutheast Asia consisting of overlapping “circles of king”.Under the mandala system, the authority of the king was lessdirect and absolute. There were three circles in centerperipheryrelations. While the center was under the directcontrol of the king, the second surrounding circle was ruledby princes or governors. The third circle was made up oftributary states and remained mostly independent.In “the theatre state” of Geertz, there was no single state thatpossessed the power of hegemony over the others. Instead,the states shared power with dozens of independent or semiindependentstates.Interview of Author with Prof. Dewi Fortuna Anwar,Advisor to Vice President of Indonesia in Jakarta, on January2011.Cerny, Philip. 2006. Plurality, pluralism and power: Element ofpluralist analysis in an age of globalization. In Socio-PoliticalPluralism, Pluralism: Developments in the Theory and Practice ofDemocracy, ed. Reiner Esifeld, No. 16: 81-111.Connors, Michael K. et al. 2004. The New Global Politics of theAsia-Pacific. London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, Taylor& Francis Group.Dixon, C. 1991. South East Asia in the World Economy: ARegional Geography. London: Cambridge University Press.Deutsch, Karl. 1957. Political Community and the NorthAtlantic Area. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Dosch, Joern. 2006. Vietnam’s ASEAN Membership: GoldenOpportunity or Golden Cage? Contemporary Southeast AsiaVol. 28, No2: 234-58.Geertz, Clifford. 1980. Negara: The Theatre State inNineteenth-Century Bali. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton UniversityPress.REFERENCESAbrams, Dominic and Hogg Michael (eds). 1999. Social Identityand Social Cognition. Oxford: Blackwell.Acharya, Amitav. 1997. Ideas, Identity, and Institution-Building: From “ASEAN Way” to the Asia-Pacific Way? ThePacific Review 10: 319-346.Ghazalie bin Shafie M. 1971. The Neutralization of SoutheastAsia. Pacific Community. October: 110-125.Haacke, Juergend. 2003. ASEAN’s Diplomatic and SecurityCulture: Origins, Development and Prospects. London:RoutledgeCurzon.Hecht, Michael L et al. 2005. A Communication Theory ofIdentity, Development, Theoretical Perspective, and FutureThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 179Direction. In Theorizing about Intercultural Communication, ed.W. B. Gudykunst. Sage, Thousand Oaks.Jones, David Martin. 2008. Security and Democracy: TheASEAN Charter and the Dilemmas of Regionalism in South-East Asia. International Affairs 84: 4: 735-756.Jones, Michael E. 2004. Forging an ASEAN Identity: TheChallenge to Construct a Shared Destiny. ContemporarySoutheast Asia 26, No1: 140-154.Lampton, David. 2008. The Three Faces of Chinese Power:Might, Money, and Minds. Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress.Leary, Mark. 1996. Self-Presentation Impression Managementand Interpersonal Behavior. Boulder: West View Press.The Sunday Times. March 18, 1978.Thambipillai, Pushpa. 1980. Regional cooperation anddevelopment: the case of ASEAN and its external relations.Unpublished thesis. University of Hawaii.Turner, John et al. ed.1987. Rediscovering the Social Group. ASelf-Categorization Theory. Oxford: Blackwell.Wendt, Alexander. 1994. Collective Identity Formation and theInternational State. The American Political Science Review 88,No2: 386-390.Wolters O.W. 1999. History, Culture and Region in SoutheastAsian Perspective. Revised edition. Cornell University SoutheastAsia Program.Legge, John. 1992. The Writing of Southeast Asian History. TheCambridge History of Southeast Asia Vol.1. CambridgeUniversity Press.Nguyen, Vu Tung. 2002. Vietnam-ASEAN Cooperation Afterthe Cold War and the Continued Search for a TheoreticalFramework. Contemporary Southeast Asia, 24 (1): 106-20.Palmujoki, Aero. 2007. Vietnam’s integration into the World:National and Global Interfaces. In Vietnam’s New OrderInternational Perspectives on the State and Reform in Vietnam.ed. S. Balme and M. Sidel. New York: Palgrave Macmillan: 119-133.Pitsuvan, Surin. 1998. Speech at the Foreign CorrespondenceClub, Bangkok, August 11.Schlenker, Barry. 1980. Impression Management: The Self-Concept, Social Identity, and Interpersonal Relations. ColeMonterey, CA: Brooks.Simon, Bernd. 2004. Identity in Modern Society. A SocialPsychological Perspective. Oxford: Blackwell.Solidum, Estrella. 1974. Towards a Southeast Asia Community.Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.Stryker, Sheldon. 1987. Identity Theory: Developments andExtensions. In Self and Identity: Psychological Perspective, ed. K.Yardley and T. Honess. New York: Wiley.Tajfel, Henri and John Turner. 1986. The social identity theoryof intergroup behavior. In The Social Psychology of IntergroupRelations, ed. S. Worchel and W. G. Austin. Cole Monterey,CA: Brooks.Tambiah, S.J. 1985. Culture, Thought, and Social Action: AnAnthropological Perspective. Cambridge: Harvard UniversityPress.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

180 Panel 4Collective Memories, Jargons, Rituals and Perceptions: Toward a BroaderScope and General Recognition of Pengetahuan Lokal in DisasterPreparednessBenigno C. BalgosIntroductionPengetahuan lokal (local knowledge) is referred to bythe United Nations International Strategy for DisasterReduction (UNISDR) as “sets of methods and practicesdeveloped by a group of people from an advanceunderstanding of the local environment, which hasformed over numerous generations of habitation”.The disaster risk reduction (DRR) communityconsiders the Boxing Day Tsunami of 2004 to be theimpetus for recognizing local knowledge as crucial todeveloping the adaptive capacity of the vulnerablecommunities. The incident has been deemed one ofthe worst disasters in contemporary history in terms ofmagnitude, lives claimed, and damage to propertiesBaumwoll (2008) observed that within the DRRcommunity, there is no unified definition of localknowledge. In fact, across DRR literature, differentterms are being used to connote community-basedknowledge in DRR (i.e., indigenous knowledge, localwisdom, and local knowledge). The divergence innomenclature, as well as the nonexistence of anintegrated definition, is a testament to the fact that thediscourse is ongoing.Alternatively, some interests groups have ventured onputting meaning to the concept of local knowledgeand on delineating its contours, depending on thegroups’ political interest. Consequently, there arecertain types of local knowledge that aredisenfranchised and overlooked in the prevailingliterature.Upon reviewing the existing literature on localknowledge in DRR, the researcher chose to extensivelyuse the works of Mercer (2009) and Dekens (2007aand 2007b). This is precisely because the two recentlylooked into the concept and linked it to contemporarydisaster issues.Contentions on Local KnowledgeTaking on a more scientific and technical approach inlooking at local knowledge, Mercer (2009) holds thatnot all types of local knowledge are significant inreducing disaster risk. She points to a tendency toromanticize the concept and recommends choosingonly relevant local knowledge that can be effectivelyused in minimizing the impacts of disasters.In the current debate on the significance of the role oflocal knowledge in enhancing adaptive capacity duringdisasters, the “usability” of certain community-basedknowledge and practices has also been the primarypoint of divergence between the DRR community andthe Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) community(Venton et al., 2008).In complete contrast, the more integrative and allinclusiveapproach of Dekens (2007a) posits theexistence of several types of local knowledge used indisaster preparedness, namely: (1) technical knowledge;(2) environmental and agricultural knowledge; (3)knowledge about development project; and, (4) socioculturaland historical knowledge. Among these,Dekens (2007a, 22) reveals that only technicalknowledge is mostly associated with disastermanagement, while socio-cultural and historicalknowledge, however significant, have beenmarginalized in the literature.Chakrabarti et al. (2009) held that critics of localknowledge as an important resource adaptive capacitycenter their arguments on: (1) its difficulty of itstransfer because of its being context and culturespecific;and, (2) its lack of intensive documentation.To address these concerns, the publication IndigenousKnowledge and Disaster Risk Reduction: Policy Notereveals that research and documentation can be used toadvance the significance of local knowledge in policies.The policy note declares that through research anddocumentation, unchronicled practices will bedocumented and eventually converted to intoThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 181applicable knowledge. The policy note proposes four(4) steps, namely:1. Understand and establish the value of localknowledge in the present context, and build afoundation for its integration with otherknowledge and operational systems2. Systematically document local knowledge ondisaster risk reduction in traditionalcommunities3. Test the value of local knowledge and identifyappropriate practices for replication and scalingin the context of current science, and4. Demonstrate through national and regionalpilot programs the applicability of localknowledge with appropriate adaptation, as aninput to awareness and advocacy work.Documenting Local KnowledgeThe experience of the dwellers of the Simeulue Islandin Banda Aceh, Indonesia during the tsunami in 2004that affected eleven countries along the Indian Ocean,provoked reflections on the value of local knowledge inminimizing disaster risk. According to variousaccounts, the use of local knowledge on the behavior ofthe sea and the sounds created by buffaloes enabled80,500 residents of the island to evacuate the shore andseek refuge in a nearby hill. Only seven died in theisland vis-à-vis 163,700 people in the entire country(Victoria 2007).Prompted by the urgency to address disaster risk, theWorld Conference on Disaster Reduction was held inKobe, Japan three weeks after the deadly tsunami. TheHyogo Framework for Action (HFA), whichcapitalizes on building community resiliency, was themajor accomplishment of the aforesaid event. TheHFA signed by 168 countries addresses the gaps in theearlier United Nations disaster reduction strategies(e.g., the Yokohama Strategy for a Safer World:Guidelines for National Disaster Prevention,Preparedness and Mitigation and Its Plan of Action —1994). More pointedly, the HFA has five priorityactions:1. Ensure that disaster risk reduction is a nationaland a local priority with a strong institutionalbasis for implementation2. Identify, assess, and monitor disaster risks; andenhance early warning3. Use knowledge, innovation, and education tobuild a culture of safety and resilience at alllevels4. Reduce the underlying risk factors, and5. Strengthen disaster preparedness for effectiveresponse at all levels.It can be observed that the HFA, through PriorityAction 3, recognizes the importance of localknowledge in DRR. As such, there have beeninitiatives to chronicle local knowledge over the yearsso that the same will be mainstreamed into policies andplans.Among the significant publications-documentation onthis are the: (1) Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster RiskReduction: Good Practices and Lessons Learned fromExperiences in the Asia Pacific Region (2008) by theUnited Nations International Strategy for DisasterReduction (UNISDR); and, (2) Indigenous Knowledgeand Disaster Risk Reduction: From Practice to Policy, aproduct of an international workshop held in Kyoto,Japan.In hindsight, however remarkable, the documentsprovide only a model for the use of local technology inminimizing risk. They also confirm the observationsmade by Dekens (2007b) that only technical-basedknowledge is being valued in disaster risk reductionefforts.With the emphasis on the type of local knowledge thatcan only be merged with scientific knowledge, socioculturaland historical knowledge in DRR haveremained untapped and have been overlooked in plansand policies, even as communities have been using andrelying on these forms of local knowledge forgenerations.Socio-cultural and historical knowledge as describedby Dekens (2007a) are “knowledge related to the socioculturalenvironment in its broadest sense (social,political, economic, and spiritual aspects of life)”. Ellisand West (2000) wrote that this type of knowledge isembedded in both the historic understanding ofnatural hazards and disasters, and in current actionsand events. They also stressed that local history onsocial relations is important because it can influencethe worldview of the people and their response tonatural hazards.Velasquez (2008) deems that, “local knowledge have tobe understood, acknowledged, and respected as aThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

182 Panel 4formidable information source which can contributeto reducing disaster risk in many parts of the world”.According to him, the first step towards appreciatinglocal knowledge is to carry out thorough and intensiveresearch and documentation. In fact, Dekens (2007a)recommends that, songs, stories, proverbs, dance,myths, cultural values, beliefs, rituals, community laws,local language, agricultural practices, institutions ofthe people need to be explored and studied.Objectives, Methodology, and the Structure of thePaperWith the aforementioned forming the backbone of theresearch, the paper explores and documents the role oflocal socio-cultural and historical knowledge indisaster preparedness, particularly looking at the caseof Mount Merapi in Indonesia. More pointedly, fourthemes—collective memories, jargons, rituals, andperceptions—will be looked into, analyzed, and wovento underscore how local communities make sense oftheir world, as these influence their understanding andresponse to natural hazards.In doing so, the research will address themarginalization of these forms of local knowledge infavor of more scientific knowledge. Also, as the paperstrives to respond to the issue of the lack ofdocumentation, it is hoped that academics,development workers, and government institutionsworking in the area of disaster risk reduction willintegrate these into their policies and plans.The data mainly used were gathered from focus groupdiscussions, a review of secondary literature, and over90 interviews with local residents of Mount Merapi,non-government organizations, government officials,and academics. Additionally, as Mount Merapi’seruption took place during the data-gathering period,newspapers, television reports, and Internet blogs werelikewise consulted.The paper is divided into four parts. Initially, the paperelicits reflections on the issue of the marginalization oflocal knowledge (socio-cultural and historicalknowledge) by providing the context in which thestudy was conducted. The paper then attempts toestablish the appropriateness of the research site byproviding key information on Mount Merapi.Specifically, Mount Merapi as an active volcano, as asource of life (livelihood for) to its dwellers, and as a“kingdom” will be highlighted in this section. Thepaper will then chronicle the local knowledgedocumented and analyze their relevance and value inDRR. Finally, lessons and reflections on the need tobroaden the concept of local knowledge and ourunderstanding of it in the context of disasters will beprovided.MOUNT MERAPI: AN ACTIVE VOLCANO, A SOURCE OF LIFE, AND A “KINGDOM”Figure 1: Mapping of Volcanoes in IndonesiaThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 183An Active VolcanoLocated in that part of the globe known as the PacificRing of Fire, Indonesia is home to 129 volcanoes(Dove 2006, 240). Mount Merapi, located along theboundary of the Special Province of Yogyakarta andCentral Java, is considered the most active. It has aneruption span of 3.5 years on the average.The volcano is reported to have erupted 61times sincethe mid-1500s, and claimed an estimated 7,000 lives(Lavigne et al. 2008, 280). Of the 61 eruptions, 14were considered major in terms of scale and damage(Dove 2006).The very first recorded eruption of Mount Merapitook place in 1006 when it is said to have buried theBuddhist temple of Borobudur that led to the end ofthe Mataram Kingdom. As a consequence, Buddhismmigrated to Bali, and Java was Islamized (Coedes 1968,128; Decker and Decker, 1997; Dove 2006, 240).However, Mount Merapi’s deadliest eruption was in1672, during which it claimed an estimated 3,000 lives(Dove 2006, 241).A Source of LifeAlthough the volcano is potentially dangerous to theresidents along its slope and in the nearby areas, itsfertile soil, a consequence of previous eruptions,enables the people as well as their cattle, sheep, andother farm animals, to thrive in the area.Likewise, rock and sand mining activities are sources oflivelihood in the volcano. Every day, hundreds oftrucks go to several riverbeds of the volcano to exploitits rich sand. The accumulated profits thus derivedimmensely aid the local economy and facilitatedevelopment projects in Yogyakarta.Also, tempat penginapan (sleeping areas for tourists)are aplenty a few kilometers from the peak of thevolcano. Souvenir shops in the vicinity also sell t-shirtsand videos of past volcanic eruptions, furtheraugmenting revenue from local tourism. Theseeconomic activities are considered the gifts of disasters.A “Kingdom”However, for many residents, Mount Merapi is notmerely a volcano, just as its eruptions are not just theusual volcanic activities. Dwellers along its slopeactually consider it to be very mystical. Hadmoko(2010) said, ‘The people in Mount Merapi believe thatthe eruption is associated with the local beliefs of thepeople”. In fact, many volcanoes in Indonesia are thefocus of several mystical beliefs and local cultures.There are dwellers who perceive the past and futurevolcanic eruptions of Mount Merapi as “acts of gods”or as divine in nature (Dove 2006; Lavigne et al. 2008).Consequently, some dwellers pay reverence to them(Lavigne et al. 2008).The strong Javanese culture, which gives importanceto mystical traditions, spirit cults, ancestor worship,and spiritual healing, is responsible for this perceptionof eruptions. Additionally, inhabitants along the slopeof Mount Merapi have personified the volcano, callingit Mbah Merapi (Elder Merapi). This patriarchalreverence for the volcano is seen as very positive ratherthan as a source of peril (Dove 2006; Lavigne et al.2008).In Mount Merapi, the religious beliefs of the peoplecan be classified into animism, Hinduism, Buddhism,and Islam. In the Javanese religion called kejawen, fourfigures guard the Mataram Kingdom, namely:1. Kanjeng Ratu Kidul — the Princess of theSouth Seas who is believed to influence theactivity of Mount Merapi. She is considered(thought to be? Thought as) the wife ofPenambahan Senopati, the First Sultan ofYogyakarta2. Sunan Merapi (Eyang/Kyai Sapujagad) — hiskingdom is located at the peak of MountMerapi3. Sunan Lawu — last king of the MajapahitKingdom, and4. Semar — a wayang (puppet) figure who isbelieved to guide the Sultan of Yogyakarta onspiritual matters.As expressed by Endri (2010), other people [outsiders]deem that, “the volcanic eruptions are just the usualvolcanic activities. However, for many residents whowere born, grew up, and immensely bonded themselveswith the volcano, the volcanic activity has a differentmeaning”. Sarmin (2010) shares the thoughts of Endri.For him, Mount Merapi is “a palace where variousspirits dwell”.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

184 Panel 4To many dwellers, the active volcano is not justinhabited by human beings, but also by supernaturalcreatures. Tika (2010) narrates:Kanjeng Ratu Kidul gave Penambahan Senopatian endhong jagat (egg) to eat as a sign of her love.However, Ki Juru Taman, a loyal follower of theSultan, advised the leader not to eat it. Instead,the servant was the one who ate the egg. Aftereating the egg, the servant suddenly transformedinto a gigantic mystical creature. Afterwards, theSultan searched for a place where the creaturecan live. He chose Mount Merapi. The servant’sname was then changed to Eyang/KyaiSapujagad, the Guardian of Mount Merapi.Aside from Eyang/Kyai Sapujagad, anothersupernatural creature that supposedly resides inMount Merapi is Mbah Petruk (Elder Petruk).Istiyanto (2010) shared that, “Mbah Petruk was taskedto warn the people or provide information about animpending eruption, so that people can preparethemselves”.Figure 2: Imaginary line that connects Mt. Merapi, Tugu, Palace in Yogyakarta, and Parangtritis Beach. (Source: Professor Sunarto,UGM)Also, it is believed that there is a strong connectionbetween Mount Merapi vis-à-vis the ParangtritisBeach in the south (the residence of Kanjeng RatuKidul) and the Kraton at the center (Palace of theSultan of Yogyakarta). The people of Yogyakartaadjudge that there exists an imaginary line, whichpreserves the balance between the three (see Figure 2).In order to maintain the balance of power between theleaders of each kingdom, regular rituals have to becarried out. Consequently, the safety of the people isguaranteed in times of danger and disasters.Tika (2010) held that “Mt. Merapi has been getting itslife from the balance between the spirits, God, andnature. Although it is a mere mountain, however, it is aspring of life to a lot of people, particularly to thosewho dwell in its slopes”.LOCAL KNOWLEDGEThis section provides documented local knowledge ofthe residents in Mount Merapi. The collectivememories, jargons, rituals and perceptions of thecommunities on volcanic eruptions will behighlighted.Collective MemoriesAccording to Banzon-Cabanilla (2011), socialmemory is key to becoming resilient and adaptive todisasters and it is a form of local knowledge. Socialmemory is knowledge that “encodes the perceived,remembered and reconstructed historical experiences ofenvironmental variability and extreme events and theperceived, remembered, and reconstructed ways thatsocieties in the past reacted to these challenges” (Redmanand Kinzig 2003, 10).What specific volcanic eruptions does the communityrecall therefore? What were the impacts of thesedisasters? What resources did the community useduring the disasters? What were the difficultiesencountered? How do local history and the collectiverecollection of previous disaster experiences matter indisaster preparedness?The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 185The table highlights some of the results of the focusgroup discussions with the residents of Mount Merapito underscore how the communities’ memories of pastevents have enabled them to become resilient andbetter prepared for future volcanic eruptions. 1Disaster events(Focused on Mount Merapieruptions)1954 eruption.The volcanic ashes promptedthe people to evacuate to atobacco warehouse.Difficulties encounteredDuring the 1954 and 1961 eruptions, thedwellers merely walked towards the evacuationsites because there were no vehicles available fortheir evacuation.Physical and social changes after the disasterThe people undertook gotong-royong (mutualassistance). They started collecting bricks andstones with which to repair the roads leading toevacuation sites.1961 eruption.The people evacuated becauseof the excessive presence ofvolcanic ashes.1994 eruption.The dwellers wereconditioned to rely on earlywarnings issued from theMount Merapi observationpost, but no early warningcame about. Suddenly, thevolcano released hot gasesand the people weresurprised. Consequently, a lotof people died, while severalwere badly injured.During the 1954 eruption, only the women andthe children were evacuated, while the youth andthe men were left behind or remained in thehamlets.During the 1961 eruption, the roads leading tothe evacuation sites were damaged.Evacuations sites were poorly managed.There were no orders from the village leadersregarding the evacuation process. Thus, thepeople evacuated individually, rather than as acommunity.Several women were in a state of shock followingthe eruption. Others had the presence of mind toevacuate their children.Many residents opted to participate in thetransmigration program of the government toSulawesi and Sumatra.The Balai Penyelidikan dan PengembanganTeknologi Kegunungapian (BPPTK) –Yogyakarta was established in Yogyakarta. Thisis an arm of the Indonesian government’s Centerfor Volcanology and Disaster Mitigation. Itsmain office is located in Bandung.The people practiced Gotong-royong (mutualassistance). They started collecting bricks andstones with which to repair the roads leading toevacuation sites.The people practiced Gotong-royong (mutualassistance). They started collecting bricks andstones to repair the roads leading to evacuationsites.Only few residents participated in thetransmigration program of the government.The people started using masks provided by thegovernment.The community started using indigenoustechnology, the kentongan, to issue an earlywarning. Once this instrument was sounded, thepeople knew they should proceed to theevacuation sites.Mount Merapi became the barometer orreference point of volcanic monitoring allthroughout Indonesia. The government investedon modern equipment and set them up aroundMount Merapi and in the nearby observationposts. However, many residents still did notknow how to use the sirens and other earlywarning devices installed (provided) by thegovernment.The government started reviewing disastermanagement policies and mechanisms.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

186 Panel 4JargonLocal knowledge is part of the culture learned andshared by the members of a particular society. In thissymbol-meaning system, language is the most extensivetool (Banzon-Cabanilla, 2011).What terms and concepts do people know in relationto disaster preparedness? What local concepts andwords are associated with disasters?The residents of Mount Merapi are familiar with theconcept tanda-tanda alam (signs of nature), whichenables them to ascertain the status of the volcano. Infact, Sunarto observed that even the government relieson tanda-tanda alam (signs of nature) when givingwarnings to the public.Pak Ego (2010), a resident of Yogyakarta, narratedthose women villagers who look for grass to feed thelivestock usually go down immediately whenever theysmell sulfur in the area. He added that communitiesalso consider noise from the deer to assess thecondition of the volcano. According to him, deer arecommonly very quiet but when the temperature at thepeak of Mount Merapi changes, they start makingstrange sounds. Pak Ego rationalizes that animals usetheir natural instincts to find shelter when there is animpending disaster as they are more sensitive thanhuman beings. He also cited the case of restlessmonkeys that start going down as a consequence of asudden change in temperature at the crater of thevolcano. He added that although there are signs orwarnings from the government, the newspapers, andthe radio, these do not usually reach several villagesaround Mount Merapi. For this reason, the peopletend to rely on the tanda-tanda alam instead.Aside from the tanda-tanda alam, the people inMount Merapi also subscribe to the concept of mimpianeh (strange dreams) shared by some village residents.In their dreams, a baureksa (a ghost or spirit inhabitinga certain place) or an old man holding a white horsesuddenly appears, pointing to a certain direction.Locals interpret this dream to signal an eruption, withthe direction given signifying the area through whichthe hot clouds will pass. For this reason, the peopleavoid the route indicated in the dreams during theevacuation.The communities in Mount Merapi also use anindigenous device called kentongan. This early warningmechanism made of bamboo is sounded to dictate theactions people should undertake in relation to animpending eruption.On the other hand, Mount Merapi (and other areas inYogyakarta) also subscribe to the concept called jurukunci (gatekeeper). A juru kunci is a person who hasbeen given the responsibility to guard and protect thesacred place. Also, the juru kunci is believed tocommunicate regularly with the spirits to plead for thesafety of the people. In fact, during the 2006 eruptionof Mount Merapi, the juru kunci, MbakMaridjan,opted not to follow the evacuation order ofthe government. According to narratives, he stayedalone in his house for three days, communicating withthe spirits to lessen the destruction. Fortunately, whenthe volcanic activity was over, he was found safe insidehis dwelling. The people believed that the spirits hadprotected him. Thereafter, he gained popularity allthroughout the country. As a matter of fact, he wonthe respect of people because he stood by his religiousand cultural beliefs, rather than the rational and verypostmodern thinking of the Sultan of Yogyakarta.This event led him to be become an endorser of anenergy drink and a political party in the election.Regrettably, during the 26 October 2010 eruption, hisvillage was the first hit by hot clouds. This time thejuru kunci still chose not to heed the call to evacuateand died during the eruption. Although his deathstimulated debates on the value of local knowledge indisasters, to many, he remained the embodiment of aservant-leader, willing to stake his life in the name ofthe responsibility given him.RitualsAs earlier mentioned, many dwellers reckon that thevolcano hosts not only human beings, but alsosupernatural creatures, which influence its activity.These creatures are believed to perform rituals thatmay convince the spirits to lessen the impact offorthcoming disasters.What rituals do the dwellers perform? How doresidents carry out these rituals? What meanings dopeople attach to these rituals? How do rituals figure indisaster preparedness?Regularly, rituals are carried out in Mount Merapi,mirroring the cultural, religious, and belief systems ofthe dwellers in the slope of the volcano, as well as thoseof the people in Yogyakarta. Truth be told, rituals areThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 187among the important aspects of the belief systems ofthe residents of Mount Merapi. Based on interviews,there are two main reasons why rituals are performed,namely: (1) as a means for the people to communicatewith the spirits that reside in the volcano; and, (2) tokeep people safe and prepared.Below are three examples of ceremonial rituals that thecommunity performs in relation to disasterpreparedness.Labuhan MerapiThe term labuhan comes from the Indonesian term,labuh, which means, “throwing”. The ceremony is allabout throwing/offering gifts to the spirits whoinhabit the sacred volcano. Labuhan Merapi is a twodayritual carried out during the 29 th day of Rajab ofthe Islamic calendar. It is performed the day after theanniversary of jumengan or the coronation of theSultan of Yogyakarta (Sholikhin 2009).The Javanese strongly believe in the existence of threekingdoms that supposedly govern their daily lives—Parangtritis Beach, Kraton, and Mount Merapi.Although there are juru kuncis in Mount Merapi andin Parangtritis Beach, Kraton, which is under theleadership of the Sultan who is also the Governor ofYogyakarta, is the only kingdom among the three thatis visible.To maintain balance of power and equilibrium in thethree kingdoms, rituals offerings such as labuhanMerapi are carried out. One supposed consequence ofperforming this ritual is to spare the people ofYogyakarta from disasters.In relation to the October-November 2010 eruptionof Mount Merapi, many residents blamed SultanHamengkubuwono X, the current Sultan ofYogyakarta, for his modern and rational beliefs thatoften disregard age-old cultural traditions.Likewise, the insufficient offering of the Sultan to thespirits in Mount Merapi was blamed for the 1994eruption. The palace thereafter said that the 1994eruption was the end of the tawar-menawar ornegotiation period with the spirits. Dove (2006)wrote, “it was a considerable tolerance, according tothe spiritual leader compared to have its eruption atnight time, which will entail much more casualties”.On the other hand, Triyoga (2010) offered a differentperspective on the origin of the labuhan ceremony. Heheld that it could be traced back to the reign of theBuddhist King, Sitiwaka Gilingannya. During his rule,disasters and plagues were prevalent. As a result, thekingdom and the people were deeply troubled.Consequently, the king sent Radhi Brahmans to carryout the Rajawedha offering in his name and that of hisentire family. Afterward, the kingdom became freefrom famine, disease, and disasters. The soil becamefertile; while the king, his family, and the peoplebecame prosperous (Triyoga 2010).Other kingdomslearned of this story and practiced it. The practice wasthen passed on to the succeeding generations of rulersof the Kingdom.Malam 1 SuroMalam means “night” while Suro is the first month ofMuharram of the Islamic calendar. While Christiansall over the world welcome the New Year with partiesand celebrations, the Javanese,for their part, consecratethe changing of time (New Year’s Eve).Similar with the Labuhan Merapi, during Malam 1Suro, people bring offerings to the ancestral spirits as asign of thanksgiving for the blessings received theprevious year and to request the spirits to bless themagain in the coming year.The Malam 1 Suro of 2010, which took place on 5December 2010, became very special for the residents,precisely because of the then recent eruption of MountMerapi. Aside from being a form of thanksgiving, theritual became a venue for them to ask Allah and thespirits to deliver the people from misfortune, such asanother volcanic explosion.Becekan LaharFinally, another ritual carried out for the safety andprotection of the people from disasters, particularlyfrom a lava disaster, is the becekan lahar (lava ritualceremony). According to Sholikhin (2009), this ritualis done by pouring the milk of young coconut into theriver where the lava is expected to flow.Sulyanto (2010) narrated, “People usually hear strangenoises at night or in their dreams. The sound is that ofa golden train passing. The people interpret this as asign that the Kingdom of Merapi is sending forth anThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

188 Panel 4entourage to marry one of its relatives living in theParangtritis Beach. People adjudge that the noise is asignal that lava would soon pass”. In response, thepeople have to perform the ritual.In the same spirit as the labuhan Merapi and Malam 1Suro ceremonies, the becekan lahar capitalizes on theconcept of balance and harmony between humanbeings and nature. However, whereas the earlier tworituals are performed annually, the second is carriedout only when there is an impending lava disaster.From the aforementioned ceremonial rituals, we canconclude that: (1) culture shapes people’s actionstoward natural hazards; and, (2) the actions performedby the people (through rituals) are deemed to keepthem safe and reduce the risk of disasters.PerceptionsThe dwellers of Mount Merapi have their ownappreciation of the volcano. Many residents view theperiodic activities of the volcano in light of theircultural mores rather than science. Scientists view thispropensity of the dwellers as indicative of low-riskperception (Lavigne et al. 2008), cultural vulnerability,and risk denial.Following the 2010 eruption of Mount Merapi, severalinterpretations regarding its explosion surfaced. Forinstance, the state officials responsible for updating thepublic on the situation revealed that the biggest lavadome explosion (November 5, 2010) is part of the100-year eruption cycle of the volcano (the 1930s wasthe last recorded time during which Mount Merapierupted with the same intensity. Several residents sharethe same insight, which phenomenon is credited to thedisaster socialization efforts undertaken by thegovernment to debunk the people’s reliance on mythinsofar as eruptions are concerned.Whenever there is an impending eruption, it alwaysproves difficult for the government to evacuate people.Sunarto (2010) said that, “The residents generallyplace more confidence on cultural leaders than on thegovernment because of their strong culturalattachment”. Additionally, Endri (2010) revealed that,“Since people were born in Mount Merapi and grewup in the area, they are immensely bonded in the area.They believe that the place is where they truly belong”.Given this reality, Endri and his team do not forcethemselves too much on those residents who do notwant to go down to the temporary shelters, in order tospare these residents from whatever trauma that mayarise from being coerced to relocate.So how do those with a non-scientific mindset viewvolcanic eruptions? How do their perception andcultural explanations of natural hazards affect(determine) disaster preparedness? The narrations ofthe residents, as well as data from secondary literature.were woven together to come up with themes relatingto the people’s perceptions of volcanic eruptions.These are:1. Volcanic eruptions mirror the condition of Indonesiansociety and serve as agents of change.Life in Mount Merapi mirrors or resembles theeveryday life of the Javanese (Dove 1986, 2006, 2010;and Dove and Hudyana 2007). Any uneasiness in thenatural world is understood as signifying uneasiness inthe social and political worlds (Dove 2006). The 1994eruption of Mount Merapi was considered theprecursor of Suharto’s downfall (Dove 2006, 239). It isbelieved that Indonesia at that time faced financial,political, and environmental problems, which led tothe fall of Suharto (Dove 2006, 239). Considering thisand as Dove (2006) argues, in the case of MountMerapi, any volcanic activity is seen as an agent ofchange.2. Volcanic eruptions serve to reprimand and warnleaders and their people.Istiyanto (2010) revealed that, “The eruption wasdeemed to be a way for the volcano to reprimand theSultan for his modern beliefs and very rationalthinking that often disregard the Javanese traditionsand give insufficient offerings to the spirits”. Henarrated that, “The spirits are enraged by the currentSultan because of his lack of charisma and hisinefficiency in governing the people of Yogyakarta”.Schlehe (2010) said that the eruptions sought toremind and warn the Sultan of his traditional role andmodern ways, which means traditions need to berevived, most especially in the modern world.On the other hand, Tika (2010) said that, “The cycleof volcanic activities warns the people to protect theenvironment and natural resources. It reminds thepeople to balance life vertically (our relationship withGod) and horizontally (our relationship with natureand fellow human beings)”. According to Tika, “TheJavanese subscribe to the precepts called cegah manganThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 189and cegah guling. Both are connected to reducing one’seating and sleeping”. Unfortunately, she observed,people do and perceive the two differently from eachother. In fact, a lot of people show no clearunderstanding of the two concepts. They believe thatdisasters happen to warn people to remember God.Tika holds that as disaster reminds leaders of theirbeing in a position to lead, they should therefore leadwisely.3. Volcanic eruptions mimic the cycle of Life.Sulyanto (2010) shared two narratives linkingeruptions to wedding ceremonies. First, he said, “Theawan panas (hot clouds) are the garbage accumulatedin the arranged wedding of the children of KanjengRatu Kidul and one of the spirits in Mount Merapi”.Second, the awan panas are viewed as the court ofMerapi descending.Concurrently, Aredo (2010) shared how hisgrandfather told him that Mount Merapi is pregnantand was about to give birth. Interestingly, after this wassaid, the sacred volcano released a series of hot clouds,as though giving birth.4. Volcanic eruptions area journey toward home.The volcanic eruptions are also believed to be a journeytoward home. Hewitt (1997) documented a storyabout a resident who was led by a wewe (female spirit)toward the eruption site in 1994. Hewitt wrote thatthe resident felt kekasar (lost), bingung (confused), anddiajak (invited). The dweller said that, “rasa pulang kekampung sendiri, padahal makin keatas” (I feel like Iam going toward my village, but I am actually goingupwards toward the crater or the home of the wewe)(Dove 2006, 243; Dove and Hudyana, 2007).5. Volcanic eruptions are merely day-to-day activities ofthe kingdom.The eruptions are considered as day-to-day activities inthe Kingdom of Merapi. Triyoga (1991, 2010) andDove (2006) write that eruptions are believed tomanifest house cleaning or house building during theSuro month, with the awan panas believed to be thewaste generated from the cleaning. Also, the 1994eruption was perceived to mirror (indicate?) theconstruction of gerbang (gate) or of the ceremonial archin the Merapi Kingdom (Dove and Hudyana, 2007).ConclusionsSunarto (2010) observed that people generally placemore confidence in cultural leaders than on thegovernment because of their strong culturalattachment to the former. The issue in this paper issimilar to weighing the importance of the numerical(i.e., scientifically acquired data) vis-à-vis the empirical(i.e., the wisdom of the elders). Sunarto stressed that itwill be problematic to pit one against the other.Technology and local knowledge should be combinedand synergized, rather than made rivals of each other,lest confusion among the people ensue.As Sulyanto emphasized, there is no problem inputting faith in advanced technology even though thesame often fails to provide accurate information.However, in doing so, the rich culture and tradition ofthe people should not be put aside and ignored.In the National Information prepared for the WorldConference on Disaster Reduction in 2005, theCountry Report provided by Indonesia states that, “Ina number of areas, the local people use traditionalindigenous knowledge to manage disasters. Followingthe progress of knowledge and technology, which relyon the use of new techniques in disaster management,this traditional indigenous knowledge is increasinglyput aside” (BAKORNAS PBP 2005).The aforementioned conclusion arrived at during theconference clearly indicates that the nationalgovernment favors technology more than localknowledge. This is paradoxical because that sameconference recognized the value of local knowledge indisaster risk reduction, citing the experience of thepeople of Simelue Island in Aceh, in particular.In the final analysis, there is no doubt that socioculturaland historical knowledge are crucial as well indisaster risk reduction. Also, as seen in the case ofMount Merapi, the potential of local knowledge toinspire global solutions there exists. Disaster riskreduction plans and policies need to be sensitive tothese types of local knowledge. But for the value oflocal knowledge to be fully maximized, there is needfor extensive research and documentation.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

190 Panel 4NOTE1 Prior to the October and November 2010 eruption of MountMerapi, three (3) focus group discussions (FGD) wereconducted in Turgo, one of the villages along the slope of thevolcano.The goal of the FGD was to enable the participants tocollectively recall the disasters they had experienced, and wasnot limited to the Mount Merapi eruption. Specifically, theparticipants were asked to call to mind the date, location,damage, stakeholders, and the adaptation strategies for eachdisaster event. Additionally, they were instructed to list downthe kinds of resources and life support (human, social,physical/infrastructures, financial, and local cultures) thatthey had in their village when disaster (human, social,physical/infrastructures, financial, and local cultures). Theywere likewise requested to rank these resources from leastimportant to the most critical, both in the contexts of theirdaily lives and crisis situations.Nineteen women attended the first FGD. The second wasattended by 14 elders (11 male and 3 female), while theyoung people in the community were invited to the thirdFGD.ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSFunding of the fieldwork was provided by the Asian PublicIntellectuals (API) Programme facilitated by The NipponFoundation. Special thanks also to Sri Danang Hadmoko fromthe Fakultas Geografi – Universitas Gadjah Mada. Appreciationis also expressed for the contributions of my research assistants:Ruspian Darmawan, Prabono Hari Putranto, and ArmunantoSunu Hadi. I am also thankful for the insights of Dr. JC Gaillardand Mr. Mark Andrew Elepaño.REFERENCESAredo. 2010. Interview by the author. Yogyakarta, Indonesia,2010.Banzon-Cabanilla, Daylinda. 2011. Indigenous Knowledge onDRR and CCA: Social Science Perspectives. PowerPointPresentation during UNESCO National Workshop onIndigenous Knowledge on Climate Change Adaptation andHydro-meteorological Hazards.Baumwoll, Jennifer. 2008. The Value of Indigenous Knowledgefor Disaster Risk Reduction: A Unique Assessment Tool forReducing Community Vulnerability to Natural Disasters.Missouri: Webster University.Chakrabarti P. Dhar, et al. 2009. Indigenous Knowledge forDisaster Risk Reduction in South Asia. Macmillan PublishersLimited (Macmillan).Chester, David. 2005. Theology and Disaster Studies: The Needfor Dialogue. Journal of Volcanology and Geothermal Research146, 319-328.Coedes, George. 1968. The Indianized State of Southeast Asia.Ed. W.F. Vella. Trans. Susan Brown Cowing. Honolulu:University of Hawaii Press for the East-West Center.Cronin, Shane et al. 2004b. Maximising Multi-stakeholderParticipation in Government and Community Volcanic HazardManagement Programs: A Case Study from Savo, SolomonIslands. Natural Hazards, 33, 105-36. (Does the author haveanother work written in 2004 which you classified as 2004a?)Decker, Robert and Barbara Decker. 1997. Volcanoes, 3 rd ed.New York: W.H. Freeman.De Coster, Benjamin. 2002. Perception des Risques Naturels perles Populations sur les Flancs du Volcan Merapi, Java-Centre,Indonesie. DVD Film 35’ + report.Dekens, Julie. 2007a. Local Knowledge for Disaster Preparedness:A Literature Review. Kathmandu, Nepal: International Centrefor Integrated Mountain Development.Dekens, Julie. 2007b. The Snake and the River Don’t RunStraight: Local knowledge on disaster preparedness in the EasternTerai of Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal: International Centre forIntegrated Mountain Development.Donovan, Katherine. 2010. Doing Social Volcanology:Exploring Volcanic Culture in Indonesia. Area, 42.1, 117-126.Douglas, Mary and Aron Wildavsky. 1982. Risk and Culture: AnEssay on the Selection of Technological and EnvironmentalDangers. Berkeley: University of California Press.Dove, Michael. 1986. The Practical Reason of Weeds inIndonesia: Peasant vs. State Views of Imperata andChromolaena. Human Ecology, 14, No.2, 163-190.Dove, Michael. 2006. Perceptions of Local Knowledge andAdaptation on Mount Merapi, Central Java.Dove, Michael. 2007. Volcanic Eruptions as Metaphor of SocialIntegration: A Political Ecological Study of Mount Merapi,Cental Java. In Environment, Development and Change in RuralAsia-Pacific: Between Local and Global, eds. Connell, J. and E.Waddell. London: Routledge.Dove, Michael and Bambang Hudayana. 2007. The View fromthe Volcano: An Appreciation of the Work of Piers Blaikie.Geoforum, 39 (2), 736-746.Dove, Michael. 2010. The Panoptic Gaze in a Non-WesternSetting: Self-Surveillance on Merapi Volcano, Central Java.Religion, 40, 121-127.Ellis, Douglas and Perry West. 2000. Local History as“Indigenous Knowledge”: Applications for Conservation andThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 191Development in Papua New Guinea. Paper for the ASA 2000Conference on Indigenous Knowledge and Development.Endri. 2010. Interview by the author. Yogyakarta, Indonesia,2010.Gaillard, JC et al. 2008. Ethnic Groups’ Response to the 26December 2004 Eruption and Tsunami in Aceh, Indonesia.Natural Hazards, 47, 17-38.Hadi Sunu, Armunanto. 2010. Interview by the author.Yogyakarta, Indonesia 2010.Hadmoko, Sri Danang. 2010. Interview by the author.Yogyakarta, Indonesia, 2010.Hewitt, Kenneth. 1997. Regions of Risk: A GeographicalIntroduction to Disasters. London: Longman.Hutton, David and Chowdhury Emdadul Haque. 2003.Patterns of Coping and Adaptation among Erosion-InducedDisplaces in Bangladesh: Implications for Hazards Analysis andMitigation. Natural Hazards, 29, 405-421.Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA).International Workshop on Indigenous Knowledge and DisasterRisk Reduction: From Practice to Policy – Summary Report.2008.Istiyanto. 2010. Interview by the author. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.2010.Lavigne, Franck et al. 2008. People’s Behaviour in the Face ofVolcanic Hazards: Perspectives from Javanese Communities,Indonesia. Journal on Volcanology and Geothermal Research, 172,273-287.McAdoo, Brian et al. 2006. Smong: How an Oral History SavedThousands on Indonesia’s Simeulue Island during theDecember 2004 and March 2005 Tsunamis. EarthquakeSpectra, 22, 661-669.Mercer, Jessica. 2009. Cultural Perceptions of Hazards and Risk.A Keynote Message during the Disaster Risk Reduction forNatural Hazards: Putting Research to Practice. UniversityCollege London.National Coordinating Board for Disaster Management andInternally Displaced People Affairs (BAKORNAS PBP). 2005.National Information prepared for Conference on DisasterReduction (WCDR 2005).Redman, Charles and Ann Kinzig. 2003. Resilience of PastLandscapes: Resilience Theory, Society, and the Longue Duree.Conservation Ecology, 7(1):14.Sarmin. 2010. Interview by the author. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.2010.Shaw, Rajib et al. 2009. Indigenous Knowledge and Disaster RiskReduction: Policy Note, United Nations International Strategyfor Disaster Reduction.Schlehe, Judith. 2010. Anthropology of Religion: Disasters andthe Representations of Tradition and Modernity. Religion, 40,1-9.Sholikin, K.H. Muhammad. 2009. Kanjeng Ratu Kidul: DalamPerspektif Islam Jawa, Yogyakarta: Penerbit Nasari.Sunarto 2010. Interview by the author. Yogyakarta, Indonesia,2010.Swanson, Don. 2008. Hawaiian Oral Tradition 4000 Years ofVolcanic Activity at Kilauea. Journal of Volcanology andGeothermal Research, 176, 427-31.Tika. 2010. Interview by the author. Yogyakarta, Indonesia.2010.Triyoga, Lukas Sasongko. 1991. Manusia Jawa dan GunungMerapi: Persepsi dan Sistem Kepercayaannya. Yogyakarta:Gadjah Mada University PressTriyoga, Lukas Sasongko. 2010. Merapi dan Orang Jawa:Persepsi dan Sistem Kepercayaannya. Yogyakarta: Gramedia.United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction(UNISDR) Definition of Terms.United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction(UNISDR). 2008. Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster RiskReduction: Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiencesin the Asia Pacific Region (2008).Velasquez, Jerry. 2008. Foreword in Indigenous Knowledge forDisaster Risk Reduction: Good Practices and Lessons Learnedfrom Experiences in the Asia Pacific Region. United NationsInternational Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR).Venton, Paul and Sarah La Trobe. 2008. Linking ClimateChange Adaptation and Disaster Risk Reduction: UnitedKingdom. Tearfund.Victoria, Lorna. 2007. Local Knowledge and Practices forDisaster Preparedness and Mitigation in Addressing CoastalSecurity Through Natural and Man-Made Hazards Preventionand Management. Tropical Coast, Vol. 14 No 2.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

192 Panel 5Light at Night: How the Offshore Call Center Industry Is Shaping YoungFilipino Workers 1Resmi Setia MilawatiIntroduction1. The research backgroundThe thriving call center industry in the Philippines canbe easily discerned at Manila airport. Arrivals at theairport are welcomed by a large and colorful billboardadvertising career opportunities with a leading callcenter company. It takes just 15 minutes to drive fromthe airport to Bonifacio Global City 2 , one of MetroManila’s call center hubs. Bonifacio Global City looksnew, well-maintained and sophisticated withskyscrapers, upscale residential condominiums, bars,clubs, fancy restaurants, fast-food chains, coffee shopsand 24-hour mini-stores. Among the major companiesowning property or based there are includedAccenture, The Hongkong and Shanghai BankingCorporation, Deutsche Bank, Lawson Software,Fujitsu, Hewlett-Packard, Ericsson, TetraPak andJPMorgan Chase.Bonifacio Global City is a “city that never sleeps”.Early in the morning, one can see mainly young peoplewith ID cards around their necks queuing after thenight shift at a mini-store close to a large call centercompany, to buy cigarettes, instant noodles, hot dogsand drinks.Who are they? What are they doing at this time ofmorning, when most people are still resting in theirbeds? This research attempts to depict the lives ofyoung Filipino workers who participate in the offshorecall center industry. Along with other types of workers,the call center workers are a vivid example of peoplewhose lives are shaped by events happening far awayand vice versa (Giddens 1990, 64, cited in Inda andRosaldo 2002, 8).The offshore call center industry illustrates howdevelopments in communications technology haveallowed corporations to relocate their businesses toareas with significantly lower production costs. Therehas been a massive shift of service work from developedcountries, such as the United States, Western Europeand Japan to low-wage sites around the globe. In thelast decade in the Philippines, a destination country,there has been a significant growth in the new, servicebased business process outsourcing (BPO) industry.Numbers employed increased dramatically from 2000in 2001, to 162,250 (2005), 237,000 (2006), and525,000 (2010). The BPO industry in the Philippinesgenerated USD350 million in 2001 and USD1.8billion in 2005, with USD1 billion (56 percent) of thatcontributed by call centers. In 2006 it generatedUSD3.8 billion with at least 72 percent of that figuregenerated by call centers (PIA 2006; Domingo 2006;Bennett 2007; Villafania 2009). By 2010, the industrygenerated revenues of USD8.9 billion, indicating yearon-yeargrowth of around 26 percent. The call centersub-sector grew by over 21 percent to USD6.1 billion.By the end of 2010 the Philippines had overtakenIndia as the leader of the call center industry in theworld. 3 Call centers had come to play an importantrole as a source of economic development andemployment in the country.However, despite these valuable contributions, theindustry has been revealed to have shortcomings.Research conducted by Rosemary Batt et al., (2005) onthe differences between call centers based in theUnited States and offshore centers operated by localsubcontractors show that while companies from thedeveloped countries have sent work overseas to takeadvantage of lower wages, they remained concernedabout the level of service quality provided. They havethus preferred to hire young college-educated workersand have imposed tighter constraints on managerialdiscretion in offshore call centers. Consequently, theaverage level of education of call center workers andthe level of control and standardization is higher thanthat found in call centers in developed countries.However, it appears that in the Philippines, fluency inEnglish is most likely a proxy for high education levels.In other words, the offshore call centers deploy laborsub-optimally because they are hiring staff solely fortheir English fluency and are not optimizingemployees’ other educational capabilities.Anurupa Roy’s (2007) study in India indicates thatlong and odd working hours, deskilling, and emotionallabor characterize the call center labor process. In turnthese characteristics lead to alienation on the part ofThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE193workers. Another study by Nadeem (2011) of Indiancall center workers reveals that the constantinvolvement with these characteristics of work ischanging the way Indians understand themselves. Inshort, a variety of studies illustrate the dilemmas ofglobalization. This research follows a similar path bystudying the case of the Philippines, which has receivedcomparatively little research attention.2. The research objectivesIn general, the research aims to examine how theoffshore call center industry is shaping the ways youngcollege-educated workers understand themselves.Specifically, the research attempts to:2.1 Describe the reasons that underlie the decisionof young workers to participate in the callcenter industry.2.2 Describe the general nature of the offshore callcenter industry.2.3 Describe the social life of workers inside andoutside their workplace, focusing on the usageof leisure time and the pattern of consumption.2.4 Reveal the dilemmas inherent in being anoffshore call center worker.2.5 Describe how various factors shape the way callcenter workers understand themselves.3. The research methodThis research employed qualitative methods. It soughtto discover how the offshore call center industry isshaping the way its workers understand themselves.Metro Manila was chosen as the research site forseveral reasons. First, it is home to almost 85 percent ofthe total number of call centers in the Philippines.Second, it is the destination of choice for workers fromvarious regions in the Philippines. The variety ofcultural and socio-economic backgrounds representedin the workforce may color workers’ perspectives ontheir involvement in the call center industry. Third,the growth of products and services is morepronounced in major cities such as Metro Manila.Therefore, new consumption patterns and unusualusage of leisure time are best captured here.This research combined primary and secondary datacollection. The primary data collection involvedseveral techniques. In-depth interviews wereundertaken with key informants such as call centerworkers, trainers, managers, supervisors, andconsultants. In total 24 individuals were interviewed,16 of whom were call center agents. Although this issmall sample and more interviews could have beenconducted, the degree of repetition in later interviewssuggested that data saturation had been reached. Thecharacteristics of the informants are described asfollows:Category Female (8) Male (8)Marital status 6 single6 single2 married (children) 2 married (children)Educationalbackground6 college graduates2 on leave from collegeAge range 22 – 28 years old 18 – 32 years oldSalary range 12,000 – 28,000 pesos/ 15,000 – 30,000USD280 – 650 * pesos/USD349 – 698*1 USD = ±43 PesosTable 1: Characteristics of InformantsCasual interviews were also undertaken withnumerous call center workers in areas such asEastwood City, Bonifacio Global City, UP-Technohub Quezon City, Makati City, and OrtigasCenter. The third method employed was participantobservation. This was considered the best tool tounderstand workers’ regular activities. The researcherparticipated in activities outside the workplace, such asdrinking and videoke (video karaoke) sessions, familygatherings, and holidays. Secondary data collectionincluding drawing upon other research,documentation and online sources was used toenhance the data gathered first-hand.Young Call Center Workers6 college graduates1 on leave from college1 high school graduateMany young urban workers grew up within thecontext of advanced information and communicationstechnology. Their exposure to various technologiessuch as computers, the Internet and cell phones havecontributed to a fast-paced lifestyle. According toHechanova et.al. (2008, 38), “Technology has alsoplayed a large role in exposing our youth to the globalenvironments and cultures that are shaping their valuesystems. They are Filipino nationals but are also fastbecoming citizens of the world”.Given that context, young 4 people become aninteresting topic because they are seen as more adept inmaking use of technology, which is necessary in theoffshore call center industry. An operational managerof a U.S. call center confirms, “We don’t have a strictThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

194 Panel 5preference regarding the workforce, but we must admitthat it is easier to hire younger people because theyusually have a good knowledge of computers and easilyadjust to the night shift compared to the older ones”.From the perspective of young people, the call center isattractive due to easy access of work, and easy money.As explained by “Jessica”, a 23-year-old call centeragent, “I saw one of my brother’s friends. He wasbuying a lot. Dummy cash? So where is he working? Ina call center? Wow, high-end! Can I try? I tried andluckily I got the job”. “Josh”, a 25-year-old computerscience graduate, shared similar ideas, “I had to paysome student loans and debts that my mom had whenI was studying. It was not hard to get accepted into acall center”.These comments exemplify the motivations of manyother call center agents who participate in the industryfor financial purposes, usually to support personaland/or family expenses. Other agents place moreemphasis on personal experience and self-autonomy orindependence. “Jeni”, a new agent in an American callcenter explained, 5 “I was not really looking for money,more for experience and an allowance. But at least I amindependent. I don’t want to ask money from myparents”. Another agent said, “The first time I earned asalary, I felt I had lots of money. I started to have ego,pride. I argued a lot with my parents. I left the houseand lived on my own in Manila. My parents gotshocked, but I said to them that I just wanted tobecome independent. It took me three years to getback home”. This comment revealed that financialautonomy led to a feeling of independence and selfautonomyamong some young workers.However, there are some issues related to the entry ofyoung people into the call center industry. A surveyconducted by the University of the PhilippinesPopulation Institute (2010) showed that higherincomes among young call center workers translatesinto increased consumption of material goods. Theprevalence of risky sexual activity is significantly higheramong call center workers compared to theircounterparts from other industries. The PopulationInstitute study supports Frith’s (1984) argument,which says that increased affluence among workingclass youth creates new modes of consumption andleisure. White and Wyn (1997) also add that one ofthe characteristics of youth is their tendency to getinvolved in risky behaviors. The social life of young callcenter workers in the Philippines will be explored inthe latter part of this paper. In order to provide adeeper understanding of typical young workers, briefprofiles are provided below.Profile 1“Sophia” is a 26-year-old female agent from Manilaand a graduate of Far Eastern University (FEU)Manila. Soon after completing her studies in 2005,she entered the call center industry. Sophia’s parentshave lived apart since she was young. Sophia feltresponsible to support her sister and two brothers,who were still in school. She hoped that after hersiblings finished their schooling, she could use herincome to support her dream to be a theater actressand to follow her traveling hobby. She created a blogon traveling and took a theater class. She explainedthat she did not want to work in the call centerpermanently, especially given that she perceivedthere was no career progress. She wanted to pursueher career as a theater actress seriously. She livedwith her sister who was also working as a supervisorin a leading American call center.Profile 2“John” is the eldest of three children. His parentsown a small business. When the family businessencountered difficulties, John took a break fromstudying at Ateneo de Manila University, one of theleading universities in the Philippines, and found ajob in a call center. He was 22 years old at the time.At the time of this study, he had been working at amajor U.S.-owned call center company for one year.He then resigned due to illness and after his parentsbusiness started to operate normally again. Hemanaged to return to university and to pay his owntuition fees. He will be finishing his study soon. Headmitted that if he could not get a good job hemight go back to work in a call center until he savedenough money to set up his own business.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE195Profile 3“Rachel” is a 25-year-old mother of three and aqualified nurse, from Bolinao, Pangasinan. Afterfinishing her nursing studies she took an internshipin a different sector, leaving her children with herhusband and his family. However, this created somerelationship problems with her husband and shedecided to rejoin him and work on the marriage.After a short time, Rachel left again, saying thatsince her husband did not work, she needed to finda job to support the family. She went to Manila andapplied for work in several call centers, receivingseveral rejections because her English was not fluentenough and she lacked confidence. She said that itwas not easy for someone from the provinces to livein Manila and to join a call center. However, shefinally got a job in an American call center companyin Ortigas. After working there for 20 months, shemoved to another call center that offered a highersalary. After she had a stable income, she broughther family to a rented house in Antipolo. She is thebreadwinner in the family, supporting her husband,her sister-in-law, and her three children.As shown in those profiles, call center workers comefrom various socio-economic backgrounds. All,however, see call centers as a source of easyemployment and relatively high income. In otherwords, call center work is a source of financial and selfautonomy,especially for young and single workers.The Nature of the Offshore Call Center IndustryIn general, call centers are placed at the lower end ofthe BPO value chain since they provide lower profitmargins and require fewer skills compared to otherBPO activities (Bird and Ernst 2009). Call centersserve clients such as airline companies,telecommunications companies, finance-relatedbusinesses, hospitality companies, technologybroadcast media, food companies, internet providers,and the public sector. Call center services can becategorized in terms of inbound/outbound and voice/non-voice. These are explained in the following table.CategoryDescriptionInboundReceiving calls to provideconsumer services, technicalsupport, etc.OutboundCalling consumers to collectbills, sell products, etc.VoiceThis involves taking calls(inbound) or making calls(outbound).Non-voiceMostly involving email andonline chat.Table 2. Categorization and Description of Call Center ServicesSource: Primary fieldwork, 2010-2011In 2011 there were some 1070 call center companieslocated in 30 areas in the Philippines. A total of 898(83.9 percent) of these companies were located inMetro Manila (Call Center Directory 2010). Themajority of the offshore call center companies in thePhilippines provide customer services to Americanresidents. In March 2007, there were over 150 U.S.-based call center companies and over 50 companiesfrom Australia, the United Kingdom, and otherWestern European countries (Friginal 2008) in thePhilippines. India-based companies also started toinvest in the Philippines.The time zone difference with their clients meansmost call center employees work in the graveyard shift,which was unpopular at the beginning of the industry.This leads to questions around how companies attractpotential candidates.1. Recruitment strategiesThe massive relocation of offshore call centercompanies to the Philippines has resulted in a highdemand and competition for new workers. Arecruitment specialist said, “On average, there are 150applicants per day. If we get less than 100 applicants,the HR department will be freaked out because theywill have to fill the seats. 100 people are hired per week.This company never stops hiring…[since] there are atleast three factors why we keep hiring; attrition rates,clients demand, and applicants’ failure duringtraining”.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

196 Panel 5The general requirements for a call center agentinclude the possession of at least a two-year collegeeducation and excellent oral and written Englishlanguage skills. Companies prefer to hire youngworkers since they are considered to be more adept inthe use of computer technology, are faster learners, andthey adjust more easily to night shift work. There areno preferences relating to agents’ field of study; it isseen as more important to have a customer-orientedmindset. A 35-year-old female manager said,“When we did a case study on high performingagents, we found out that being a collegegraduate is not a good indicator of performingwell on the phone. It doesn’t matter what courseyou took, what college you graduated from or ifyou didn’t graduate. As long as you speak goodEnglish and you have good problem-solvingskills, then you’re okay”.In order to attract workers, call center companiesadopt various strategies. Billboards are placed in mainstreets. Banners are placed in neighborhoods and inbarangay offices around Metro Manila.Advertisements are placed on buses and trains.Advertising slogans include “we offer nothing but thebest opportunities,” “join the best place to work,” and“your passport to fast employment”. Advertisementsnormally also feature a photograph of a smiling youngmale or female worker with a headset on. Call centerwork is promoted as a desirable and skilled occupation(Mirchandani 2004).Websites and newspapers are also used to publish jobopenings. Some informants confirmed that they foundtheir current job by checking ads in such venues. Otherinformants mentioned job fairs or job caravans. A maleworker from Pampanga, outside Metro Manila, saidthat he learned about the industry and got his first jobthrough a two-day job fair in his hometown. At thefair, he was interviewed and took an exam at a nearbyfast food restaurant. (He was also given a free mealcoupon). Other common recruitment practicesinclude walk-ins and employee referrals. Oneinformant who had worked in several call centers saidthat he got his first job through the recommendationof a friend who worked in the company. In mostcompanies, staff whose recommendations result in ahire receive a bonus that varies from around 1,000 to5,000 pesos. The practice of referrals is seen asresulting in lowered attrition rates. Some informantssaid that workers hired through this process tended tostay longer, work harder and were more obedient. Thisseems to be related to the concept of utang na loob 6 or“debt of goodwill” which is quite unique to Filipinos.2. Selection processesThe majority of call center companies divideapplicants into those with and without experience.Applicants with at least six months experience follow ashorter screening process. In one major Americancompany this process is called the “express lane”. Theapplicant is required only to take an exam and a finalinterview.Those without call center experience have to followseveral steps. The first step is phone screening,especially for non-walk-in applicants. This stagedetermines voice quality and how the applicantresponds to a phone call. The second step is an initialinterview conducted by the human resourcesdepartment or an outsourced recruitment agency toexamine the applicants’ speaking skills, attitude andconfidence levels. Third, the applicant takes anexamination which includes aptitude tests, computerbasedcall simulations and emotional quotient (QE)tests. The final step is another interview. This assessesthe applicants’ customer service, technical or salesskills. In certain cases applicants are also then screenedand validated by a separate recruitment team. Theentire selection process generally takes between oneand two days. A company that needs to fill postsurgently may finish the process within half a day.The extensive screening process contributes to the ideathat call center work is a desirable occupation.However, many employees in fact do not intend toremain in the jobs for long periods, and many take thejobs due to lack of other job opportunities that offerthe same salary level.3. Training practicesThe basic training consists of English communicationtraining, cultural training and product-specifictraining. Training can take from a few days to twomonths. Given that the majority of customers areAmericans, most workers are taught to speak with anAmerican accent. However, for non-American clients,workers are usually required to neutralize their accent.Mirchandani’s (2004, 360) study of Indian call centerworkers has shown that, “The justification providedfor “neutralizing” accents draws heavily on discoursesof human resource development whereby Indian laboris constructed as a flexible commodity that can beThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE197trained to meet client needs”. “Sandy”, a 23-year-oldFilipino customer service representative for anAustralian account said, “In my company, they onlyask me to speak as clearly as possible”.For American accounts, workers are taught Americanaccents, grammar, idioms, jargon, and Americangeography and popular culture. They are discouragedto reveal their geographical location in calls, or toreveal their real identity. They are asked to usecommon American names, such as Eric, Joseph, orJenny. The workers have various perspectives on thispractice. Some workers, especially beginners, feeluncomfortable as they feel they are telling lies tocustomers. But other workers find the training helpsthem to feel more confident and assertive.The practical reason underlying the above approach isto improve service to customers. However, another,rarely discussed reason may be to “mute the politicalbacklash in the West over the morality of outsourcing”(Nadeem 2011, 7). Some companies have now startedto allow agents to disclose their location and their realidentity as Filipinos (see also Hechanova-Alampay2010).In offshore call centers, English is seen as a keyinstrument to overcome national barriers (Phillipson2001 cited from Mirchandani 2004). However, thereis a critique that says that training programs conductedby call centers are an example of engagement in“language trafficking,” which is understood as thespread of a particular type of English throughout theworld (Swales 1997 cited from Mirchandani 2004).Another critical aspect of service work has beentermed “emotional labor”. According to Leidner(1999, 83), “interactive service workers must expendemotional labor to produce a certain quality ofinteraction but also to manage the emotions of servicerecipients so that they do not hang up”. Although thecall center agents do not interact face to face with thecustomer, they are still asked to smile and to controltheir mood. Trainees are taught that customers can“see” their smile and sense their mood through theirvoice (see Townsend 2007).Training approaches vary widely between largecompanies and small or “fly by night” call centers.Training approaches are also largely determined by thetype of account they are designed for. Major accountsusually choose to work with large call centers, whichare seen as being able to deliver a better service due tobeing relatively more reliable in terms of infrastructureand technology and human resources (well-trainedworkers, skillful trainers, and good quality controlstaff). Large companies invest heavily in training. A callcenter worker who had worked in call centers ofvarious sizes said,“In the smaller companies we didn’t have actualformal training. On the first day of work we werealready put on the phone, reading a particularscript without knowing what the actual productwas. We just needed to follow the script. In thelarger companies, they are going to train you.They wouldn’t start any agent without productknowledge. Prior to that, they train you inAmerican geography, language and culture. Ifyou pass, they send you to product knowledgetraining. After that, in one or two days’ time,they will put you on the floor and let you try totake calls. Then you go back to training class.Once you have completed the training you startto take calls. We do get additional training aswell. They try to develop people. They have thisparticular plan; we should be able to get to aparticular position in a particular time frame. It’sin their handbook. If we’re good we can apply fora higher position”.A senior training and development manager in aleading American company said,“We encourage growth and employmentdevelopment. When you join us you will see howyou will progress in terms of career. You will seea ladder to show you where you will be in sixmonths, in one year, in two years, so on and soforth. In some call centers, especially the bigones, they try to do that. They are shifting theimage of call centers because they realize that inorder for an operation to get to operationalexcellence you have to keep your people. Theyhave to be trained internally. If you keep gettingfresh people you will not reach that operationalexcellence because there’s always a learning curvewhen you hire new people”.Those explanations suggest that call center jobs cannotbe seen simply as either dead-end or promising jobs.Although there is a chance for career movement, fewpeople actually get promoted due to the limitednumber of higher positions. Competition amongworkers is very high and may lead to an unhealthyworking environment.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

198 Panel 54. The nature of work and issues arisingThis section describes the general nature of worknature in call center industries. It includes adescription of work-hour systems, salary and allowanceschemes, performance demands, work controls andworkloads, and issues that occur while handlinginternational customers.Work-hour systems and effectsThe majority of the offshore call center industry catersto customers from different time zones, requiringworkers to work in the night shift or “graveyard shift”.To illustrate, a call center worker in Metro Manilareceives and places to and from the United States frombetween 10 p.m. to 9 a.m. Philippines time. Mostworkers work nine hours per day. Working on thenight shift has implications for workers’ health, sociallife and safety (Hechanova-Alampay 2010; Nadeem2011).Working on long-term night shifts can make workersmore prone to illness. A 28-year-old female agentclaimed that she became sickly and gained weight afterbeginning the work. While we were on a holiday, shepulled out a pouch containing various medicines forflu, cough, constipation, peptic ulcer, and heart disease,some of which she then imbibed. Working on thenight shift limits workers’ sunshine exposure andability to do exercise. Strict break policies also add tohealth problems. Workers generally receive two 15-minute breaks and one 30-minute break on a shift.Agents usually use the shorter breaks to use thebathroom or to smoke a cigarette. The 30-minutesbreak is for “lunch” at around 2 a.m. Some workershave complained about urinary tract infections (UTI)because they cannot leave their post every time theyneed to go to the bathroom.Some agents also complained about the effects on theirsocial life of having irregular or random days off. Thispractice makes it difficult to make plans with family orfriends and can lead to relationship problems. Agents“Jordan” and “Robert” emphasized the importance ofhaving regular days off. They preferred to work for alower salary in order to receive days off at weekends.“Robert” said,“Although there are companies that have offeredme a higher salary, I prefer to stay here. At least Ican feel like a normal person. Now, I can makeplans with my girlfriend and friends. When I wasworking in the previous company, I used to fightwith my girlfriend because we rarely saw eachother and I also felt far from my friends. I couldnot go to gigs with them anymore”.“Jordan” said,“The reason why I have stayed in this companyfor years is because they have regular days off. Ionly stay in Manila for work. Every weekend I gohome to Pampanga to meet my family and bandmates. This makes me relieved and happy”.Another issue related to the graveyard shift is safety.Some workers, especially female workers, areconcerned for their safety when they go to the officelate at night or come home very early in the morning.A call center agent in Ortigas Center shared a rumorthat a female agent was held up and raped on her wayhome. To address the safety issues, some companieshave hired more security guards, installed more lightsand provided shuttle buses. Some workers prefer to usetaxis or come to the office earlier, especially those wholive far from the office (see Hechanova-Alampay2010).Salary and allowance schemesSalary levels are generally higher than other sectors inthe Philippines, including banking. However, salariesare very low compared to American counterparts.Some Filipino call center workers are critical of this.“Eric” said, “Outsourcing helps the economy in theU.S more. They pay workers there US$8 an hour. Oneagent in the US is equivalent to 10 agents here (thePhilippines)”.In large companies, the salary usually consists of a basicsalary plus allowances, such as food, transportation,attendance, and bonus allowances. Workers receiveadditional payments when they work above regularwork hours and during holidays. In small companies,there is often no allowance. “Robert” provided anexample of his income and benefits while working indifferent-sized companies.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE199Large CompanyBasic salary: P 14,500 (US$337.2)Food and transportationallowance: P 2,500 (US$58)Program allowance: P 2,000(US$46.5)Total: P 19,500 (US$441.7)This excludes overtime pay,attendance and bonus allowance(if workers reach the companytarget).Health insurance to cover 1 – 3family membersSmall CompanyAll in one: P 16,000-18,000(US$ 372 – US$ 418.6)No health insuranceFigure 1: Salary and Allowance Schemes in Large and SmallCompaniesSource: Primary fieldwork, 2011Compensation differences account in large part forworkforce turnover, known to be very high in theindustry at about 30 to 40 percent (Hechanova-Alampay 2010).Performance demands, workloads, work controls, andirate customersQuality control issues are important to all call centers.Companies move call center operations offshore toincrease profits, but they face concerns about thequality of service provided. This results in strictperformance controls and demands that in turn, maycause stress and burnout among workers. Workers’stress levels may rise when they encounter iratecustomers. As shared by “Jordan” who was currentlyworking in an American call center,“The work pressure is very high. When I was stillin debt collection, I needed to collect from fivecustomers per day, 100 per month… when youdeal with American customers and they find outthat you’re calling from Bombay or Manila,there are times that they will insult you. Whenthey notice you speak differently. Hey, you’refrom Manila, you’re the one who sucks away ourmoney, you’re the one who’s stealing our jobs.What I do (is) just let it go. We have to handlestress, (the) night shift, and discrimination”.After contracting a throat infection and losing hisvoice for two months, “Jordan” was transferred to anon-voice department to analyze documents. There healso experienced significant pressure and workoverload. Within eight hours, he was required toanalyze 70 documents. He said that it was hard to meetthe target because he needed to maintain quality andquantity at the same time. He had received a verbalwarning from the manager for not being able to meetthe target. He said,“It is impossible to finish all the documents.Even though I keep on working, I still can’treach my target. They gave me a verbal warningand gave me two months to fix it. Otherwisethey will give me a warning for termination.According to my friends, a verbal warning is asign to look for another job before we have a badcredit in our resume. I already started to look foranother job”.“Sophia” shared a similar experience. “As a universalagent, I have to do multiple tasks; collection,explaining accounts, and other things. I need to handleevery call in no longer than 400 seconds. During peaktime, I need to take 100 calls. Grabe!”Meanwhile, “Jessica”, a customer service representativewho used to work on sales accounts, shared herexperience dealing with irate customers,“…(my) the first time to hear irate customers, Ipicked up the call, and they suddenly screamed,“Fuck you! I need to get my money back!” so Ipressed my mute button and said putang ina mo!I never heard that before in selling. Then Ipretended to be empathetic. Out of 10 calls,you’ll get seven irate customers. The salary isgood but the pressure is so great. So now, everytime I start, before I put on my head seat, I’ll say,“breathe in breathe out”. When I log out, finishthe shift, and it’s time to go home, I leaveeverything here”.Some workers however found that working in a callcenter gave them more confidence. “Julia” said,“Before I joined the call center I was a bitembarrassed to speak with foreigners, but now Ican even joke about stuff with them and useslang words I learned during trainings. Andyou’ll find out that those American customersare not as smart as we imagined. They sometimesask stupid things”.These stories reveal the dilemmas of working as a callcenter worker. All the benefits agents receive areaccompanied by burdens they carry as a result of theglobal restructuring of work.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

200 Panel 5The Social Life of Call Center WorkersAfter his shift is over, at around 7 a.m., “Eric” and histeammates go to a karaoke bar near the office to drinka few buckets of “red horse” 7 beer and to sing. Eric says,“Drinking with teammates can lessen the stress I gotfrom work. It also makes me sleep more easily”.“Jessica” states,“I usually go drinking after the shift at 5.30 a.m.and at 2-3 p.m. in the afternoon. With friendsand teammates. We maximize our off daystoo…honestly, before I didn’t have savings at all.I spent it on gimmicks, clubbing, and gadgetslike a laptop, camera, shoes, clothes, movies, andfood. So when I resigned I had to rely on myback pay until I got a new job. Now, since I earnmore, I can save some”.Some informants said that they use a large proportionof their money for traveling. As mentioned by“Sophia”,“My teammates now like eating, drinking, andvideoke. I am so bored ‘because I like traveling. Ihave been initiating, making plans for trip, butthey never happen. In my previous workplace,my teammates liked traveling too. We’d been toPuerto Galera three times. I spend most of mymoney on traveling. I already started to savemoney for my next trip to Coron to celebrate mybirthday”.Some informants said that premarital sex was an outletto relieve the stresses of work. As shared by a 25-yearoldfemale call center worker, “There was a time thatduring my lunch break, I would just go to my date’soffice to have a quickie. His office was close by. Workis stressful!”A 23-year-old female call center worker said,“During my days off, I usually spend time withmy boyfriend. He also works in the call center.We go out of town, watch movies, and do otherthings. I stay over in his place or he stays over inmy place. We plan to live together but I don’tknow because he has a girlfriend already”.This kind of lifestyle has been described a lot inpopular media as well as research reports. The surveyconducted by the University of the PhilippinesPopulation Institute (2010) revealed changes of valuesand lifestyle among call center workers, especiallyyoung workers. The findings also showed heavydrinking and smoking, higher levels of premarital sex,and slightly more conspicuous consumption amongthe call center workers compared to non-call centerworkers.However, the social life of call center workers is farfrom homogenous. Some workers favor activities suchas taking a theater class, recording a music album,writing fanzines for the underground music scene, andorganizing music events. A 28-year old male call centerworker who is active in the underground music scenesaid,“Sunday is my music time. I like listening tomusic and reading books. I also write fanzinesfor the underground scene. I watch gigs duringmy days off. I spend my money to pay the billsand buy music CDs. It’s a bit pricey because theyare imported”.Married workers with children often prefer to spendtheir time with family. As narrated by “Rachel”,“I don’t smoke, I don’t go drinking like myfriends. After work, I just go home and spendtime with my children. I go to church withthem… I spend my money to support my family‘because my husband doesn’t work. I also pay formy sister-in-law’s tuition fees and pay my fatherin-law’s debt. It’s like utang na loob becauseduring the first year of my work, they took careof my children”.The competitive working environment also leads someworkers to develop certain values toward friendshipsand relationships. “Jenny” explained,“What I hate about call centers although I amstill working in one are the gossips, even aboutpersonal life. They chat about it. There are noreal friends in call centers. Among the 200people in the office, I only got close to 10 people.They were my teammates. We’re like a family:drinking together, sleeping together. If you havereal friends in a call center you need to treasurethem. They are so hard to find. If you want tostep up you need to pull people down. That’swhat I hate”.A 25-year-old mother of three said, “If you want to getpromoted, you should hang out and smoke with yourofficemates or sleep with your superior. My boss said Iwould get promoted if I were willing to sleep with him.No way I will do that!”The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE201Those stories highlight how workers construct andadjust their life within the call center industry invarious ways.ConclusionThe research suggests that financial rewards andpersonal autonomy are the two main reasons for youngworkers opting to participate in the call centerindustry. These reasons are often interrelated and havediffering degrees of applicability in different situations.The offshore call center industry brings many changesinto the lives of young workers. The relatively high payoffered brings workers into the consumer society andseems to result in new forms and patterns of leisuretime. However, despite these so-called “unwanted”consequences, there is also a significant growth in thesense of autonomy and confidence of these workers asthey relate to parents, family members, and friends.The link between independence and earnings has longbeen observed in labor studies, but still deserves moreinvestigation in different contexts. For example,studies of transnational migrant workers indicate thatnew workers tend to spend more of their salary onconsumption than investment initially, but after time,they begin to save and invest more.Various studies indicate that there is an uneasyrelationship between values imposed through thestructure of call center work under the Westerncorporate model and values embedded in localinstitutions and relationships (see Nadeem 2011). Forexample, irregular working hours and days off mayresult in changes in social relationships. Some workersprefer to work in a company offering lower salaries aslong as they can have regular days off, which areconsidered to be a significant factor in maintainingrelationships with family members and friends. Thefindings also reveal that the nature of the training andthe work shapes how workers understand themselvesin terms of levels of confidence and the sense of beingFilipino (see also Hechanova-Alampay 2010). Whilesome workers feel that working in a call center deskillsand degrades them, others feel that communicating inEnglish on a daily basis has improved their selfconfidence.Intensive interaction with foreigncustomers has strengthened their feelings of being aFilipino as they find out that foreign customers are notas superior as the workers assumed.These contradictory facts support the argument that“globalization produces similarity and differencesimultaneously” (Nadeem 2011, 8). This alsohighlights the importance of examining factors beyondthe workplace in order to understand the dynamics ofglobalization.NOTES12345I thank Jose Lorenzo C. Abuel for his assistance during theprimary fieldwork and the report-writing stage. I express mydeepest gratitude to my informants, who willingly sharedtheir personal lives and included me in their daily activities.For more information, see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Bonifacio andhttp://www.bonifacioglobalcity.com.ph/http://www.tucp.org.ph/news/index.php/2011/04/bpoindustry-revenues-grow-26-to-8-9-b-in-2010/(Accessed on22 June, 2011).Youth between the ages of 15 and 24 account for 30 percentof the Philippine Labor Force (Bureau of Labor EmploymentStatistics. LabStat Updates vol. 15, no. 9, June 2011).Some interview quotes have received minor editing for ease ofreading.6 Francis Dancel (2005) explains, “utang na loob is no ordinarydebt. It is a characteristically strong sense of gratefulnesstaken with extreme seriousness by Filipinos. Utang na loob is,in many ways, a debt incurred by the inner being of a person,a soul debt, which persists and endures, even after the originaldebt has been paid”.7 Extra-strong beer brewed by San Miguel, Manila, Philippines.REFERENCESBatt, Rosemary, Virginia Doellgast and Hyunji Kwon. 2005.“Service management and employment systems in U.S. andIndian call centers,” Brookings Trade Forum, pp. 335-372.Bennett, Dahl. 2007. “BPO Roadmap Plots PhilippinesDirection for 2010,” Breakthroughs: the Philippine BusinessProcess Outsourcing Newsletter. May-July, Vol. 1 No. 1.Bird, Miriam and Christoph Ernst. 2009. “Offshoring andemployment in the developing world: Business processoutsourcing in the Philippines,” Employment Working PaperNo. 41. Geneva: ILO.Dancel, Francis. 2005. “Utang Na Loob (Debt of Goodwill): APhilosophical Analysis”. In Filipino Cultural Traits: PhilippinePhilosophical Study III, ed. Rolando M. Gripaldo, 109-128.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

202 Panel 5Washington, D.C: The Council for Research in Values andPhilosophy.Domingo, Ronnel 2006. “Outsource industry seen growing”,Philippine Daily Inquirer, February 17, 2006, p. B6.Friginal, Eric. 2008. Threats to the Sustainability of theOutsourced Call Center Industry in the Philippines:Implications for Language Policy. Lang Policy 8: 51-68Villafania, Alexander. 2006. “IT Industry Gets Bigger Share ofthe P500M Scholarship Program”, Philippine Daily Inquirer, 12May.White, Rob and Johanna Wyn. 1997. Rethinking Youth.London: Sage Publications.Frith, Simon. 1984. The Sociology of Youth. Harlow: PearsonEducation Limited.Hechanova-Alampay, Ma. Regina. 2010. 1-800-Philippines:Understanding and Managing the Filipino Call Center Worker.Quezon City: Institute of Philippine Culture, Ateneo de ManilaUniversity.Hechanova, Ma. Regina, Edna P. Franco, and Liane F. Pena-Alampay. 2008. “Managing Our Young Filipino Workers”. InLeading Philippine Organizations in a Changing World:Research and Best Practices, eds. Ma. Regina M. Hechanova andEdna P. Franco, 37-48. Quezon City: Ateneo de ManilaUniversity Press.Inda, Jonathan Xavier and Renato Rosaldo, eds. 2002. TheAnthropology of Globalization: a Reader. Oxford: Blackwell.Leidner, Robin. 1999. “Emotional Labor in Service Work”.Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.Vol. 561: 81-95.Mirchandani, Kiran. 2004. “Practices of global capital: gaps,cracks and ironies in transnational call centres in India”. GlobalNetworks 4: 355-373.Nadeem, Shehzad. 2011. Dead Ringers: How Outsourcing IsChanging the Way Indians Understand Themselves. Princeton:Princeton University Press.Philippine Information Agency. 2006. “Let the numbers speak -our economy is on the upswing,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, April25, p. A17.Roy, Anurupa. 2007. “Spaces of Labour Process: A Case Studyof Call Centres in Kolkata, India,” Paper presented at Session II:The Geography of IT Enabled Services: New Empirical andTheoretical Insights, on April 21.Research Team. 2010. Lifestyle, Health Status and Behavior ofYoung Workers in Call Centers and Other Industries: MetroManila and Metro Cebu. University of the PhilippinesPopulation Institute.Townsend, Keith. 2007. “Recruitment, training and turnover:another call centre paradox”. Personnel Review Vol. 36 No. 3:476-490.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE203Re-imagining Citizenship and Political Agency: Practices and Perspectives ofMigrant Workers in Malaysia and JapanAlinaya Sybilla L. FabrosABSTRACTThis paper looks at different on-the-groundinterventions and initiatives of migrant associationsand networks, in order to reflect on modalities ofactive citizenship and political agency that emerge inthe context of transnational labor migration.Exploring narratives and experiences of Filipinomigrant formations in Malaysia and Japan, this studylooks at two related questions: Do migrant workersmake up a growing body of disenfranchised citizens,who are deprived of a political voice, within variousarenas that affect them? Or conversely, how are theyable to act as citizens and empowered agents,particularly in relation to concerns that matter to themmost? The discussion illustrates a few activities andengagements, and identifies lessons, challenges andinsights drawn from some sustained attempts toorganize and provide services for migrant workers.“Why talk about citizenship in relation to migrantworkers? They don’t want to acquire citizenship, they justwant to work”.I encountered the above question regularly indiscussions about my research on global work,citizenship and political agency. Within thisframework, citizens and migrant workers areconstructed as two distinct, perhaps even mutuallyexclusive categories. On one level, citizenship is usuallyassociated with immigration and permanentsettlement; migrant labor, on the other hand, connotestemporary movements of guest workers, who do notaspire and have no option to become “citizens”. Thisnarrow depiction highlights a gray area that confoundsthe situation of foreign laborers, who are treated asnon-nationals or partial citizens (Parrenas, 2001) inthe countries where they work, while removed forconsiderable periods of time from their countries ofcitizenship.Deterritorialized workers, disenfranchised citizens?As a growing number of the world’s population leadmobile, transient lives, discussion that problematizescitizenship and labor migration becomes all the morerelevant and necessary. Countless examples in Asiademonstrate the implications and contradictions of arestricted citizenship framework in the context ofmigrant workers, whether in their host country ortheir country of origin. Aguilar for instance points outthat:“Within East and Southeast Asia, these workers aregenerally perceived by their countries of employmentto be transient aliens and temporary workers who aremomentarily useful for various economic roles. Theyare classed as “guest workers” even when their length ofstay has spanned a decade or longer. These migrantshave few, if any, entitlement to citizenship rights, butbear some of the obligations of citizenship (such astaxes), though by no mean all of them”. (Aguilar, 1999,320)Within such a terrain, migrant workers are essentiallycast as non-citizens, whose freedoms, movement,entitlements and access to services are restricted due toexisting migration/citizenship regimes that set theparameters and conditions by which foreigners maystay and work. The curtailment of citizenship rightshere engenders structurally derived vulnerabilities(Ball and Piper, 2003), which are aggravated by abusesin labor relations, exploitation in the workplace andmarginalization in daily life.In this context, I sought to examine perspectives andpractices pertaining to active citizenship, a relevant andcrucial dimension of citizenship and political agencythat tends to be overlooked in discussions on migrantlabor. As a concept, the notion of citizenship can beviewed in its formal, legal dimensions, as well as itsinformal, more cultural aspects, relating to the practiceof being a citizen rather than the process of becoming acitizen. Whether or not they are actively seeking outformal citizenship status, in what ways are foreignworkers still engaged in some practical aspects of beinga citizen—participating in processes affecting them,intervening in community affairs, contributing topublic and community life or even attempting toexercise a political voice? Even when faced withrestrictive conditions that tend to limit their ability toThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

204 Panel 5engage in active citizenship or exercise political agency,migrant workers are not simply victims of unevenmigration processes or unjust policies. They may alsoattempt to maintain practices or carry out activitiesthat demonstrate community building, and thesustaining of networks, associations and othercollective modalities that promote their interests,rights and welfare at home or abroad.Here, the main question being asked is this: Dodeterritorialized workers make up a growing body ofdisenfranchised citizens, who are not only excludedand marginalized in their host countries, but are alsodeprived of a political voice, within various arenas thataffect them?Put another way: Are they able to act as citizens andempowered agents, particularly in relation to concernsthat matter to them most? The flipside ofdisenfranchised citizenship has gained a lot ofattention and discussion in academic literature. It hasbeen suggested that transnational migration could leadto long-distance nationalism (Shipper, 2008),transnational communities (Castles, 2002), ordeterritorialized nations (Basch, et al, 1994), wheremigrants are imbued with a transformative potential asa social and political force. In these respects, exercisesof citizenship within a transnational terrain are said toaffect nation-building projects as well as influence thequality and deepening of democracy in both sendingand receiving states. For a country such as thePhilippines, for instance, the massive migration ofworkers and rising numbers of de facto absentee citizenspresents considerable implications as well as opens uppotent possibilities.MethodologyThis paper seeks to provide a view from the groundbased on fieldwork in several cities in Malaysia andJapan, where I observed and interacted with Filipinomigrant workers, as well as various Filipino migrantorganizations and their support networks. In Malaysia,most of the migrants I met with were employed asservice, domestic and factory workers. In Japan, thereare technically no temporary migrant workers, apartfrom some segments comprised of “trainees” or to a(now) limited extent “entertainers”. However, themigrant population includes Filipinos of Japanesedescent and spouses and dependents of Japanese andpermanent residents. Most of those I spoke with wereemployed in factories, service work and theentertainment industry.I also conducted interviews and conversations withacademics, advocates and government officials withthe Philippine Consul General and Labor Attaché andwith a representative of the Immigration Departmentin Malaysia. I had the opportunity to participate inmeetings and conferences of key migrant NGOnetworks in both countries, including activities ofJaringan Utara Migrasi dan Pelarian (JUMP) inPenang, the Migration Working Group (MWG) inKuala Lumpur, Asian People Together in Kyoto,Rights of Immigrants Network in Kansa (RINK) inOsaka, and Solidarity for Migrants in Japan (SMJ) inNagoya.Citizenships emerging: expressions of individual andcollective agency, identity and communityToday, there is increasing recognition of a wide varietyof migrant-related interventions and mobilizationsemerging in the context of transnational migration.Ball and Piper (2003) acknowledge that “there is aplethora of NGO activity in labor exporting andreceiving countries which act both as advocates orlobbyists vis-à-vis the states involved, and as serviceproviders to individual migrant workers—thussupplementing the shortfalls in the state apparatus.These steps towards forging of service and advocacyalliances have great potential in making the needs andrights of globalized workers more broadly recognizedand ultimately attended to. In this sense, globalized ortransnational citizenship has taken a new meaning:nationals are engaging in political campaigns on behalfof their own compatriots “at home” and “abroad” andcitizens in migrant receiving societies are fighting forprotection of migrant workers within their ownmidst”. (Ball and Piper, 2003, 1031)In the case of the Filipinos overseas, this rise in migrantactivity can be attributed to the steady stream ofFilipino migrants who venture overseas each year dueto insufficient and unsteady employmentopportunities at home. According to official statistics,2.8 million Filipinos are unemployed, while 7.1million others have jobs but are in search of additionalhours of work or other income sources. Against abackdrop of a lackluster economy and highunemployment, the evident response of Filipinohouseholds has been to send a family member abroad.The Social Weather Stations estimates 2.56 millionOverseas Filipino Workers (OFW) families as ofNovember 2010, making up 13.6 percent of thenational total.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE205Initially, the labor migration framework of thePhilippine government viewed overseas migration as atemporary remedy for a long-standing problem.However, what started as an employment stopgap inthe 1970s has become an enduring feature of thePhilippine political economy. Today the Philippines isconsidered the second largest labor exporting countryin the world, deploying millions of workers foroverseas employment and developing an economy thatis propped up significantly by migration andremittances from Filipinos abroad. From 350,000workers deployed in 1984, the Philippines todaydeploy over a million workers for employment abroadeach year. With temporary labor exports serving as akey pillar of the government’s employment generationstrategy, the amount of remittances also significantlyincreased over the years, sustaining an economy thathas become dependent on labor export. By 2010, thetotal amount of remittances rose to US $18.76 billion,sent to the Philippines from over 200 destinationcountries where almost 10 million Filipinos are livingand working.According to stock estimates from the Philippinegovernment, in 2009 Filipinos overseas were made upof 4 million permanent migrants, 3.86 milliontemporary migrants and 658,370 irregular migrants.For the same year, the figures showed roughly 240,000Filipino migrants in both Malaysia and Japan,although the two countries differed in terms of thecomposition of migrants. In Malaysia, there were243,877 Filipinos of which 26,002 were permanent,89,875 were temporary and 128,000 were irregular. InJapan, there were 210,617 Filipino migrants, made upof 146,488 permanent migrants, 29,559 temporarymigrants and 34,570 irregular migrants.Toward active citizenship: Community formation andsupport networksWithin this context, it is easy to lose sight of migrantworkers as key actors and agents in the migrationprocess. On top of statistics showing increasing flowsof migrants, the prevailing migration storyline alsoconsists of countless cases of exploitation, abuse, andtrafficking and illegal recruitment. In this respect,where migrant workers are readily depicted as victimswho are isolated and vulnerable, it is difficult toconceive any possibility of exercising political agencyor active citizenship. However, there are cases thatdemonstrate varying levels of mobilization andengagement among overseas communities navigatingtheir way through a challenging and constrainedmigration terrain.What is the view on the ground?Although the situation remains highly uneven, invarious cities that receive foreign workers, there arenumerous instances when migrants have attempted tocollectively confront the difficulties and issues theyface.In both Malaysia and Japan where I conducted myfieldwork, migrant compatriots have come together tobuild overseas communities and associations, initiallystemming from commonly cited concerns such asisolation and loneliness. In this regard, migrantassociations carry out events and get-togethers.Through these occasions, co-nationals meet andinteract with each other. They exchange information,practice and promote their culture and traditions,share their travails or successes, and offer support.These may easily be dismissed as “social clubs” or “eliteassociations” yet it cannot be denied that many ofthese activities serve as a significant part of migrants”lives abroad.When asked about their history and background,members of associations and communities I spokewith (based in both Malaysia and Japan) usually notedhow the experience of “being away from home”brought them together initially, prompting them toestablish venues where they could regularly gather. Asone Filipino leader in Malaysia pointed out, “we wantto lead peaceful and prosperous lives here, but lifeabroad is not easy. We need to help ourselves, helpeach other out, as kababayans”.Adjusting to life abroad is recognized as a challengeamong migrants, who have to deal with varying levelsof uncertainty, isolation, heavy regulation andvulnerability in an unfamiliar landscape where theyhave no existing family or support networks. Apartfrom loneliness and isolation, migrant Filipino groupsidentify a host of concerns and problems that typicallyarise in their areas. In Malaysia, where a number ofmigrants are domestic workers and factory laborers,this would include abuse and exploitation in theworkplace, contract substitution, illegal recruitment,confiscation of passports, harsh working and livingconditions, and disputes with agents. In Japan, wherethere are more permanent migrants and Filipinospouses, migrant Filipinos also point to domesticviolence and family concerns, language problems, laborThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

206 Panel 5issues, relations with employers and specific casesrelated to vulnerable groups such as entertainers,trafficked or undocumented workers and Japanese-Filipino children.Beyond social and cultural gatherings, there are alsoinitiatives to address these concerns and extendassistance to compatriots. Although the most visibleactivities of many groups indeed tend to be moresocial/cultural get-togethers—“to keep in touch”—alot of these organizations have evolved into morecomplex structures constituted to cover a range offunctions. Many of them have become formalized andsustained beyond the initial activity or goal thatbrought them together. For example, there are groupsthat started out of an idea to organize a Filipino massin the area, and that eventually evolved as sustainedassociations, built around a general vision/mandate ofserving and representing co-nationals (kababayan orkapwa Pilipino) in the host community.In both Malaysia and Japan, many associations havetaken on the role of assisting compatriots in need,helping out in cases that cover more practical concernsof daily life abroad (translation, transitioning andsettling in), as well as legal and labor issues. Most of theorganizations I met described initiatives that covervarious arenas and serve a variety of purposes, whereformally stated and implied functions seem to looselycoincide. As such, whether in Malaysia or Japan, thesegroups play an important function in disseminatinginformation about work, news and updates, includingimportant announcements and legal developmentscoming from official sources such as the localgovernment or the embassy. As support groups, theytry to extend assistance and provide services that manymigrants do not have access to or information about.Some take on, handle or refer cases of women, statelesschildren, undocumented and irregular migrants,domestic workers. Organizations (both self-organizedand those linked with NGOs) provide various types ofservices including translation, legal and medicalreferrals and visa and document processing, amongother forms of assistance.Maximizing Available SpacesOne noticeable aspect of migrant communityformation pertains to this tendency to maximizeavailable spaces. As migrant non-citizens, apart fromlack of access to services or usual platforms forparticipation or redress, most overseas workers alsohave very limited access to both physical andsociopolitical spaces that may be used for individual orcollective purposes. With their growing associations,migrant communities find ways to utilize/appropriateexisting spaces in order to carry out their expandingfunctions and activities. Reaching out to churchspaces,local governments and other NGO networks,migrant communities also explore different openingsthat can be tapped in line with their programs andobjectives.Church-related associations and activities provide aninteresting illustration of how these crosscuttingnetworks operate. Existing venues provide diversifyingand multidimensional functions for the Filipinomigrant population. As such these spaces reflect andare reshaped by situations migrants face andconditions they would like to address. The most visibleand commonly acknowledged evidence of Filipinomigrant networks revolve around spaces related to thechurch. The foremost piece of advice that I kepthearing as I was conducting this study was—“go tochurch, that’s where you’ll find them”. It was throughattending mass that I met my first contacts in Penang,and it was through referrals by contacts that I madethrough these networks that I was able to link up withother communities in other cities and prefectures inJapan.On the one hand, it cannot be denied that the churchprovides a venue for migrant Filipinos in differentcountries. At the same time, however, some featuresand uses of these venues, that is, beyond “religious”purposes, can sometimes be overlooked.Many Filipino migrants voluntarily attend and gatherfor Sunday mass, making the church a significant arenafor understanding migrant worker communityformation, mobilization and organizing. Apart froman occasion to practice shared religious rituals, Sundaymass also functions as a venue for other social andcultural activities such as tea parties, celebrations andinformation dissemination, formally or informallydovetailed with church events. Individually, migrantworkers use this opportunity to meet up with othercompatriots, gather useful information regarding dailylife or consult about particular concerns that troublethem.It is also within such venues that many Filipinomigrants tend to formalize their involvements,establishing community and/or church groups thateventually represent and act on behalf of the Filipinopopulation in a given area.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE207Many of the groups that I had a chance to observe areconnected with the church, formally or informally,and/or trace their origins in church-related work. Insome cases, the church leadership plays an active role ingathering and formalizing these associations, as part oftheir mission to assist migrants in their parishes andlocalities. In other instances, Filipino associationsemerged from a collective initiative to institute aFilipino or English mass in their areas.In addition, some church structures haveinstitutionalized their work with migrants by settingup centers or shelters for foreigners in need. Thesecenters offer several programs often beyond the scopeof traditional church activity, including foreign workerassistance and counseling, training and education,social advocacy and community buildinginterventions. Having said this, it is important toemphasize that where communities recognize thechurch’s role in their formation, the contribution andnature of interaction usually varies from place to place.For instance, some parishes in Japan have givenFilipino associations a portion of collections from theFilipino mass, which goes into their operational funds.Others have allowed “second collections” during mass,for specific causes, such as fund-raising drives forcalamity/relief donations back home, or even planetickets for undocumented Filipinos in detention. Thiswould depend of course on the disposition of churchleaders and the type of relationship they have withFilipino communities in their area. In a lot of cases Iencountered, Filipino association leaders also play keyfunctions within the church; as such, the links betweenthe two bodies appear symbiotic, where both partiescontribute to (and benefit from) the development andsustenance of each.The church space itself often serves as a physical venuefor many community related functions, such astraditional simbang gabi (night mass) observed byFilipinos around Christmas time, Flores de Mayo inMay or even Independence day celebrations in June. Inthis way, the church becomes an annex or at least achannel by which Filipinos are able to transplant,recreate and sustain practices that speak not just ofbeing Christian or Catholic, but also moreimportantly of being Filipino. Many Filipina wives andmothers recognize this space as an important sitewhere they can retreat and play out their ownpractices, as well as introduce their own children toFilipino culture.During these occasions, the level of organization andthe intensity of involvement of members become veryevident, prompting me to inquire further whetherthese acts are in fact germinating expressions of activecitizenship within a constrained terrain, at least onoccasions where national identity seems to fosterincreased solidarity, participation, interaction andcommunity activity.For example, in December, Filipinos in Penang,through the PSG and related groups, set up ad hoccommittees to prepare and raise funds to bring in aFilipino priest from Manila, arrange for transportationto fetch participants from the households or factorieswhere they work, and sort out the logisticalrequirements for the nightly mass, held for nineconsecutive evenings. Groups of members orindividuals pitched in to bring food, donate prizes andrender performances for the event. During itsculmination, in what they dubbed Pinoy Christmas Joy,they also invited the Consul General to bedistinguished guest speaker and judge of the parolmakingcontest. This instance illustrates how social,traditional, cultural, national, or even political symbolsand meanings meld and intertwine within such a space.Similarly, in Japan in June, Sunday mass was set againsta backdrop of flags and doves, as Filipino parishionersused the occasion to commemorate PhilippineIndependence Day. The program included songs anddances, sharing of information and trivia and otheractivities intended to introduce Filipino culture andhistory to Japanese-Filipino children. Members andparishioners brought food to share, with each memberassigned a Filipino dish that represented the differentregions of the archipelago.These types of activities have been observed in variouslocations both in Malaysia and Japan, and set aroundimportant dates and significant practices observed athome. Such occasions are organized not only for activemembers or organizers but also with the generalFilipino populace in mind. By marking these occasionsyear after year as a community, associations are able toestablish their presence and legitimize their role.As seen here, in the case of Filipino communities, thechurch plays an important role in recognizing andresponding to migrant concerns, oftentimesreconfiguring their religious work and interaction withcommunity formations to accommodate migrantissues and cases.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

208 Panel 5At the same time, Filipino community formations(emerging from restricted settings) seem to bemaximizing available venues, for example, where thechurch has also been appropriated as a physical, sociocultural,“national” space for Filipino migrants. Whilegiving them opportunities for “bonding” (as someFilipino leaders call it), these in turn usually offeroccasions for deepening community formations, orcreating and formalizing support groups andassociations, for and by migrants, focusing on theirneeds and concerns, however they may define it intheir respective localities.NGOs and Local Support NetworksAside from church-related spaces, migrant ethnicassociations also operate within a larger constellationof actors and agencies, including national and regionalNGO networks, unions and local government bodies.There are Malaysian and Japanese non-governmentorganizations that aim to provide support to foreignnationals residing and working in their countries.Apart from extending specific forms of assistance—daily living assistance, domestic violence interventionslegal aid, arbitration, information and education, laborcase support, translation and facilitation services,medical assistance and other basic services—thesegroups may also engage in legislative and policyadvocacy, and nationwide campaigns. Moreover, looseformations, such as MWG in Malaysia and SMJ inJapan to which some migrant communities areindirectly or directly connected, gather like-mindedorganizations in regular discussions that tackle criticalissues and emerging developments in migration, attimes rallying around common platforms andcollaborative engagements.By linking up with these formations, self-organizedmigrant organizations also enhance their “capacity toassist” co-nationals, extending the range of servicesthey may offer (or refer) to compatriots in need, bytapping other allied organizations which specialize onparticular aspects and issues related to migrants. Forexample, the NGO Asian People Together establishedin Japan brings together local and migrant volunteersin the service of foreigners in the prefecture. As Iobserved, the NGO serves as a platform by whichmigrants can offer their services to other foreigners.The NGO extends a range of services includingtranslation, counseling, legal assistance, facilitation,workshops and referrals. In handling individual cases,the migrant community gains access to these services,which they might otherwise be unable to provide ontheir own. As such, migrant community volunteers areable to respond more effectively to individual cases.Moreover, through these networks, issues concerningmigrant workers on the ground are taken up on larger,mainstream, and more influential venues. In thisregard, self-organized groups also function as focalpoints, through which relevant, up-to-dateinformation, and critical debates may be disseminatedto a wider audience of migrant workers on the ground.Here, policy questions and advocacy points could betaken up. Through these extended networks, selforganizingmay be situated within a broader practical,political and discursive terrain that goes beyondhandling of individual cases and holding particularevents.Local and Transnational InterventionsCommunity involvement, usually constructed as aform of service for the benefit of kababayans, can besituated within both a localized and transnationalframe. For one, community interventions may begeared toward compatriots (kababayan) locatedoverseas or at home.Here, the construction of the Filipino constituencyextends beyond their local area, even as the choice ofinterventions still tends to be rather localized, usuallysmall-scale and directed at hometowns and origincommunities.Apart from observing traditional and cultural events,some formations also organize other activities for themigrant population in their areas, and/or for Filipinocommunities at home. For instance, variousassociations, including those so-called social clubs mayorganize fund-raising events, such as bingo socials orconcerts, as an activity for socializing but also for thebenefit of communities in the Philippines. Proceedsgenerated from these activities are sent back home,for disaster victims or other beneficiaries suchas schoolchildren or women’s livelihood projectsimplemented in their hometowns.Many leaders from various communities shared storiesof their initiatives to help the victims of TyphoonOndoy. Others had begun initiating events for allforeigners in their area, not just Filipinos, creatingopportunities for the foreign populace to gather, sharetheir experiences and cultures, for instance throughannual events such as Migrant Sunday (Penang) orcasual tea parties.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE209This type of community service also took anotherexpression at the time of the 2011 Tsunami in Japan,when Filipino communities from unaffected areasconducted relief drives to extend assistance to bothaffected compatriots and Japanese nationals. For thesecommunities, the tragedy presented an opportunity todemonstrate that Filipinos are “part of the communitytoo,” in the sense that they also intend to contributeand get involved to assist a larger community beyondtheir own.Other groups also explicitly define engagements gearedtoward both home country and their hosts. Forexample, one Filipino organization in Japan,established during the tail end of martial law in thePhilippines, was formed out of “concern to rallyFilipinos in Japan to help the homeland in facing thedictatorial rule (present during that time) and poverty.There may be no dictator ruling in the Philippinesright now, but we still feel the same oppression asbefore. In the Philippines, we are still fighting againstthe “rule” of poverty and of corruption. While inJapan, we are fighting the “dictators” of discriminationand of cultural and language barriers”.Some organizations also carry out advocacies andcampaigns, which demonstrate a transnationalcharacter and scope. These provide a glimpse of therange of strategies employed and the variety of arenasthat some networks engage. With the aim ofmonitoring and reforming Philippine governmentprograms and agencies, one ongoing initiative in Japan(called TASK FORCE RESPECT) brought togetherorganizations/groups of Filipino migrants in Japan “toact on protecting the rights of migrants againstgovernment neglect, abuse and ill practices of corruptofficials of the Philippine embassy and consulate inJapan”. While rallying kababayans in Japan to registerand monitor incidents of neglect or abuse, the taskforce also engages in legislative advocacy at home,working closely with allied lawmakers to establish aconsulate office in other unattended areas withsizeable populations of Filipino migrants. Here, theself-help character of these associations goes hand inhand with other engagements and strategies that factorin a broader political economy of labor migration.Many of these interventions may be taking placewithin destination countries but they also underscorethe role and responsibility of the Philippine state topromote the interest and welfare of migrant workers,whether they are at home or abroad.CONCLUSION: Reimagining Citizenship andPolitical AgencyDespite an uneven, in-flux and at times hostilemigration terrain, social networks surface andcommunities emerge—to provide a venue forexercising underplayed individual and communitypractices, to extend aid and service, to ensureprotection and promote rights, to facilitate modes ofredress, and to carry out other functions leftunattended due to the conditions of hazy, partial,(non) citizenship of migrants.Migrant community associations assist co-nationalsabroad, implement outreach programs for disastervictims or impoverished schoolchildren at home, andcarry out legislative advocacy and campaigns toimprove consular services within the country wherethey work. Some groups also link up with other similarassociations (of other nationalities), and connect withchurches, NGOs, local governments, unions andmigrant networks.Comprised primarily of non-state actors, thesenetworks and communities seem to similarly serve as“quasi-state” bodies, which fulfill functions thatnation-states (of both host and home country) havefailed to perform. Communities also serve as a venuefor worker-citizens to develop a sense of belonging andinvolvement while abroad, mobilizing a civic orvolunteer ethos of migrants in order to design andimplement programs meant for their identifiedconstituencies. Here, we are able to glean notions andmodalities of citizenship and political agency,prompted and shaped by conditions andcontradictions of their non-citizenship. Theirinitiatives respond to concerns and circumstances inthe host country and country of origin, taking onvarious strategies and forms that reflect both alocalized and transnational dimension.In establishing their associations, a more pronouncedsense of community takes root and becomes moredefined. Here, shared identity becomes a springboardfor building a “community” and performing“community service” geared toward a constructedconstituency of compatriots. This in turn enablesmore regular, programmatic and institutionalizedvenues for gathering, providing and receivingassistance (as opposed to random, individualencounters among kababayans or one-off events.).Here, community relates to collectivity andThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

210 Panel 5continuity, where one’s sense of belonging may alsoengender practices that allow them to act as a memberof a larger group, and promote one’s objectives, interestand welfare, as part of a larger body. Even withoutbeing explicit expressions of active citizenship,germinating practices of being a citizen can be gleanedfrom elements such as the acknowledgment ofcommunity along with its needs, concerns and issues.As such, community membership and the desire tocontribute to that community could be seen as aprimordial form of active citizenship within aconstrained terrain, where explicit expressions andentitlements are not within reach.Active citizenship in this sense is geared toward ageneral notion of a Filipino community (within theirarea or locality), where community participation isexercised in relation to an imagined constituency ofcompatriots. As one leader explains, “hindi kamitumitingin kung miyembro ka ba o hindi, basta Pilipinoang lumapit tutulungan namin hangga’t kaya”. (wedon’t ask whether you’re an official member of theorganization; as long as a Filipino approaches us, wehelp them however we can).These Filipino community associations, whether inMalaysia or Japan, serve as visible focal points—critical “self-help” centers that develop and accumulatesome level of resources, skills, services, knowledge andinformation—that migrants can “run to” in times ofneed. For migrants who come alone into a new countryto work, the presence of an established “community”could ease the vulnerability, isolation, andvoicelessness they may otherwise face. At the sametime, for leaders and members, these associationsprovide them new roles and responsibilities in acommunity setting, where they find a sense of purposebeyond their alienating functions as mere “docilelaboring bodies” or foreign workers abroad. Withinthis confluence, the “community” becomes more thana social and cultural body/venue, but also begins totake on service-provision functions and rightspromotionaspects that slip through the cracks formigrant workers who find their own governments andother state bodies inadequate, inaccessible and/orunresponsive.The limits of self-helpHowever, it must be emphasized that despite thenumber of organizations and networks operatingprograms intended for migrants, there are nonethelessa lot of concerns and issues that are left unattended.What leaders and migrants observe is that “hindinaman nauubos o natatapos ang mga kaso, nagpapalitlang ang mga mukha”. (The cases do not run out. Thefaces just change).It has been observed that support organizations tendto function like an “ambulance” at the height of anemergency—in other words, where groupstroubleshoot or address certain cases at a time anincident had already occurred, without thoroughly andeffectively dealing with the situation, much lesstargeting and addressing the causes that bring aboutthe steady rise in the number of cases.On the one hand, there is recognition of their limitedcapacity—community associations are notgovernment bodies that have the mandate andwherewithal to respond to cases and provide moreprogrammatic interventions. In contrast, they can onlyattend to a certain number of cases at a time, providingsome assistance where and when they can. “We cannotpossibly deal with all the cases, as they come,” oneleader points out, recognizing the limits of theiroperations.Given the nature and capacity of support groups, therewill be incidents that fall through the cracks — that arebeyond the reach of the limited number of volunteersand scarce resources of these self-help associations.Organizations do what they can when and where theycan, but even while some academics look towards theseNGOs as coming in where the state falls short, thereare limits, (and perhaps pitfalls) to the idea of self-help.While stressing the continued importance oforganized communities, there is also renewed emphasisthat states have the resources, power and responsibilityto address issues and conditions that self-help NGOsmay not be able to resolve, no matter how organized orefficient they are.Here, the purview of NGO/self-help interventionattempts to take into account factors and conditionsthat structurally bring about issues, abuses,vulnerabilities. There is some implicit recognition thatthese cases need to be tackled at the source, while amajority of initiatives can only do so much to “relievesome of the symptoms,” as one leader put it.In this respect, some organizations have begun toeducate and raise consciousness of migrants so thatformations may appreciate and confront the largerThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE211political economy of migration, not just individualcases or sectoral concerns.At the same time, on a more discursive level, somegroups also observe that self-help also unwittingly freesup the state and other parties that need to be heldaccountable, such as employers and agents, whoabandon their responsibilities and duties, some ofwhich end up in the hands of self-organizedassociations and non-government groups.While in the past, groups did step up to fill in the gapsstates have left off, there is now some realization thatthis does not necessarily mean that they ought to bearthe full burden of cases, while states and other partiesare freed up from these. Where in the past, groupswould automatically “pass the hat” to assist a conationalin need, now there’s more discussion that goesinto the support provided, as they ask questions suchas, “are we letting parties concerned off the hook as wedo this? Are we condoning practices that need to becorrected? How do we improve the way things aredone, with a longer term view of improving practicesand uneven relations?”This discussion on self-help also coincides with anobserved attitude of individual migrants to deal withissues on their own—rather than actively assert theirrights or find solutions to their concerns— whichmakes organizing and collective mobilizations morechallenging. Some migrant workers brush violationsaside, particularly when viewed along the lenses of“pamilya o prinsipyo,” (family or principles)—thisconstant reminder that they are abroad to work fortheir families foremost, where any other endeavors orpursuits may be viewed simply as unnecessarydistractions.On the level of organized communities however, thereis more critical engagement with other entities andassociations, as self-help seems to be redefined toinclude the assertion of claims on the state and otherresponsible parties, rather than just simply dealingwith the issues “on their own”. As earlier mentioned,some groups have started to tap into and link up withstate and local government agencies and institutions.This sort of synergy is most evident in some cities andprefectures in Japan, although hardly so in Malaysia,and the contrast can be attributed to differences inmigrant composition. As they redefine theirentitlements as members of local communities,claiming access to basic services such as health benefitsand other types of aid, some organizations have alsomade it a point to assert and engage with thePhilippine government, underscoring theresponsibilities of the state and their rights and dutiesas citizens, even while abroad.Having said this, as in any other community, divisionsand distinct interests of members also play themselvesout. Apart from being a support network, overseascommunities are also recognized as a consumer basefor growing businesses, as a clientele for otherinitiatives or ventures or simply as networks thatmembers can capitalize on for whatever purpose. It hasbeen noted that while migrant networks play a role inextending assistance to compatriots, there are alsosome unscrupulous members of the community whocould exploit this sense of shared identity for their owngain; as in cases of illegal recruitment or someemployment agents. Also, class and status divisions doplay a part (and at times inflect interactions or lead tothe creation of factions) even though these distinctionsare not explicitly discussed or pointed out by membersof migrant communities. It should be emphasized thatmigrant workers who have acquired more stable orpermanent arrangements are more likely to play anactive role in communities than new and shorter-termmigrants who also enjoy less mobility and resources toparticipate actively. In this regard, the diversity andsustainability noted among engagements of migrantcommunities in Japan, compared to Malaysia, can beattributed to particular mix or composition ofmigrants in these respective countries.Another key challenge noted by organizations in thisrespect pertains to exploring strategies that wouldenable migrant members to sustain involvementwithin this multi-arena, multifaceted set ofinterventions. As mentioned earlier, while groupsmaintain a level of dynamic activity, they are always onthe look-out to find better ways to bring in and capturethe imagination of a larger segment of the migrantpopulation. On the one hand, this is achieved bycarrying out relevant advocacies that reflect theirinterests and concerns. On the other hand, they alsomake use of information and communicationtechnologies and social networking tools to maintainvisibility and keep discussions going and informationsharingflowing. Since workers are also deemed as “toopreoccupied” or too isolated to get involved, currentthinking has it that they must be provided spaces toparticipate that are easily/readily accessible to them. Atthe same time, however, there is also an emphasis thatnothing substitutes for painstaking organizing andconsciousness-raising work.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

212 Panel 5While migrant workers get onboard, where issues andactivities are found interesting and relevant, there isstill a lot of room to improve and promote collectiveaction, deepen solidarity, and enhance and sustaininitiatives. The cases identified here point to practicesand attempts to create formations or make use ofexisting venues for serving and mobilizing migrants.Some of these have begun to evolve as spaces forpolitical activity and collective agency, while othersoffer potent platforms, which may or may not serve asa precursor for other types of mobilizations.REFERENCESAguilar, Filomeno. 1999. The Triumph of InstrumentalistCitizenship? Migrations, Identities and the Nation-state inSoutheast Asia. Asian Studies Review, Volume 23, Number 3Ball, Rochelle, and Piper, Nicola. 1998. Globalisation and theregulation of citizenship— Filipino Migrant Workers in Japan.Political Geography, Vol 21, Issue 8, 1013-1034Basch, Linda, etal, eds. 1999. Nations Unbound: Transnationalprojects, postcolonial predicaments, and deterritorialized nationstates.New York: Routledge.Parrenas, Rhacel. 2011. Servants of Globalization: Women,migration and domestic work. California: Stanford UniversityPress.Shipper, Apichai. 2008. Fighting for Foreigners: Immigration andits impact on Japanese Democracy. New York: Cornell UniversityPressAya Fabros is a Filipino researcher whose areas of interestinclude the sociology of work and global labor, urban sociology,ethnography, and democratization and social movements. Shehas a Masters degree in Sociology and a Bachelor of Sciencedegree in Economics. She has written, edited, and co-editedseveral publications on political economy, globalization, localpolitics and governance in the Philippines and socialmovements.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE213Muslim Women in Public Spheres: From Historical Narratives to Roles in the21 st CenturySubhatra BhumiprabhasIntroductionMuslim women in historical narratives, in the media,and from feminist perspectivesEven in the hands of a sympathetic writer, the nature of“national history” almost inevitably means that efforts toincorporate women will become an uneasy exercise ofinsertion rather than integration. (Barbara WatsonAndaya, 2006, 3).Narratives by Dutch East India Company merchantswho sailed to port cities in the Indonesian archipelagoin the 17 th century provide evidence of Muslimwomen who were active and influential in the publicsphere as rulers, merchants, traders, hired wives, and asfighters and commanders.European traders who arrived on the shores of theMalay Peninsula in the same century found that theyoften had to conduct business and trade with Muslimwomen from different socio-economic backgrounds.For example, Dutch merchant Peter Floris wrote thathe traded directly with the queen who ruled PattaniDarussalam. In Aceh, foreign visitors had tocompromise with a female ruler who set terms andconditions for them to do business in her land.In her book The Flaming Womb: RepositioningWomen in Early Modern Southeast Asia i , historianBarbara Watsan Andaya provides a story of “Taj al-Alam,” the first Muslim queen in Southeast Asia to usethe feminized title sultanah (Muslim female ruler).Historical records indicate that the queen was a devoutpatron of Islam and that she spoke to European menonly from behind a curtain.“Europeans who attended her regular Saturdayaudiences reported that she was well versed incommercial matters and alert to any threat to Aceh’sinterest; their accounts leave little doubt she was aneffective and forceful ruler”. (Watsan Andaya, 2006)Other foreign observers witnessed women playinginfluential roles in market places, ports and otherpublic places on the Malay Peninsula. HistorianAnthony Reid wrote in his study Female Roles in PrecolonialSoutheast Asia that the Dutch and Englishdealt with some formidable female traders. A womannamed Datu Newanan of Pattani was said to owemoney to the English. The Dutch in Aceh bought tinfor export from “another Acehnese woman”.However the roles of such Muslim women in theSoutheast Asia region are rarely present in the presentday“national histories” of Indonesia and othercountries.Even within Indonesian feminist perspectives,relatively little attention has been paid to the activerole of Muslim women in history. The bookIndonesian Women in a Changing Society, for example,in a chapter focusing on the Indonesian women’smovement in the period of 1928-1965, provides a verybrief line on the Acehnese heroine Cut Nyak Dien,who was proclaimed a National Hero of Indonesia in1964.Cut Nyak Dhien (1848 - 1908) was the wife of TeukuUmar, a leader of guerrilla forces in Aceh. After herhusband’s death she herself led guerrilla actions againstthe Dutch. The book touches on dominant themes inthe Indonesian women’s movement including “thelack of opportunity for women in public spheres”. Itcriticizes the current Indonesian media for offeringstereotypical images of women as sexual objects or asbelonging solely to the domestic sphere.In Thailand, where Muslim citizens make up 3.8percent of the population, the media offer few storiesabout Muslim women. Some of the images that haveappeared have originated with southern womenactivists who have portrayed Muslim women asvulnerable wives and daughters and as victims ofviolence. Women’s groups have tried to empowerwomen by portraying them not just as victims but alsoas “peace makers”. The latter image has parallels withthe view of the last Pattani female ruler as depicted inthe television drama Raya Kuning, written byTomayanti, the pen name of well-known novelistWimol Siripaiboon. The television show portrayed thePattani queen as a “peace maker” who worked for theThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

214 Panel 5re-establishment of relations between Pattani andAyutthaya.About the research projectThis study explores the current situation of Muslimwomen in public spheres through the eyes andexperiences of Muslim women journalists.In conducting this research, many academic papers andbooks written by historians and feminist scholars wereconsulted. It was decided not to hold discussions withwomen’s rights groups, human rights activists orgovernment agencies, in order to avoid the dominantand stereotypical images and perspectives depictingwomen in Muslim societies as victims of gender bias,tradition and religious belief.The researcher chose Indonesia as a research areabecause the country has the world’s largest populationof Muslims and is a multicultural society. Theresearcher interviewed and held group discussions withfemale journalists on their personal experiences asMuslim women working in public spheres in Jakarta,Yogyakarta, Makassar and Aceh. Topics for thediscussions included the women’s family backgrounds,their role models, their impressions of Muslim womenleaders, and their views on the roles and currentsituation of Muslim women in general.The paper also explores the roles and images of Muslimwomen in public spheres as presented in the Indonesiamedia. It explores the media images of two Muslimwomen leaders – the country’s first female presidentMegawati Sukarnoputri and the former financeminister Sri Mulyani Indrawati. The paper alsoinvestigated the depictions of women in thecontroversial film Perempuan Berkalung Sorban(Woman with Turban). The film tells the story ofAnissa, the daughter of a traditionalist leader of aconservative pesantren (Islamic boarding school) inEast Java in 1985. The researcher used a DVD copy ofPerempuan Berkalung Sorban as a tool for discussion.For the discussion about Muslim women in Pattani,southern Thailand, the author consulted academicpapers, news reports and articles, including theresearcher’s previous work published in the Thaimedia, including ผูหญิงมุสลิม: เรื่องเลานอกกระแสขาวจากชายแดนใต (Muslim women: unpublished stories fromthe southern border).The researcher has used a journalistic story-telling stylein this paper to provide insights into different actors.In particular, the views of female journalists from theAceh Feature news service are highlighted in order toreflect on the situation faced by Muslim women in thespecial region where shari’ah law is applied.A brief glance at Indonesia and Muslim womenIndonesia has the world’s largest Muslim population,with adherents of the faith making up about 87percent of the total population of 240 million (2010estimate). The country is an archipelago of about17,000 large and small islands. There are about 313ethnic groups and cultures with approximately 250spoken languages. Indonesia was colonized by theDutch for almost 350 years and was occupied by Japanfrom 1942-1945. On August 17, 1945, Indonesiaproclaimed its independence and became the Republicof Indonesia. Indonesia at present consists of 33provinces.The country is well known for its moderate brand ofIslam, and Indonesia’s media has welcomed the tide ofmodernity.Women in Indonesia are a heterogeneous group whodiffer widely in ethnicity, level of education,socioeconomic status, and political and religiousorientation. Today, issues relating to the roles andrights of women are discussed in many arenas, inparticular in the media and within the country’sfeminist movement.In the 21 st century, Indonesia elected MegawatiSukarnoputri as the country’s first female president.Megawati had in fact earlier won the largest number ofvotes (34 percent) in the first democratic election heldin Indonesia on 7 June 1999, but the fact that she was awoman led all the Muslim parties to prevent her frombecoming president and she had to first settle for theposition of vice president. Sri Mulyani Indrawati isanother Muslim woman who entered the publicspotlight as finance minister. Her role in rescuing thecountry from the Asian economic crisis in 1997 wonthe hearts of the Indonesian people.News media and cinema in Indonesia reflect thesituation of women from different perspectives. Whilemainstream media are often criticized for theirignorance of the female perspective, independent filmsand grass-roots communities find their own ways toThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE215express different voices, often through short films anddocumentaries. The film Perempuan Berkalung Sorbanis one such example. The film, featuring a Muslimwoman’s struggle for rights, won awards at theBangdung Film Festival in 2009 and stirred up debatesabout the situation of Muslim women in Indonesia.About AcehAceh is located on the northern tip of the island ofSumatra. It is governed not as a province but as aspecial territory, an administrative designationintended to give the area increased autonomy from thecentral government in Jakarta. Administratively, Acehis subdivided into 18 regencies and five cities. Thecapital and largest city is Banda Aceh. Aceh has thehighest proportion of Muslims in the country and isthe only territory in which shari’ah law is applied.Aceh adopted partial shari’ah law in 2001 as part of anautonomy agreement aimed at quelling separatistsentiment.The veil in AcehA regulation on women’s dress codes has beenenforced in Aceh since 1999. The regulation led to“veil raids” conducted by various groups. Any womannot wearing a veil or those wearing tight clothing couldbe humiliated with foul language. The raids flourishedafter the Asian tsunami hit Aceh at the end of 2004.Many in society thought that the disaster waspunishment for the attitudes and behavior ofAcehnese women who did not uphold religiousteachings.The issue of the implementation of shari’ah law hasperhaps diverted public attention from the handling ofcases of human rights violations. For instance, whilethe Komnas Perempuan (National Commission onViolence Against Women) criticized that theobligation to wear a veil was another form of violenceagainst women in Aceh, a group of women whosupported the law argued that incidents of violenceagainst women were justified by the popular attitudethat women who don’t obey the rules imposed by men“get what they deserve”.Life of a female journalist in the years before andafter Indonesia’s independence: The experience ofSiti Latifah Herawati DiahHerawati Diah was born into an upper-class family in1917. She was the first Indonesian woman to obtain adegree from an American university. This later arousedthe ire and the suspicion of the Dutch East Indiescolonial authorities and she was imprisoned in 1941on her return to Indonesia. With the arrival of theJapanese Imperial Forces in 1942, Herawati wasreleased.Herawati began her career as a journalist in Yogyakartain 1945 when there weren’t many women journalists.“But at the time, as a woman, I also did not feel so freethat I could just go anywhere looking for news. At thevery least, a woman could not leave her femininitybehind in carrying out her assignment. I didn’t have tobe masculine in my attitude when it came to myprofession,” she wrote in her book titled An EndlessJourney: Reflections of an Indonesian Journalist.Herawati confessed that at the time she only lookedfor limited news during certain hours because she wasstill taking care of her small children.“Unfortunately, as long as the community regards it asnormal for a man to neglect his family, and abnormalfor a woman to do the same, this field will bedominated by men,” she wrote.However, as one of only a handful of womenjournalists in the years following Indonesia’sindependence, she established her reputation as aleading reporter. Her husband, BurhanuddinMohammad Diah, founded Merdeka newspaper in1945 and the republic’s first English-language daily,The Indonesian Observer, in 1955. Herawati workedwith him on both papers.Herawati credits her mother for all her success asfemale journalist. She said her mother, Siti Alimah,was educated at a pesantren.“Despite her traditional education, my mother had anintense desire to improve herself,” wrote Herawati inthe book. “This didn’t mean she threw out all thecustoms that she acquired during her childhood. Shewas firm about religious matters. I can still hear herreading the Qur’an”.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

216 Panel 5Life of a female journalist in Aceh: The story ofLinda Christanty: Chief Editor of Aceh Feature, anonline news service.Linda Christanty is a journalist and author of manyworks of fiction and non-fiction. Her essay Militerismedan Kekerasan di Timor Leste (Militarism andViolence in Timor Leste) won a Best Essay on HumanRights (Indonesia) award in 1998. Her collection ofshort stories, Kuda Terbang Maria Pinto (MariaPinto’s Flying Horse), won the Khatulistiwa LiteraryAward in 2004. Her novel Tongkat Sultan (Sultan’sStick) addressed the 30-year conflict in Aceh, and thesocio-political status of the post-tsunami Aceh peaceprocess that followed. Her recent non-fiction books,Dari Jawa Menuju Atjeh (From Java to Aceh), andJangan Tulis Kami Teroris (Don’t Write Us Down asTerrorists), discuss shari’ah, political conflict, ethnicnationalism and homosexuality.Linda – a daughter and a wife“…one day you will have a family, you can’t be above theman”. (Linda’s mother)Linda Christanty, aged 41 in 2011, was born in avillage in Bangka island in southern Sumatra. Sheenjoyed significant freedom during her childhood asher parents treated their daughters and sons equally.Her father was a civil servant and her mother workedin a private company. Her mother told Linda that sheworked outside the home because she wanted to helpLinda’s father to earn more income for the family.Linda considered her mother a modern woman at thattime.“I have old pictures of my family, from the 1980s. Oneshows my mom wearing shorts and no scarf,” sherecalled. Linda also saw that her mother enjoyed equalrights with her father and that they respected eachother at home. But she wondered why her mother kepttelling her “you’re a modern woman but one day youwill have a family, you can’t be above the man”.Linda holds a bachelor’s degree in literature from theUniversity of Indonesia. At university she was veryactive in the student and labor movements and did notfeel she was any different from male activists. In 1995she helped mobilize thousands of female workers torally at parliament, demanding increased wages andopposing military power.“They [protested] the first time in the Suharto era.[Female] factory workers – about 5,000 –demonstrated at parliament, which shocked themilitary faction in parliament a bit,” she recalled.According to the Komisi Nasional Anti KekerasanPerempuan (National Commission on ViolenceAgainst Women), working in factories was notregarded as women’s primary duty, especially whenthey were married and had children. They were paidlower wages than their male colleagues because theywere not perceived as the main breadwinners.But Linda did not take the case only as a gender issue;she said it was also a class issue. “The owner of thefactory was a woman. I think it’s not about [being] awoman or not. We don’t talk about women anymore.We don’t care about their biological sex. It’s a classissue,” she said.After graduation, Linda worked with a nongovernmentalorganization and joined the People’sDemocratic Party (PRD). In 1999 she ran in thegeneral election. She later quit the party and around2000 began her career as a journalist.In 2003 Linda worked for Bandeau magazine. She metand married a local journalist. Linda believed that shewas a more modern woman than her mother. Shewanted to marry a modern man to open her world.Unfortunately her married life lasted only one year.Soon after the wedding, Linda found that she couldn’tstay with the man.“Because I was a journalist, sometimes I got home late.Suddenly, he told me, Linda I need you to cook for me,like our neighbors. I know you have to work but I wantto taste your cooking”.He also pressured her to have a baby but she said it wasimpossible because at the time he had lost his job andher pay alone wasn’t enough to raise baby. Then he seta condition that she should stay at home and he wouldgo and find a job.When Linda asked him for a divorce, he did not agree.She knew well that it was not easy for Muslim womento divorce. Linda went to an Islamic court, asking thejudge to allow her a divorce. She filed complaintsagainst her husband in the court that “he didn’t workand took no responsibility and I had to work, to cookfor him, and this was unfair for me”. Linda told theThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE217judge she did not want anything from him other thanher freedom.Linda was shocked when the man accused her ofadultery. He gave the name of one editor and the judgetold her to answer only “true” or “not true”. Lindaresisted, telling the judge she wanted to say more than“yes” or “no”.Finally the judge granted her a divorce. The judge’sreason for providing the divorce was that the couplewere not compatible.Linda recalled telling her mother, “Mother, I got myfreedom. I don’t have a husband any more. I feel good”.Linda – the editorLinda moved to Aceh in 2005, when shari’ah law waspartially enforced and religious police began patrollingthe streets. Under the law, Muslim women in Acehhave to wear the hijab (headscarf) and face arrest ifseen in the street or public places without it.Linda is Muslim and she goes everywhere without aheadscarf.“They [the religious police] think I’m a Chinese orKorean woman, a foreigner, so it’s safe for me,” Lindasaid.But Linda has paid a price for her resistance. She hashad to hide her identity as Muslim. Linda doesn’t useher Indonesian ID card to do anything in Aceh as thisidentifies her religion. Instead she uses her passport asit doesn’t show that she is a Muslim.“Sometime I feel uncomfortable because I look like asort of undercover intelligence officer. [I mean,] Icannot tell people what my real identity is,” sheconfessed.Most of her female colleagues at Aceh Feature areMuslim and they wear the hijab, except for DonnaLestari who comes to the office every day without aveil. Donna was arrested twice and the religious policewarned her that there would be no third time “for hernaked face” and she would be placed in detentionwhere she would be taught to be a “good Muslimwoman”.But Donna continues with her routines and travelswithout a hijab. She believes that her dress is her ownchoice. Her colleagues believe the same. Novia Liza,Mellyan, Khiththat, and Rizki Mauiida choose to weartraditional dress and a veil to do their jobs, includinginterviewing sources. When asked about Donna, theysaid her dress was an individual decision. “It’s up toher, her right. Our dress is something personal. It’sbetween you and your god,” said one of them. Theyalso criticized the law as a political tool and a strategyof the central government in Jakarta to keep theAcehnese busy while other issues, especially humanrights violations, are given little attention.The team enjoys working together and admires Lindathe editor.“She has a critical mind. I learn a lot from her. And Iwant to be like her. But I think everybody has theirown ideas,” says Donna.Aceh Feature has many male and female contributingjournalists. Most are Muslims. While most women inthe editorial team take Linda as their role model injournalism, Linda confesses that she doesn’t knowwhat her male contributors think about her role and asa Muslim woman who doesn’t wear a scarf.“Again and again I think they see me as their boss; theydon’t think of me as a woman but as their boss”.Linda learned about certain male perspectives towardsMuslim women working in the public sphere when shewas interviewed once on a phone-in radio program. Aman called in, asking Linda whether she had askedpermission from her husband to work. What did herhusband say when she went far away from home towork?“I told him I don’t have a husband. I was a bit shockedto get this question from a man in Aceh in the 21 stcentury”.Linda encountered similar perspectives from two maleex-members of the Aceh Free Movement during a fieldtrip to villages in the Banda Aceh area. Whendiscussing women’s issues, the men suggested that a“good woman” should get married and she had to be a“good wife”. When Linda argued that a womanshouldn’t get married if she didn’t want to, they saidthat they understood “well” that an educated womanlike Linda didn’t want to get married.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

218 Panel 5Veils, coffee shops and “bad women” in Aceh?When Linda arrived in Aceh in 2005, she used atraditional coffee shop as her mobile office base, andshe often found herself to be the only woman there. Atthe time the coffee shop was a meeting place for menand it was uncommon for women to frequent it. Fiveyears later, Linda and her staff on Aceh Feature wereseeing more and more women visiting and gatheringfor discussions in coffee shops, some of them evenwearing shorts, chatting and smoking.However, women visiting coffee shops are still aserious point of concern for some local Muslim malescholars. One wrote an opinion piece for Aceh Feature,criticizing the habit for destroying the traditions andvalues of “good” Muslim women.The definition of a “bad woman” is a serious obstaclefaced by female journalists in Aceh as their duties oftenkeep them working at the office until late at night.“Sometimes we go home late – and our neighbors viewus as not good women. They gossip. So my mom said‘don’t come home late because people say bad things,like ‘your daughter isn’t a good girl,” said journalistKhiththat.In fieldwork too, female journalists become targets ofcriticism as they have to work closely and sometimesshare mobile tents provided for reporters with theirmale colleagues.Novia Liza has more bitter experiences to share. NoviaLiza lost her parents and siblings in the tsunami; onlyshe and her elder brother survived the tragic wave.They moved in with their uncle’s family. At the timeLiza worked for a non-governmental organization andsometimes she had to go home late. Five months later,her brother told her to stop working. He gave noreason, only “I’m your brother; if you want to live withme, just do what I say”.Three months later when the brother and sisterreturned to their home, Liza learned the reason for hiscomments. Her uncle had wanted her to stay home ashe had heard neighbors asking what kind of job keptthe girl coming home late.“In Aceh, when we go home at night, neighbors gossip.I don’t know if it is perhaps because of [political]conflict over the past 30 years, we [women] alwaysstayed at home. We’re used to that custom,” Liza said.Though Novia Liza loves her life as journalist, sheconfessed that as a female journalist she has oftenworked under pressure. Every day it is very hard for herto finish her news pieces before nightfall.Female journalists in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, andMakassar“Every woman can explore their ability and no one cantake away the freedom of a woman just because she is aMuslim”. Fitria Martaniah.Fitria Martaniah and Vivi Zabkie work at KantorBerita Radio 68H (68H Radio News Agency) inJakarta. Indah Arifah Febriany works for Makassar TVand Sri Wahyuni for The Jakarta Post in Yogyakarta.The four journalists shared their views on the currentsituation of Muslim women in Indonesia in general,and on female journalists in particular.Unlike their female counterparts in Aceh, Fitria, Vivi,Indah and Sri Wahyuni do not face either rules orrumors in their area of work or among their familiesand communities.“This is a modern arena. Every woman can exploretheir ability and no one can take away the freedom of awoman just because she is a Muslim,” says Fitria, whohosts a radio program called Women and Tolerance.Vivi added that Muslims are very open but in someareas when men ruled, they tried to find some way tostrengthen their position, so they tried to represswomen to ensure their dominance. Vivi, now 35, hasworked with the radio station since it was launched in1999. Vivi and Fitria have supervised male reportersworking at the station’s regional offices all over thecountry.Vivi said she was born and brought up in a democraticfamily that allowed her to decide her future. A motherof twins, she still enjoys the right to freedom of work.“I feel sad for women not allowed to work outside thehome and I think I’m lucky,” she said.Arifah Febriany, 26, of Makassar TV, said that manywomen in the provincial capital of Sulawesi stillpreferred to stay home, including her mother and herelder sister who holds a degree in electrical engineering.“But it isn’t me to stay at home. Any man who wantsto marry me, must understand my job, my future,” saidthe young reporter.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE219Febriany has been working for Makassar TV for threeyears. She said she had never experienced genderdiscrimination working in the public sphere. In herfamily as well, her parents have encouraged her andsupported her to go to university.“If you talk about gender, women and men are equalhere,” she said firmly.Fabriany added that her editor, also the mother of twochildren, performed well in leading the editorial team.Meanwhile Sri Wahyuni of The Jakarta Post has nodoubt that women enjoy rights to freedom in the arenain which she lives and works. Wahyuni said that sheoften visited rural villages in Yogyakarta, and hadinterviewed and written many stories about womenwho are active in their communities. She hadwitnessed no discrimination against Muslim women inpublic spheres, including in rural villages.“Many Muslim women work as journalists here. Theywear a scarf and they can get along with their malecolleagues, there is no discrimination,” she insisted.Muslim women as Portrayed in Mass Media: A storyof Anissa: Fact or fiction?Perempuan Berkalung Sorban (Woman with Turban)is a controversial film based on the novel of the sametitle by the woman writer Abidah el Khalieqy. Thenovel was first published in Yogyakarta in 2001. Thestory features the life of Anissa, the daughter of areligious leader who owned a conservative pesantren(Islamic boarding school) in East Java in 1985.Anissa was a rebel since she was a young girl. Shewondered why she was treated unfairly compared toher two elder brothers. She wanted to go to universityin a big city or even to Cairo like her male relatives.Anissa tried to go her own way by enrolling at a schoolin Yogyakarta but her father raged that an unmarriedwoman could not go off on her own. Letting her out oftown on her own would be unsafe and would causenegative rumors. Instead, her father arranged amarriage to the son of his friend, the owner of anotherpesantren. Years went by and Anissa found herselftrapped in a miserable marriage. She was condemnedfor committing adultery and divorced. She then wenton to receive a higher education in Yogyakarta. Shebecame a well-known writer and role model for theyoung girls in pesantren. She remarried and returned tofight against the traditional trap in the pesantren.The oppression of women in Islamic societies aspresented in the film has resulted in controversy. Forexample, Ali Mustafa Yaqub, the head imam atJakarta’s Istiqlal Grand Mosque, urged that the film betaken out of cinemas to “correct the negativedepiction” of his religion. But female governmentminister Meutia Hatta argued that the film was animportant tool to correct centuries of tradition and thecreeping influence of religious hardliners drawinginspiration from the Middle East.Meanwhile the female journalists in Aceh said theyliked the way the film asks the audience to be moreopen-minded about girls in boarding schools.Sri Wahyuni of The Jakarta Post criticised the manynegative stereotypes in the film. “This is not what everywoman in Indonesia has experienced. I think we liveindependent lives and we can decide for ourselves. It’snot like in that movie,” she said.Telling her own story, Sri Wahyuni, 46, said she wasthe first girl from her community to go to university.Back then, her neighbors asked why she did not stopher education after high school. That should have beenenough, and then she could afford to have a family.“But at that time [it was not] because of [being] awomen or Muslim. They didn’t understand theimportance of education. My father was a civil servant,he knew its importance,” she explained. Wahyuni hasbecome a role model for girls in her hometown. Today,more and more families send their girls to attenduniversity.A young teacher, Rhamadinna Fatimah, shared similarviews about the film.“This film is only one point of view. It’s okay because itrepresents a lot of Muslim women in rural areas. But Iam in an urban area,” she said, adding she had nosimilar experiences herself.Fatimah said that she wished people to know that notall women in Indonesia faced such a predicament.“We’re just all right”. Fatimah was planning tocontinue her studies at San Francisco City College.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

220 Panel 5Muslim women leadersIn 2001, Megawati Sukarnoputri turned a new page ofpolitical history as the first woman to rule the mostpopulous Muslim country when she was elected fifthpresident of Indonesia.Megawati Sukarnoputri is the daughter of thecountry’s first president, Sukarno. She entered politicsin 1987 as a candidate of the Indonesian DemocraticParty (PDI). After serving as vice-president underAbdurrahman Wahid, Megawati became presidentwhen Wahid was removed from office in 2001. Aspresident, Megawati faced a number of problems,including a failing economy, a separatist movement inthe province of Aceh, and terrorist attacks. Shesubsequently failed to win re-election at the polls,losing to former general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyonoin 2004.At the end of her first term in office, many Indonesianswere left feeling that not much had changed. Megawatifaced much criticism of her role as leader, especiallyfrom Indonesian feminists.“…with or without a woman president, Indonesianwomen still face many challenges and need to workhard to eliminate women’s subordination andoppression …” a feminist scholar noted in the bookIndonesian Women in a Changing Society.Most women interviewed for this paper were alsounimpressed by Megawati’s performance. Thecriticisms were generally concerned with her capacityrather than her gender. The journalists and feministsshared a common view that Megawati’s rise to powerwas connected to the merits of her late father – thefirst president revered by all Indonesians.Only Herawati Diah had a different perspective.“Megawati has not had an easy life. In following herstruggle to reach the ultimate of anyone’s politicaldream, I find this young woman courageous. I also pityher. She is not an ambitious person and has become atool of her own political party. At one time, the PDI-Peven used her as a symbol of women oppressed by theSoeharto regime,” Herawati wrote in the book AnEndless Journey: Reflections of an Indonesian Journalist.Meanwhile younger female journalists interviewed forthis paper were impressed by the performance of SriMulyani Indrawati.Mulyani was the country’s finance minister from2005-2010. Her performance won the hearts of theIndonesian people. The Indonesia media displayedheadlines such as “Sri Mulyani: Indonesian wonderwoman,” and “Sri Mulyani Indrawati: Woman of thecentury”. In 2006 Mulyani was named FinanceMinister of the Year by Euromoney magazine, and in2008 she was ranked by Forbes Magazine as the 23 rdmost powerful woman in the world and the mostpowerful woman in Indonesia. In 2010 she wasappointed as managing director of the World BankGroup.Many observers have seen Mulyani as a reform iconand person of integrity with the potential to be one ofIndonesia’s strongest presidential candidates.According to The Jakarta Post, several surveys have putSri Mulyani among the top ten most popularpresidential candidates for 2014.Some basic findings• Most women I interviewed shared the view thatthey enjoyed equal opportunity to men in botheducation and the workplace.• They felt that Indonesia is a more open societyfor Muslim women than neighboring countries.• They agreed that the situation faced by womenas portrayed in the controversial film PerempuanBerkalung Sorban may still exist in some remoteareas in the country. However, they felt that thiswas not the case for women in the large cities.• Though most interviewees believed that womencould play a leading role in Muslim society, theydid not admire the role of MegawatiSukarnoputri as president of Indonesia.• They did not know much about accounts ofMuslim woman leaders in history.• When asked about Muslim women role models,many interviewees referred to Khadijah, awealthy businesswoman who was the first wife ofMuhammad (the Prophet). They admired therole of Khadijah as a good wife and smartbusinesswoman.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE221Conclusion:Looking at gender relations through the eyes ofeducated middle-class Muslim journalists inIndonesiaThis researcher is well aware that it is not an easy taskto provide a picture of the lives and situation ofMuslim women in general, especially given that mostwomen interviewed in this paper are journalists frommiddle-class backgrounds who generally enjoy freedomin their work, unlike their sisters in rural areas frompoorer and less educated backgrounds. Theinterviewees had their own personal ways ofnegotiating gender constraints within their socioeconomicenvironments. Many felt uncomfortableabout, and unwilling to concede, the possibility ofmore constrained gender relations faced by lessadvantaged women.The interviewee’s views on Perempuan BerkalungSorban reflects their disagreements with thestereotypical image of Muslim women as victims oftraditional beliefs. Though they conceded that suchsituations might exist in some remote areas, theybelieved it rarely happened today.However the experiences of female journalists in Acehindicate that it is not always easy for women in publicspheres. Linda Christanty and Donna Lestarirepresent the voice of rebellious Muslim women whofeel constrained by religious laws. Meanwhile otherfemale journalists who resist “traditional beliefs” byvisiting coffee shops while wearing the hijab, see nopoint in shari’ah enforcing others to do the same.These women must compromise with “traditionalbeliefs” in their communities, by, for example, tryingnot to appear as “bad women” who go home late.Meanwhile the situation of Muslim women inThailand’s southern border province as seen byMuslim woman activist Angkhana Neelapaijit presentsa different story. Angkhana has been working insupport of Muslim women in Thailand’s deep southfor half a decade and is chairwoman of the Justice forPeace Foundation. In her paper “Roles and Challengesfor Muslim Women in the Restive Southern BorderProvinces of Thailand,” Angkhana found that MalayMuslim women in the Southern border provinces hadreceived insufficient support from either the generalpublic or the government in relation to educating andempowering women, or in opening up spaces toencourage their participation at all levels.Muslim women [in the southern provinces] have facedpersecution and have been discredited when they cameout to defend their rights which are compromised bythe conservative interpretation of religious codes.Thus, they have been made to appear as “sinfulwomen” or “vicious women” for having their ordealsexposed in public, she wrote.Finally, it is as though the women in Indonesia and inThailand’s deep south inhabit two different worlds. Itis unclear, however, if less-educated and less well-to-doMuslim women in Indonesia and Thailand are moreconstrained by the brand of Islam today than thebrand that has been recorded in historical accountsfrom past centuries.NOTEiANDAYA, Barbara Watson. 2006. Women as Rulers. InThe Flaming Womb: repositioning women in early modernSoutheast Asia. 167. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press.LIST OF INTERVIEWEES1. Miss Sima Gunawan, The Jakarta Post. Gunawan passed awayin February 2012. She had been with The Jakarta Post for over20 years.2. Miss Wita Ningsih, Research & Development, ProgrammingDivision, Trans TV. Before joining Trans TV, Ningsih used towork for the defunct PLAYBOY Magazine, Indonesian version.3. Mrs. Vivi Zabkie, Cooperation Supervisor, Kantor BeritaRadio 68H (68H Radio News Agency).4. Mrs. Fitria Martaniah, Program Manager Kerjasama, KantorBerita Radio 68H (68H Radio News Agency). Martaniah is alsothe host of a program called “Agama dan Toleransi” [Religionand Tolerance].5. Miss Linda Christanty, Chief Editor, Aceh Feature.6. Miss Indah February, reporter, Makassar TV.7. Mrs. Sri Wahyuni, staff writer with The Jakarta Post inYogyakarta.8. Mrs. Febriana Sinta Sari, reporter, Kedaulatan Rakyat Radio, alocal radio station in Yogyakarta.9. Mrs. Siti Aminah, lecturer at Fakultas Ilmu Budaya UGM,Magister of Middle East Studies, UGM.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

222 Panel 510. Miss Rhamadinna Fatimah, English Teacher at IndonesiaCollege.11. Miss Novia Liza, reporter, Aceh Feature.12. Miss Mellyan, reporter, Aceh Feature.13. Miss Rizki Maulida, reporter, Aceh Feature.14. Miss Donna Lestari, reporter, Aceh Feature.BIBLIOGRAPHYBelford, Aubrey. 2009. Film Spurs Debate Over Women’sRole. Jakarta Globe, March 01, News.http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/film-spurs-debate-overwomens-role/308867Simanjuntak, Hotli. 2010. Aceh, sharia & coffee shops. TheJakarta Post, July 13, Feature. http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/07/13/aceh-sharia-amp-coffee-shops.htmlWEBSITE:http://www.islamswomen.com/articles/women_in_islam.phpANDAYA, Barbara Watson. 2006. The Flaming Womb:repositioning women in early modern Southeast Asia. Honolulu:University of Hawai’i Press.POERWANDARI, Kristi, ed. 2005. Indonesian Women in aChanging Society. Seoul: Ewha Womans University Press.ANDAYA, Barbara Watson, ed. 2000. Other Pasts: Women,Gender and History in Early Modern Southeast Asia. Honolulu:Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, University of Hawai’i atMãnoa.DIAH, Herawati.2005. An Endless Journey: Reflection of anIndonesian Journalist. Jakarta: PT Equinox PublishingIndonesia.NEELAPAIJIT, Angkhana. 2010. Roles and Challenges forMuslim Women in the Restive Southern Border Provinces ofThailand. Bangkok: Justice for Peace Foundation.SELECTED NEWSPAPER ARTICLESSabarini, Prodita. 2010. Nani Zulminarni: Dare to be a woman.The Jakarta Post, September 13, People Section.http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/09/13/nanizulminarni-dare-be-a-woman.htmlAzis Tunny, M. 2010. Siti Musdah Mulia: A courageouswoman. The Jakarta Post, August 13, People Section.http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/08/13/sitimusdah-mulia-a-courageous-woman.htmlHelmi, Kunang. 2010. Christine Hakim: The importanceof education. The Jakarta Post, October 22, People Section.http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/10/22/christinehakim-the-importance-education.htmlKuswandini, Dian. 2010. Peggy Melati Sukma: In transition.The Jakarta Post, August 20, People Section.http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/08/20/peggymelati-sukma-in-transition.htmlVeda, Titania. 2009. Pioneer Journalist Reflects. Jakarta Globe,February 04, Life & Times Section.http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/lifeandtimes/pioneerjournalist-reflects/306630The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE223Political Participation of Women in Asia from a Feminist Perspective:A Documentary Film ProjectLoh Yin SanINTRODUCTIONBackgroundThe research project was designed to produce adocumentary film on the political participation ofwomen in Japan and the Philippines. At the start ofthis study in July 2010, it was reported that no Asiancountry had achieved the 30-percent quota for womenin decision-making positions recommended by the1975 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms ofDiscrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the2000 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). 1Although both the Philippines and Japan had ratifiedthe CEDAW in 1981 and 1985 respectively, in July2011, at the end of the research period, women onlymade up of 22.1% and 11.3% of the lower house,respectively. 2This project was also motivated by a curiosity aboutthe journey Asian women have taken in politics.According to Andrea Fleschenberg (2008):“Given the structural circumstances throughwhich Asian women leaders face a ratherdisadvantageous socio-political context–including a predominantly misogynist genderideology in terms of political agency–weconsequently need to analyze the individualtraits of Asian female political leaders, especiallyregarding any shared, common factors in theirpolitical biographies”.Often, when women politicians become public figuresin media, little is known about their individualjourneys toward becoming politicians. By focusing ona selective sample of women politicians, this projectaims to unfold their entries or routes into politics,including the obstacles they faced, the strategies theyexplored to maintain or advance their political careersand their keys to success. The project likewise seeks toidentify any disabling or stumbling factors, whichconfronted them as they immersed themselves inpolitics.Research MethodsFrom recommendations by the host organization andthe key contact, a list of possible interviewees wasdrawn and the list expanded throughout the researchperiod, as the snowballing effect persisted.Concurrently, data was gathered through Internetsearches via news sites, government websites, politicalparties’ websites, organizational websites, and blogs.Combining all the available names, a matrix was drawnto help identify key candidates to study.This research only covers a small sample size of womenpoliticians, and is limited to the accessibility of theinterviewees. Nevertheless, attempts were made toensure diversity and the inclusiveness of the sample tocover members of the ruling and opposition parties,representatives of interest groups, as well asindependent candidates, and those currently orformerly holding an elective position. I alsointerviewed some former politicians, cabinet members,and voters, women activists and their supporters andsupport staff.The rapport I built with my main informants andsome of the participants in this research project wentbeyond merely an interview session. In this sense, Iagree with Bloom (1998) who wrote, “Feministinterviews are dialogic in that both the researcher andrespondent reveal themselves and reflect on thesedisclosures”. My interaction with the participantsvaried from merely being an observer or participant ina public forum or political campaign, to having indepthinterviews that lasted from 30 minutes to threehours in their personal premises. I also receivedpermission to shadow a few women politicians upclosefor a day or more, during their official, social, andeven private functions.The final product of this research project, thedocumentary film, was produced out of our mutualinteractions, conversations, and, at times, our sharingof life experiences together.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

224 Panel 5HISTORICAL CONTEXTIn Japan, the women’s suffrage movement started inthe late 19 th century. Nonetheless, it was only in 1946when the Japanese women stood for election and votedfor the first time, namely, in the election of members ofthe House of Representatives. The positive result ofthe election whereby 39 of the 79 women who ran forpublic office were elected, enhanced momentum thefollowing year, when Japan’s new constitution wasenacted. Debate over the equality of the sexes came tothe forefront.While the Japanese women’s movement evolved fromthe fight for suffrage for women in the 1920s to theestablishment of a radical feminist movement in the1970s, contemporary women’s movements are ratherdiversified and woven into other civil movementsincluding those focused on issues like labor, theenvironment, poverty, and anti-nuclear activism. Thediscourse on gender mainstreaming became significantin the 1990s, while the fourth United Nations WorldConference on Women was convened in Beijing,China in 1995. As for women institutions in Japan,the Women’s Suffrage Center was put up in 1946 (itwas called the Women’s Center back then), theNational Women’s Education Center (NWEC) in1977, and the Japanese Association of InternationalWomen’s Rights in 1987, after Japan had alreadyratified the CEDAW.Meanwhile, the women in the Philippines acquiredtheir right to vote in 1937; and the women’smovement continues to have a strong presence inPhilippine society. The political landscape of thePhilippines was shaped largely during the Marcosadministration (1965-1986), part of which period sawthe Philippines under martial law (between 1972 and1981). Unfortunately, while the collapse of martial lawwas attributed to the success of People Power in 1986,the participation of the women’s movement in thelarger anti-Marcos movement was basically sidelinedafter the people’s uprising.It is interesting to note that despite the country arehaving had two women presidents, their victories werehardly the result of feminist politics. For example, backin 1986, Corazon Aquino became an icon of theopposition after her husband, Benigno Aquino Jr, wasassassinated. With the support of the military, thechurch groups, her political party, and mostimportantly, the people during the People PowerRevolution, she became the first woman presidentafter the ouster of Ferdinand Marcos, the dictatoraccused of being behind the assassination of herhusband.The second woman president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA), the 14 th president of the Philippinesand daughter of the 9 th Philippine president,Diosdado Macapagal (1961-1965), secured her initialpresidential term (2001-2004) through anotherpeople’s revolution (People Power II) and militaryintervention, rather than through election.SOCIO-CULTURAL CONTEXTWithin the current social setting in Japan as it is,gender remains an important organizing principle interms of cultural expectations on the part of societyand in the assignment of social roles. Division of laboraccording to gender is apparent in both private andpublic spheres; and the clear distinction betweengender roles is taught to Japanese children from ayoung age. It is still widely believed that caregiving (i.e.,childcare and the care of the elderly) is the Japanesewomen’s primary role in the family, community, andsociety. Women are expected to manage the householdand ensure the wellbeing of each member of the familythrough the preparation of nutritional food, and themaintenance of a healthy and comfortable livingenvironment. In contrast, Japanese men are expectedto have a job and to be the “salary men”. Consequently,Japanese men are more likely to find full-timeemployment and to seek promotion. Gender is also amajor factor in attracting targeted consumers,especially in terms of media consumption.Gender divisions are less visible in the Philippines. Thelevel of political awareness is generally higher amongFilipinos. Specifically, the strong presence of thewomen’s movement in it has played an important rolein raising the political consciousness of Filipinowomen such that their political participation isdefined in a broader sense to include academe, NGOs,the civil movement. In addition, Filipino women arealso involved in efforts to effect social change throughformal and informal channels. However, Filipinowomen also still face multiple burdens at work and inthe household, taking up as they do, the responsibilityof childcare and the performance of household chores.Due to serious economic pressures in the country,many Filipino women have been looking for jobsoutside the Philippines and therefore constitute a goodportion of the large pool of Overseas Filipino Workers(OFW).The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE225The Political Participation of Women in JapanMy research period in Japan ran from July 2010 toJanuary 2011. I arrived in Japan on 1 July 2010, in themidst of the campaign period for the 22 nd UpperHouse election on 11 July 2010. On 31 August 2009,the then opposition party, the Democratic Party ofJapan (DPJ), experienced a groundbreaking victoryover the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in the LowerHouse election. Therefore, by the time I was there, theDemocratic Party of Japan (DPJ) was the incumbentruling party. 3The Pacific Asia Resource Centre (PARC), my hostorganization, and Otsuka Teruyo, the politicalsecretary of the DPJ, were my focal points in Tokyo.Through their recommendations and references, Igained access to a significant number of prominentwomen politicians and a wide network of feministscholars, women’s rights activists, non-governmentalorganizations (NGOs), and non-profit organizations(NPOs) in Japan.Brief Profile of Selected Women Politicians in JapanJapan has a bicameral system, which consists of theUpper House (Sangiin) and the Lower House(Shugin). The local levels are known as Metropolitan,City, Prefecture, and Ward.Upper House Members (44 women out of 242 seats)• Fukushima Mizuho has been the chair of SDP(Social Democratic Party) since 2003. She was alawyer prior to her first candidacy with SDP in1998. She was the Minister of State forConsumer Affairs and Food Safety, SocialAffairs, and Gender Equality when SDP was partof the ruling coalition with DPJ. In 2010, SDPstood firm in opposing the military base inOkinawa, and left the ruling coalition.Lower House Members (54 women out of 480 seats)• Tsujimoto Kiyomi of Osaka’s 10 th district wasan SDP member starting 1996, but turnedindependent in July 2010. Shehad later alignedherself with the LDP alliance of IndependentCandidates Club and appointed as DeputyTransport Minister. A student activistpreviously, she started the peace boat movement.• Miho Takai of DPJ entered politics byanswering an advertisement of DPJ in 2000upon her return from overseas studies. She wasthen in her late 20s. She was first elected at theage of 32.• Koike Yuriko is the Chairperson of the GeneralCouncil in LDP. She was the first femaleappointed as Defense Minister (2007). Prior toentering politics, she was a journalist specializingin Arabic.• Kyono Kimiko of Akita started as anindependent candidate in Akita Province in1999 but lost. She was elected in 2003, and in2005, she re-signed to run for a seat in the LowerHouse. Although she lost the election, herpolitical career was revived by way ofproportional representation, thereby paving theway for her ascent to national politics.LOCAL POLITICIANSCity Councilor (four-year terms)Kamikawa Aya of Setagaya ward made news by beingthe first open transsexual to stand and win in elections(2003) at the age of 35.Otsuka Emiko of Higashi Murayama is from SeikatsuSha Network. She was a housewife prior to herinvolvement in politics. After she lost her husband, sherealized that she had to be financially independent.Thereafter, she started to work for the sustenance ofthe family. She finally landed in Seikatsu Sha Network.Inomata Mie of Kawasaki City is a veteran in politics,having been on the field since 1991. Formerly fromSeikatsu Network, she is currently an independentcandidate.Former politicians interviewed include formerministers Akametsu Ryoko and Noono Chieko;former assemblywoman of Tokyo Metropolitan,Mitsui Mariko; and former local councilor of SapporoCity, Yamaguchi Taka.Routes to PoliticsMost women politicians interviewed claimed that theyhad had no plans or ambitions to take part in politicsduring their childhood. The opportunity to be inpolitics came later in their lives. Among the routes theyidentified were the following:The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

226 Panel 51. Working in GovernmentSome initially worked in the government departmentclosely linked to policy making. For example,Akametsu Ryoko of LDP worked her way up to beHead of the Department of Labor before herappointment as Minister of Education.2. Personal Fame or CelebrityQuite a number were celebrities or media personalitiesor even Olympic medalists before they were recruitedby a political party.3. Participation in the Civil MovementA significant number of women politicians were activein the civil movement before they became politicians.Most notably, the housewives movement in the 1970sand 1980s provided a platform for the Japanesewomen’s political awakening.4. Political RecruitmentPolitical parties have a recruitment process. Forexample, Miho Takai, the Lower HouseRepresentative of DPJ, said she actually responded toan advertisement while exploring her options uponreturning from studies abroad.The Catalyst EffectsFactors observed to have encouraged women’sinvolvement in politics were as follows:1. Japan and the Cold War PoliticsMost of the women experienced their politicalawakening during their student days when somespecific political event or issue catalyzed theirparticipation in politics. For example, Koike Yurikoand Tsuijmoto Kiyomi mentioned the impact of theCold War on their decision to follow their politicalcalling. Tsujimoto Kiyomi founded the peaceboat 4movement as a student and it was her activism that ledher to politics during the “Madonna boom”.2. Feminist Consciousness and the “Madonna Effect”When Doi Takako became the first woman presidentof the Japan Socialist Party (JSP), 5 she started torecruit women politicians to be part of the 1989Upper House election. This sudden boom in women’sparticipation in politics was widely known as the“Madonna Effect”. Doi not only recruited andnurtured a good number of women politicians fromcommunity-based social work and the civil movement,and from among feminist academics, but also becameknown for her impressive and inspiring “nonfeminine”leadership and mannerisms. Her legacycontinues to be acknowledged by contemporarywomen politicians, including lawyer FukushimaMizuho, the current president of SDP, TsujimotoKiyomi, and feminist activist, Mitsui Mariko.Subsequently, a decline in women’s participation inpolitics was noted. Then the number picked up oncemore when male politicians recruited women to run inthe elections. For example Ozawa, a veteran politicianfrom DPJ, was known to have supported the “Ozawagirls”. Similarly, there were women recruited byKoizumi in LDP: “Koizumi’s children”.3. Local Politics and the Citizen and ConsumersMovementApart from some women being recruited bymainstream political parties, what was unique in Japanwas the existence of local political parties like theCitizen Network and the Seikatsusha Net Club(SNC).SNC was set up as a local political party in the 1980s,with Seikatsu Club as its base. Seikatsu Club is acooperative movement, which started in the 1970s. Atthe time, it campaigned for safe food to be available atreasonable prices and opposed the consumer tax. Mostimportantly, SNC provided a mechanism forrecruiting women to join the local elections. In 1985,Tokyo-based SNC won its first citizen’s seat and by2010, there were about 50 women elected in variousparts of Tokyo. These women politicians were part ofthe local cooperative network and kept very closecontact with the residents in this area. SNC has sinceimposed a term limit whereby each female candidatehas a maximum term limit of three terms, equivalent to12 years. Thereafter, the SNC would support a newcandidate. This mechanism is implemented toencourage more women to participate in local politics.On the other hand, some women politicians opt outfrom the party after their term limit has expired anddecide to join the contest on their own asindependents, instead.4. Gender Mainstreaming and Gender QuotasAt the national level, the Association of FeministRenmei (AFER) was founded in 1992 to promote theThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE227political participation of women in government and inrecognition of the need to provide support for womenpoliticians. Since then, AFER has been active inpushing for 40 percent women’s participation, apartfrom voicing out issues pertaining to women. In theeffort to ensure women’s representation in allconstituencies, AFER also launched a campaign toeliminate the Zero-Women Representatives Assemblyby tracking and lobbying in the constituencies withoutany woman representative. Mitsui Mariko, one of thefounders of AFER, is a former Tokyo MetropolitanCity Councilor. When she was in that position, shecampaigned for the enactment of the SexualHarassment Act in the Metropolitan Tokyogovernment. The act has since been expanded to otherparts of Japan.The Political Participation of Women in thePhilippinesMy research period in the Philippines lasted threemonths, from February to May 2011. I arrived earlyFebruary 2011, and upon the recommendation of ProfMike Luz of the Asian Institute of Management(AIM) and contacts from women NGOs, I took aninterest in the heated debate on the ReproductiveHealth (RH) Bill, then being discussed in Congress.The bill aims to provide women with family planningfacilities and services, to empower them and reduce thealarming maternity mortality rate. The RH Bill isstrongly supported by the women’s movements andNGOs; but the Catholic Church is against it.Unlike Japan, which is showing a trend toward a twopartysystem, the number of parties in the Philippinesis fluid, with parties being formed, merged, anddissolved so frequently that party loyalty is hardlypracticed. Even though the number of womenpoliticians in the Philippines is higher than in Japan,most women politicians are usually from a politicaldynasty that enjoys a high societal or elite status butmay not necessarily represent women’s rights.In the Philippines, the national elections are for thePresident, the Senate and the House ofRepresentatives (Congress). At the local level, there areelections for the provincial, city, municipal, andbarangay levels.Brief Profile of Selected Women Politicians in thePhilippines• Leticia Shahani, former Senator (1987-1998). In1975, as a member of the Commission of theStatus of Women, Leticia R. Shahani preparedthe working draft of the CEDAW based on theUN Declaration. She was Secretary-General ofthe World Conference on the UN Decade ofWomen in Nairobi, Kenya in 1985.• Nieves Confessor, former Secretary of Labor andEmployment, the first female to hold theposition. She was also the first Asian woman toserve as Chairperson of the International LaborOrganization Governing Body (ILO).• Risa Hontiveros, former congress representativeand one of the founders of Akbayan (see point 3in “Routes to Politics” below). She is a strongadvocate of the RH Bill and Lesbians, Gays,Bisexuals, and Transsexuals (LGBT) rights. Sheran for Senator in 2010 as a guest candidate ofthe Liberal Party, the party of President BenignoAquino III, but lost.• Raida Bansil, who was appointed ascommissioner of the National Congress ofMuslim Filipino (NCMF) after completingthree terms as mayor of Kapatagan. She rebuiltKapatagan from ashes and was succeeded by herhusband as mayor in 2010.• Janette Garin, Congress Representative of the 1 stdistrict of Iloilo. After succeeding her husband,who is from a political family, she has since wonthree consecutive terms. She is an advocate ofthe RH Bill.• Perla Zulueta, city councilor of Iloilo city. She isthe only female in the council.Routes to Politics1. Political Clan or Kinship PoliticsIn the Philippines, one’s political clan and family nameplay an important role in politics. According toCEDAW Watch Philippines 2009, a study conductedby the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism(PCIJ) showed that most of the women in the Houseof Representative in 2001 were from political clans(UNIFEM 2009). The national politics of thePhilippines is deeply entrenched in kinship politics.Filipino feminist scholar, Mina Roces (1998, 2)pointed out that “While men held official power,women held power unofficially as wives, sisters,mothers, daughters, and even mistresses of malepoliticians”.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

228 Panel 5My observations are in line with Mina Roces’ (1998)argument that women power in the Philippines isdefined by the dynamics of kinship. According to her,power is not concentrated on and confined to theindividual politician, but held by her kinship group.On many occasions, the term limit set for variouspositions indirectly created more opportunities forwomen to participate in politics. For example, manywomen mayors were elected after their husbandsreached the maximum three-term limit. Thisphenomenon further illustrates “kinship politics”,where close relatives running for election are endorsedby the outgoing candidate. This could happen to eithergender as illustrated in the case of Raida BansilMaglangit, whose husband succeeded her as mayor ofKapatagan.2. The Politics of Gender Equality and the Women’sMovementIn the Philippines, many laws and acts have been put inplace to ensure gender equality. For example, theGeneral Appropriations Act of 1995 set aside 5percent of the budget for gender and developmentprojects. Republic Act 6949, on the other hand,declared March 8 as a special working holiday in honorof International Women’s Day. On top of that, Marchis also celebrated as Women’s Month.Apparently, the strong presence of the women’smovement has brought a significant number of womenactivists into decision-making positions ingovernment. For example, Remy Rikken who is theChair of the Philippine Commission of Women(PCW) was a veteran feminist, while Dinky Soliman,the Secretary of Department of Social Welfare andDevelopment, had a solid background in communityorganizing prior to her appointment in thegovernment.3. The Party List System Act and the Women’s PartyWith regard to women’s participation in politics, themost effective piece of legislature relating to it is theParty List System Act of 1995 which dictates that 20percent of the seats in the House of Representatives bereserved for party representatives from marginalizedsectors such as peasant communities, the urban poor,farmers, fishers, and women (Munez 2004). Under theParty List system, Gabriela Women’s Party, which wasan offshoot of the biggest alliance of women’sorganizations, won two seats.However, an individual political party may set its owngender quotas. For example, the Akbayan Citizen’sAction Party, a multi-sectoral party with a feministagenda, implements a gender quota within its party. Itdesignates that 30 percent of all leadership positions atevery level of the Philippine political structure bereserved for women. Prior to the success of GabrielaWomen’s Party and the Akbayan Citizen’s ActionParty, another women’s party, Albanse! Pinay(Advance! Philipinas) emerged. It was the first allwomen’sparty to win a seat in 1998. However, it laterfailed to retain any seat in the subsequent elections.Dominant Beliefs And Success Factors In PoliticsA. San-ban and the three Gs.In Japan, it is generally believed that politicians need tohave the “sanban” or three foundations. In the maledominatedpolitics of Japan, a politician needs toconsider acquiring “chiban” or family support,“kanban” or organized group support, and also“kaban” or financial support.Intriguingly, in a rather different context, somewomen politicians in Japan indeed possessed ratherscant resources when they started. However, they werehighly educated and politicized, and decided to joinpolitics after having already developed their ownpolitical influence and network in a social movementor through their professional credentials. Those whofall under the aforementioned category include thefollowing: lawyer Fukushima Mizuho, activistTsujimoto Kiyomi, feminist Mistui Mariko, housewifeYamaguchi Takai, and transwoman Kamikawa Aya.In contrast, Munez (2004) contends that women inpolitics are “not a widely held concern in thePhilippines”. Instead, it is widely believed that thethree Gs are the determinant factors for a politician towin an election. Munez (2004) expressed, “In thepopular mind, politics is for men and often,particularly come election time, is synonymous withguns, goons and gold”.It is likewise widely perceived that those with socialcapital and economic power have the means to be inpolitics.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE229B. Network and NumberPolitics is about numbers and networks, regardless ofthe background of the politicians. Their successes lie inwhether they get strong support from the voters orfrom the ones who have the authority to put them in aposition. Therefore, it is important for womenpoliticians to have a platform for maneuvering suchpolitical support from the public, be this through apolitical party which will provide network support,machinery, and financial sources; or throughcommunity activism— the NGOs, civil society, orissue-based groups.For example, Noono Chieko, former Minister ofJustice who enacted the reproductive health act inJapan recounted that “It might not be too exaggeratedif I say that there was not any women’s issue in theDiet”. 6 She found her network of support after makinghuge efforts to do so, “I found those who could sharethe same opinion and discussed with the people whoreally needed the new act”.Despite political support from a political party andsocial activism in the form of a citizen’s network(SNC), or a minority rights movement (KamikawaAya and sexual minorities), women politicians need tomaintain their public image and reach out to theirconstituency in order to sustain the voters’ support.This explains why politicians are often seen to beconstantly building their network of support, usingevery opportunity, for example, to organize events, giveinterviews to media, attend public forums as speakers,etc.C. Characteristics and PersonalitiesWhat characteristics do these women politicianspossess? They are mostly confident, determined, andpassionate about their choices, even if these may beuncharted paths. They do not give up easily—many ofthem have actually experienced failure and rejection,but persevered. While they acknowledge that they areoutnumbered, they do not think of themselves asinferior to their male counterparts. In fact, some haveto deliberately remind their counterparts of theirdifferences by wearing skirts, or pinning a big rose ontheir suit, so recounted Nieves Confesor. Womenpoliticians are also good communicators and goodlisteners, and are present to the people they arespeaking, despite their busy schedules. For example, inJapan, Yuriko Koike had this refreshing outlook: shediscarded the notion that as a woman, she faced genderdiscrimination from her male counterparts. To her,gender difference is not a concern because allpoliticians, including men, face obstacles; so, she seesevery obstacle as a challenge, which she will tacklealong the way.All candidates interviewed were enthusiastic andmotivated in their political career. They experienced astrong sense of fulfillment from their achievement, asthey believed they were in a position to effect positivechanges in society. All of them recognized theimportance of making a difference as a woman, eventhough they may not be active in the women’smovement, or may not have identified themselves asfeminists. A significant number of women politicianswere first elected only in their 40s or 50s, except for afew who started in their 30s. Almost all of them have auniversity degree, except for a few who were inuniversity but did not graduate because of theircommitment to start a family.The Challenges Women Politicians Face in PoliticsA. General Perceptions about PoliticsMost women have not been “attuned” to politics, andmost have never thought of politics as a viable careeroption. There is also a continuum of definitions forpolitics. For most, politics means joining a politicalparty, campaigning, or running for elections. For manyfeminists, politics is defined in a broader sense,including being active in a women’s movement, orjoining a rally. According to them, it is more effectiveto work from outside the system, either in NGOs,academe or civil society. Many perceive that by beingpart of the political system, one will be corrupted, notjust in the monetary sense, but also in terms ofprinciples, just so to stay in power. Most importantly,they do not believe in the effectiveness of the currentpolitical system. Even some of those interested inpolitics felt that they may not be qualified as they havelittle access and exposure to political networks. Eventhough this perception applies to both genders, thisaffects women more as there is a lack of representationin decision-making positions. As a result, many“women leaders” probably end up as leaders in the civilmovement, with little interest to run for election.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

230 Panel 5B. Socio-Cultural Expectations for WomenIn the Philippines, the perception of a woman’s role asa mother overpowers that of her role as politician.Many women politicians are often asked, “What aboutyour kids?” “Where is your husband?”. As highlightedby Carolyn Sobritchea, “Marriage is still viewed as thedestiny of women regardless of educationalattainments. The definition of woman is stillinterchangeable with her role as wife and mother, andher major concern is still the management ofhousehold affairs or family’s needs and theorganization of the family’s economic, spiritual, andphysical life”. While some women politicians receivesupport from their spouse or family, in my interviewswith the children of women politicians, a numbershowed their resentment toward their mothersbecause of the absence of the “latter” from their dailylives.Aya Kamikawa, who lived her early adult life as a manand later as a woman, comments that the public hasdifferent expectations of women and men. Whilemanliness is highly perceived as signifying“competence” in man, women who have their ownopinions would be regarded as “too strong”, “selfish” or“aggressive”. When I interviewed a male voter abouthis preference for women politicians, he said he prefersthem to manifest feminine style leadership, addingthat he perceived those with an aggressive style as beingmasculine.Masculine perception of a woman’s physicalappearance also affects the choice of attires andphysical outlook of women politicians. There havebeen occasions when a statement like “She is like aman” or “She behaves like a man” would be directed atwomen politicians as a neutral statement, a negativeremark, or a positive affirmation. In fact, physicalappearance and the manner of dressing contribute toimage building for women politicians. In Japan, eventhough androgynous, feminine, or professional attiresare acceptable for women politicians, these haveimplications on their public image. For example, whenYuriko Koike became the first minister of the ministryof defense, she was caught in a dilemma on theappropriate attire to use while carrying out her dutyduring a military inspection. In contrast, NievesConfesor deliberately wore accessories or a huge floweron her suit to remind her colleagues that she is awoman. In general, feminine outfits and traditionalcostumes are preferable for women politicians in thePhilippines, and it is, in fact, compulsory for them tobe in traditional costumes during official ceremonies.C. Religious Influences on Women’s Participationin PoliticsIn the Philippines, religions play a determinant role inpolitics. The Philippines is a predominantly Catholiccountry with about 80 percent of the population beingRoman Catholics. The Roman Catholic Church is, infact, very much involved in state politics. While theChurch groups are not against Christian women’sparticipation in politics, the hierarchy within theChurch is still male-leadership oriented. Obviously,the Church may not support issues that are deemed tobe in conflict with Church positions, for example, theRH Bill, which seemingly implies that women have theright to undergo abortion. On the other hand, theinfluence of Islam/Muslim in the Mindanao area,which is also referred to as the Autonomous Region ofMuslim Mindanao (ARMM), appears strong. AMuslim religious leader who sits in the Commission ofElection in the Philippines commented that whensomeone has to choose between two candidates ofequal strength, that person should choose the male asleader—this stands despite the fact that there are manyMuslim women leaders in Mindanao, and thePhilippines itself has already had two womenpresidents.D. Male Domination within the Political WorldIn general, male domination of political partiesremains notorious, so women merely assumesupportive roles rather than high decision-makingpositions. When women are appointed to the cabinet,they are usually confined to portfolios, which arerelated to family, education, or social welfare.In both countries, the experiences of women in politicsat the national and local levels were vastly different. InJapan, for example, most women politicianscommented that male-oriented norms and maledominatedstructures within a political party could bedemoralizing for them.In the Philippines, on the other hand, some decisionswere made during golf sessions or social functions sothat women politicians were expected to accommodateout-of-office hour’s activities or to socialize with theirmale counterparts. For instance, Nieves Confessorclaimed that she was made to “run with the boys”, untilshe got to a point where she demanded “No, let us dothis during work, Monday morning, and let me, as awoman, attend to my personal things on weekend”.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE231E. The Negative Implications of the ElectoralSystemThis research found out that the single seat systemwhereby only one candidate is selected for a particularconstituency has a determinant impact on womencandidates in an election. The system operates like aninvisible filter that favors male candidates over femaleones because of the public perception that men are the“natural leaders”. Feminist researchers generally agreedthat “A Proportional Representation (PR) electoralsystem is more favorable to the representation ofwomen than the single-member constituency system”.(Dahleup 2010).Both Japan and the Philippines have incorporated theproportional representative system, but most of theconstituencies in Japan still use the single seat system.Even though the party list system in the Philippines issupposed to protect the interest of minority groupsincluding women, in recent years this system has beenused by a few well-established male politicians such asMikey Arroyo, Gloria Arroyo’s son, to gain seats forhimself and some party mates. Mikey Arroyo indeedused the party list system to avoid having to run againsthis mother, and to still gain a seat for himself with hisnew NGO or party.Certainly, the high election deposit fees were also citedas a challenge to some women politicians, especially asthis cost may not be recovered after election, unless thewoman candidate will have managed to receive acertain percentage of votes. The fees pose a barrier toentry, especially to those who lack the financial meansto mount a campaign.F. Media Strategies: What Gets to the News?Media plays an important role in politics, as it is thesource of information for the public to decide whomto vote. However, media portrayals of women arealways of the stereotype variety. Within this context,media coverage of women politicians is also skewedtowards certain other stereotypes, e.g., womenpoliticians tend to get coverage based on personal newsrather than their personal views on policy matters.Still, media exposure and personal fame are influentialfactors in women’s entry into politics. Many womenpoliticians are invited by the male-oriented politicalparties to join them because of these women’s highcelebrity status. It has been widely recognized thatsome women politicians are former TV celebrities,actresses, or even Olympic gold medalists. Thistendency is closely linked to the “celebrity-centric”media, which play on the fame of these personalitiesmore than their political ideology or contribution.While this “celebrity” factor is not limited to females,the capability of women as politicians is doubted moreoften than that of their male counterparts. Therefore,women politicians need to be able to utilize media totheir advantage.In Japan, many of the women politicians are authors ofbooks and maintain blogs to share their opinions,schedule and activities.CONCLUSIONSPolitics Is GenderedPolitics in itself is “gendered”. Each gendered person issituated within his or her specific living environment,socio-cultural context, and a variety of social networks.Gender determines one’s level of access toinformation, resources, and opportunity for power.For example, girls who lack role models in politics willbe less likely to aspire to be a political leader comparedto boys.Despite social changes that enable women access topublic spheres in education, employment, technology,and science, the perception that women are confinedto either their household or gendered social circles stillholds true. According to Rashidah Ramli (2005),“Power tends to be associated with the public sphere ofexistence.… Thus, in order to maintain power,especially in a male dominated system, the powerstructures can choose to make women invisible”. In theface of the “big boys club” in politics, women couldeither “cross over” to the boys’ network, or start theirown network until it is substantial enough to demandinclusivity in politics.While women politicians are often being asked abouthow they manage between being mothers and wives,male politicians are hardly ever asked about their rolesas fathers and husbands. We are also tricked by ourbiases if we tend to question the credibility of womenpoliticians who have made it due to kinship politics, ortheir celebrity status, but fail to apply the samequestion to discredit male politicians. In fact, malepoliticians who use the same routes are praised forbeing resourceful and influential in exercising theirpower. For our part, we should start educating theThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

232 Panel 5younger generations that both leadership and politicsare as well the rights of women, rather than merelyreinforcing these gender stereotypes.Is Affirmative Action a Solution?The question on how to increase women’sparticipation in politics has been debated on at theinternational level in the UN World Conferences onWomen since three decades back. While affirmativeaction has been introduced as a workable solution toincrease women’s participation in politics, argumentsthat substantive representation is not guaranteed byaffirmative action have been raised, because womencan be integrated into the male-dominated politicalsystem as a form of “tokenism”.However, it is important to recognize that affirmativeaction has been put forward to address the symptom ofgender imbalance in leadership positions by trying toensure the presence of 30 percent or more women inall levels of decision-making. It is hoped that thisminimum 30 percent will form a critical mass that willeffect change in the existing power structure, and inthe male-dominated political culture, thus allowinggreater opportunity for gender equality to beestablished. The gender quota should be implementedas an integrative strategy, together with gender equalitypolicies and the existence of a supportive network, inorder for women candidates to contest and winelections.Democratization and Feminist Political NetworksIf we treat politics as a powerhouse, we need todemocratize the current power structure or theexisting political system to enable the distribution ofpower to women. Despite the current politicalmilestone that has been achieved by women politiciansin Japan, in the 2009 JAC (Japan AccountabilityCaucus) NGO Joint Report, the government of Japanwas condemned for failing to enact effective publicpolicies to increase women’s substantive participationin politics.Instead of waiting and hoping for the current politicalsystem to align itself, it is crucial to have feministpolitical networks that will lobby the government tobring about greater political participation of women,and representation for feminist politics at the estatelevel, while at the same time providing effectivesupport to women politicians to contest and winelections. Here, I apply the broader definition of theterm “feminist” as referring simply to “someone who isaware of the subordinate social position of women inhis/her society and attempts to do something toreduce gender inequity”. The cases of SNC and AFERin Japan and Akbayan in the Philippines are clearexamples of efforts initiated from the bottom up.Instead of seeing the current situation of genderimbalance as “disempowering”, we could view thissituation as an important yet strategic historicaljuncture for forming a feminist political representativenetwork. This network would facilitate, recruit, orprovide support to women’s entry in national politics,and push for greater electoral reform. It would likewisepush for the inclusion of a gender sensitization strategyin voters’ education.Towards implementing these changes, it is not enoughto merely increase the quantity of women taking partin politics; just as essential is improving the quality ofsuch political participation. Therefore, it is importantfor the younger generation of women to be inspired totake part in national politics for social change. Withthese in mind, the documentary film was made tocapture the journeys of various women politicians andthe forces behind their success, as case studies forfuture generations.AcknowledgementI would like to acknowledge and express my gratitudeto everyone who has helped me in this project, rightfrom the application for the fellowship, up until thesubmission of this report. Apart from gettingassistance from the host organizations, I also receivedpersonal support from many others. Allow me,therefore, to express my sincere thanks to those whohelped me in the process of researching andinterviewing for the documentary, and, ultimately, inits production.NOTES1http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm, accessed on 31 July2011.2 http://www.cedaw2010.org/index.php/about-cedaw/ratification-scorecard/40, accessed on 31 July 2011.3http://www.shugiin.go.jp/index.nsf/html/index_e_strength.htm, accessed on 3 September 2010.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE2334Peace boat started as an NGO with the aim to promote worldpeace, whereby a boat was chartered to bring students abroadfor visits, for them to interact, exchange views and knowledgewith the locals of each country. It has evolved into a businessoperation offering round-the-world trips.Freidanvall, Drude Dahleaup and Lenita. 2010. Judging genderquotas: predictions and results. The Policy Press. ISSN03055736, 407.IPU. 2011.5Changed later to Social Democratic Party (SDP).6 Diet: The Parliament of JapanAPPENDIXNumber of women in Parliament (http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/arc/classif310711.htm)JAC, Japan Accountability Caucus for the Beijing Conference.2009. NGO Joint Report of Japan. Compilation of principalareas of concern and recommendations regarding women’sstatus and rights in Japan, 2009.Kinjo, Kiyoko. 1995. Japanese Women, ed. Kumiko Fujimura-Fanselow and Atsuko Kameda. The Feminist Press.Munez, Marlea P. 2004. Can Reforms Withstand Guns andGold Politics? In Southeast Asian Women in Politics andDecision-Making, Ten Years After Beijing, Gaining Ground? ed.Augustus Cerdena, Joanne Barriga, Sara Franz,SEAWWATCH Beate Martin, 129-196. Manila: FriedrichEbert Stiftung.Ramli, Rashila. 2005. Elections and Democracy Malaysia. InExpanding Women’s Participation: Examining the Options, ed.Mavis Puthucheary and Norani Othman. Malaysia: UniversitiKebangsaan Malaysia.Santos, Endrinal Parreno and Aida F. Women in Politics in thePhilippines, An Overview. Women’s Education, Development,Productivity & Research Organization (WEDPRO), Inc.* Figures correspond to the number of seats currently filled inParliament* The rankings do not reflect the actual world rankings becausethere could actually be more than one country sharing oneparticular rank within this list.BIBLIOGRAPHYTakao, Sasuo. Japanese Women in Grassroots Politics: Buildinga Gender-Equal Society from the bottom up. Curtin Universityof Technology.Ting, H. Khadijah Sidek and Fatimah Hashim. Two ContrastingModels of (Malay) Feminist StruggleUNIFEM. 2009. Making the Philippine MDG Report Gender-Responsive.Bloom, Leslie Rebecca. 1998. Under the Sign of Hope, FeministMethodology and Narrative Interpretation. Albany: StateUniversity of New York.Carolyn I. Sobritchea, PhD. 2009. Integrating CEDAW andother Human Rights Conventions in School Programs: ThePhilippine Experience. Imperial Tara Hotel, Sukhumvit Soi,Bangkok, Thailand: Asian Center University of the Philippines,Diliman, 9-13 February.Dahleup, Drude and Lenita Freidanvall. 2010. Judging genderquotas: Predictions and results. The Policy Press. ISSN03055736 (The Policy Press): 407.Fleschenberg, Andrea. 2008. Women’s Political Participationand Representation in Asia: Obstacles and Challenges. InWomen and Politics in Asia, ed. Kazuki Iwanaga, 24-54.Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS).The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

234 Panel 5China’s Confucius Institute and Its Civilizing Mission in the Mekong Region 1Nguyen Van ChinhIntroductionThe rise of China and its impact on the world ingeneral and its neighbors in particular have drawngreat attention from academia and policy-makers.Most work on China’s role in the Mekong basin tendsto concentrate on investment, trade, economic aid andimmigration flows. Yet together with its increasingeconomic influence, China has also sought to spreadits culture, in the service of its national interests.In the view of Koh (2011:202), China is attempting toobtain a “seat at the top table” and “to be respected bythe world”. To realize this goal, the Communist Partyof China (CPC) believes that it needs not only “hardpower” (economic and military strength) but also “softpower” (diplomacy, aid and culture). Academic workby Chinese scholars highlights the importance of softpower “for the sake of its {China’s} diplomaticstrategy” (Yu Xintian 2007; He Qinglian 2009). In theview of He Qinglian, Chinese language schools,overseas Chinese associations, and Chinese languagemedia have long been the “three precious treasures ofthe overseas united front” for the Chinesegovernment. He has emphasized the importance ofConfucius Institutes (CI) as an instrument to bringChinese communist cultural values to the world.“Foreign aid and comprehensive, mutuallypenetratingeconomic relations are the core ofChina’s “soft power” resources—this, unlike the“soft power” recognized by the internationalcommunity, is actually the “hard power” ofeconomic strength being peddled by China as“soft power”; and it is, under the promise of“incentives,” Chinese Communist culturalvalues and ideas cloaked in “ConfuciusInstitutes,” aimed at getting the world to accepta “Chinese culture” whose flavor has long agogone bad” (He Qinglian, 2009).Joseph Nye, an American scholar who fathered thetheory of soft power, has agreed, up to a point, that CIplay a significant role in China’s soft power projection.He has stated that “although China is far from equal inAmerica’s soft power, it would be foolish to ignore thegains it is making” (Nye, 2005). The role of CI hasengendered considerable debate. Some support theidea that CI are “an important part of China’s overseaspropaganda” (Economist, Oct 22 nd 2009; Chey 2008).Others consider CI “both as an arm of Chinese “softpower” abroad and as a potential vehicle forintelligence gathering” (McDownwel, 2010). Otherresearchers believe that the establishment of CIglobally does not necessarily strengthen Chinese softpower because China still struggles to cope with morefundamental issues such domestic poverty and socialdisorder. Furthermore, “the popular culture of Chinais feeble to influence the world” (Ren Zhe 2010).Taking these debates into account, this paper exploresthe establishment of CI in the Mekong basin countriesin general and in Thailand in particular.The establishment of Confucius Institutes in theMekong regionIn around 2005, China began to negotiate withcountries of the Mekong basin to set up CI. On 11January 2006, the China Office of Education forTeaching Chinese as a Foreign Language (Hanban) inBeijing signed an agreement with the Ministry ofEducation (MoE) of Thailand establishing aframework of cooperation for Chinese languageteaching, and permitting the establishment of CI andConfucius Classrooms in universities, secondaryschools and primary schools in Thailand. Under theagreement, the CI would receive funding, programs,curricula and volunteer teachers from China, in orderto conduct teaching and to organize cultural exchangeactivities (MoE 2006). The rationale for the agreementhas been stated in Thailand as being the result ofChina’s rapid economic expansion in the country, andas supporting the improvement of Thai-Chineserelations and mutual understanding since “Thailandneeds specialist human resources on China,particularly in the Chinese language and ChineseStudies” (Kriengsak 2008).The connection between the strategy of Chinesecultural expansion and the demand for humanresources in Thailand led to the swift establishment ofCI in Thailand, and to Chinese as a foreign languageThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE235being permitted to be taught at all levels of theeducation system. A five-year strategic plan (2006-2010) for promoting the study of Chinese wasapproved by the Thai cabinet in May 2006.While Thai governments have welcomed the CI,efforts to establish this educational institution in othercountries of the Mekong region have not been asfavorable. Most CI in other Mekong countries wereopened during 2009 – 2010, later than in Thailand.The other Mekong countries have only one small-scaleCI or Classroom, and the activities of these arerelatively quiet compared to the CI in Thailand. Thereasons for this are not entirely clear. Possibilitiesinclude that CI may not have been welcomed by thelocal hosts, or that the countries were not seen asimportant enough to have more CI.Available information appears to indicate thatattempts to establish CI in Myanmar, Cambodia, Laosand Vietnam encountered difficulties. After initialnegotiations, the Hanban reached an agreement inFebruary 2008 with the Myanmar government onbuilding a CI in Yangon within a small high school,the Fuxing Language and Computer School. Theschool was established in September 2002. It is anaffiliated school under the Fujian Overseas ChineseAssociation. In 2009 it had more than 700 studentsand 20 teachers (Hanban, 2009).In Cambodia, a CI was established at the RoyalAcademy of Cambodia in Phnom Penh in 2009. Theopening ceremony on 22 December 2009 wasorganized jointly with China’s Jiujiang University inJiangxi province. As reported by Chinese media, thefirst class had 50 students, most of them from variousministries of the Cambodian government (Xinhuanet,2010).On 23 March 2010 the National University of Laosheld an official opening ceremony for an affiliated CI,established through joint efforts with GuangxiUniversity of Nationalities. Hanban reported thatabout 200 local trainees attended the first class andinstruction was carried out by six volunteer teacherssent from Guangxi (China CI, 2011).Vietnam is the only country that has not welcomed theintroduction of CI within its national educationsystem. In 2009, the Prime Minister of Vietnamannounced official permission for establishing a pilotCI. 2 However, this announcement appeared to be adiplomatic declaration rather than a firm decision, asthe location and timeframe for the establishment ofthe CI were not mentioned. Prior to the 2009announcement, on 4 April 2008, the University ofGuangxi and the University of Hanoi signed aMemorandum of Understanding (MOU) on theestablishment of a CI at the University of Hanoi. Thiswas to be a component of the Guangxi – VietnamEconomic Education Package worth USD 780 million(Hanu 2008). However, the CI component of theagreement has yet to be implemented. That is why in avisit to Vietnam in December 2011, China’s VicePresident Xi Jinping continued to hope that the twosides would further enhance cooperation in educationand culture, and “quickly facilitate the establishmentof Confucius Institute branches in Vietnam”(Xinhuanet, 21 Dec. 2011).Regarding the non-existence of CI in Vietnam, aChinese scholar and a member of governmentdelegations who had visited Hanoi several times, inpart to discuss the setting up of CI, said he was notsurprised. He believed it was a reflection of Vietnam’sforeign policy and stated:“If Vietnam does not require us to come, whatdo we come for? The presence of CI brings theVietnamese great advantages because theChinese government provides them withtextbooks, teachers, scholarships, and manyother useful cultural exchange programs withoutany charge. Otherwise, you have to learnChinese without any support like that”. 3In opposition to the above point of view, a seniorVietnamese educationalist explained his thinking asfollows:“It is not the government’s policy but thepeople’s perception. China just insists to workwith the Vietnamese government while ignoringfeedback from the grass-root levels. In thecurrent situation, if a Confucius Institute werebuilt, Vietnamese citizens would blame theirgovernment for being dependent on China. Inthe view of Vietnamese people, ConfuciusInstitutes are nothing but a political organ orhave a close association with politics [...]. Thismakes people allergic to the Confucius Institute,feel bad about it, and therefore causesdetrimental effects to the authorities. It isthought that when a Confucius Institute isestablished in Vietnam, it is synonymous withthe Vietnamese government’s confirmation ofsubordination to China”. (Ha Giang, 2009).The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

236 Panel 5There is a popular conception in Vietnam thatteaching Chinese is not simply providing languageskills. It is believed that the language conveys Chinesehistory, culture and ways of thinking to Vietnamesesociety. To a certain extent, the promotion of teachingand learning Chinese is considered a sensitive politicalissue due to the historic relations between the twocountries.. We may recall that in 1979 during theborder war between Vietnam and China, Chineselanguage teaching was abandoned at all levels ofVietnam’s educational system. Since the relationshipbetween the two countries was formally normalized in1991, Chinese was again introduced to students as aforeign language option at high schools anduniversities. However, most Vietnamese studentsnowadays prefer to study Western languages ratherthan Chinese. 4 Regardless, it is widely known thatVietnam is the only country in the Mekong regionwhich is completely affected by Confucian culture, andSino-Nom script was used widely in the country forcenturies before the Latin system was introduced. Thismakes Vietnam very different to other Mekongcountries, where Buddhism is considered the nationalreligion.CountryNumber ofCILocation & Year ofestablishmentCambodia 01 Royal Academy of Cambodia;December 22 nd , 2009Laos 01 National University of Laos;March 23 rd 2010Chinese PartnerJiujiang University in JiangxiProvinceGuangxi University ofNationalitiesMyanmar 01 Fuxing Language andn/aComputer Middle School,Rangoon, February 2008Thailand 23 Whole country, set up from Universities in China2006 to 2008Vietnam 01 In the making but not yet NoneopenTable 1: Distribution of Confucius Institutes and Classrooms in the Mekong basin countriesAddressRussian Federation Blvd.,Phnom Penh 3, CambodiaDongdok Campus, MuangSaythani, Vientiane, LaosNo.110, Sin Oh Dan Street,Latha Township, Yangon,MyanmarDistributed in the wholecountryPlanned to place in HanoiConfucius Institutes in Thailand1. From a historical perspective, the teaching andlearning of Chinese in Thailand has experienced manyups and downs within the fluctuating politicaleconomicrelationship between the two countries. Infact, Chinese was not permitted to be taught as aforeign language in the public education system ofThailand before the 1970s. This was chiefly due tofears over the penetration of Chinese communism intoThailand. From the early 1920s, overseas Thai-Chinese communities were considered a potentialchannel for spreading Communist and Maoistideology. According to Pierre Rousset (2009), theCommunist movement began to have a presence inThai society between 1920 and 1930, originating inThai-Chinese communities and among Chinesetraders and workers. The precursors of theCommunist Party of Thailand (CPT) included theCommunist Youth of Siam (CYS, established in 1927)and the Thai branch of the Chinese Communist Partyor the Chinese Communist Party of Thailand(CCPT). Throughout its existence the CPT wassupported by the Communist Party of China (CPC).The CPT entered a crisis point in the 1980s whenChinese diplomacy shifted to the West.On July 1, 1975, Thailand and China formallyestablished diplomatic relations. This opened the doorfor Chinese to be taught as a foreign language in theThai national education system.From Chinese policy-makers’ point of view, thepromotion of Chinese language teaching is motivatedby the following objectives: (1) To maintain andstrengthen the relationship between Chinesecommunities overseas and in the fatherland, (2) Tospread Chinese culture to the world, in order to opennew markets for China’s products and promoteeconomic cooperation with foreign countries, (3) Toserve China’s foreign policy strategy which aims toproject a good image and promote betterunderstanding of China abroad, and (4) To expandthe Chinese education network globally, which iscreating jobs for a large number of Chinese-languageteachers. The cooperation with Thailand on thediffusion of Chinese language and culture is part ofthese strategic objectives. 5The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE237In 1992, the Thai government officially sanctioned theteaching of Chinese as a foreign language at all levels ofthe education system. This resolution helped elevatethe status of the Chinese language to a similar level asthat of English, French, German and Japanese. Tenyears later, in 2002, out of a total of more than 40,000public and private schools in Thailand, 728 offeredcourses in Chinese. A total of 79,195 students wereparticipating at the primary level and 126,939 studentswere participating at the secondary level. The totalnumber of instructors of Chinese was 1,270.In the academic year 2004 — 2005, 73 vocational orhigher education institutions offered Chinese subjectsas major, minor and selective courses, with theparticipation of 16,221 undergraduate and 23graduate students (Patchanee & Suree 2010). Chineseas a foreign language is now taught at every level and inevery region of the country, taking a second position toEnglish.One explanation for the rapid success of Chineselanguage teaching and learning was the enthusiasticresponse of overseas Chinese communities inThailand. The ethnic Chinese community in Thailandis among the largest overseas Chinese population inSoutheast Asia, equivalent to that of Indonesia. Dataprovided by the Overseas Compatriot AffairsCommission (OCAC) in 2005 indicated that the totalpopulation of ethnic Chinese in Thailand was7,053,240, making up 15 percent of Thailand’spopulation. The concept of “being Chinese” inThailand however needs to be clarified carefully. Mostpeople of Chinese descent who live in Thailandnowadays adopt Thai values, language and culture.They grow up under the Thai education system. Manyare the result of intermarriages between Chinese andThais. They are no longer citizens of China and Thaican be considered their secondary ethnic identity(Chan KB & CK Tong, 1993). The assimilation andintegration process of the Chinese community intoThai society over many generations has meant that aportion of Chinese descendants are not able to speaktheir ancestral language and may perceive theirChinese origins as of less importance. This may alsohowever perhaps account for why many Thai-Chinesepeople are keen to learn their ancestors’ language, inorder to help them find their roots. Here is the voice ofa young Thai-Chinese:“I am a Chinese descendent born and bred inThailand. When I was little, I really could nottell whether where I was a Thai or a Chinese.Thai is my mother tongue and I have alwayscommunicated with others in the Thai language.But in the point of my inmost heart I always feela faint suspicion: Am I a Chinese or a Thai? Mygrandpa and grandma keep on telling me myancestors were Chinese. I am determined to lookfor my roots. So I want to learn Chinese becauseChinese is a very important tool to help me findmy roots and fulfill my dreams”. (People’s DailyOnline, 2004)2. In 2005, Hanban signed an agreement with theMoE providing for the establishment of CI within theeducation system of Thailand. From 2005 to 2008,China founded 12 CI and 12 Confucius Classrooms atsome of the most prestigious universities and schoolsof Thailand. Based on information gathered throughinterviews with leaders, faculty staff and students invarious CI in Thailand, I provide below a briefdescription of CI activities in Thailand. An initialassessment on the role of CI in Thailand will bediscussed.All CI in Thailand were established between 2006 and2009. Most are affiliated to public universities andhigh schools. (The CI located in Betong municipality,southern Thailand is unique in that it is situatedwithin a Thai municipal administration which has anacademic collaboration with a Chinese university). It isinteresting to note that virtually all of Thailand’s mostsignificant universities have a CI. These includeChulalongkorn University, Chiang Mai University,Mae Fah Luang University, Kasetsart University,Khon Kaen University, Mahasarakham University,Prince of Songkla University, Prince of SongklaUniversity in Phuket, Burapha University andMahasarakham University. Thammasat Universitydoes not have a CI but the Department of ChineseStudies at the Faculty of Liberal Arts and The PridiBanomyong International College of this universityare said to be among the leading Chinese teachinginstitutions of Thailand. 6 Suan Dusit RajchabhatUniversity at Suphanburi and BansomdejchaoprayaRajchabhat University each have a CI. 7As a common rule, each CI in Thailand is assigned topartner with a Chinese university. The Thaiuniversities are the local hosts while the Chineseuniversities are under the direct administration ofHanban in Beijing. Partners in China include leadinguniversities such as Peking University, ShanghaiUniversity, Xiamen University, Tianjin University,Guangxi University, and Yunnan University.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

238 Panel 5Under the direct guidance of Hanban, theorganizational structure of all CI is similar. Each CIhas a joint committee comprising five to sevenmembers. The committee has two directors, one Thaiand one Chinese, who are appointed by theiruniversities. The committee assembles once a year andgenerally includes the president or vice-president ofeach university, who act as chairperson or deputychairperson.Chinese directors and employees are appointed,administered and paid by Hanban. The duration of adirector’s term is two years, and can be extended. Thenumber of Chinese volunteer teachers working at eachCI depends on context, and the volunteers areappointed by Hanban and work under the director’sauthority. After their mission term of one yearteaching in Thailand, the volunteers return to theirhome universities.The Thai and Chinese universities are jointlyresponsible for CI operations. The host universities inThailand provide working space, including offices,libraries, classrooms and meeting rooms. The hostsalso provide the salaries of Thai staff and provideChinese volunteer teachers with direct financial inputssuch as assistance with water and electricity bills,sanitation and security services, lodging and lunch fees.In Mae Fah Luang University in northern Thailand,Chinese volunteer teachers are given a sub-incomepaid directly by the university. 8In term of financing, the Confucius Institute issupported by both China and Thailand. Through theHanban in Beijing, the Chinese government provideseach institute with an initial amount of USD 100,000.Hanban is also responsible for providing textbooks,teaching materials and monthly salaries for theChinese volunteer teachers. The case of the CI at MaeFah Luang University is an exception. In this case, theChinese government provided 60 million baht, orUSD 2 million to build a Chinese language andcultural center for CI activities. 9 This CI has thelargest number of undergraduate students, with 800Thai students attending its training courses who areexpected to receive a BA in Chinese Studies inconjunction with the Faculty of Liberal Arts. 10Confucius Classrooms are set up in primary andsecondary schools and are placed under themanagement of Hanban in Beijing and the Embassy ofthe People’s Republic of China in the Kingdom ofThailand. Generally these classrooms do not havepartner institutions in China. The ConfuciusClassroom in Bangkok’s Traimit Wittayalai HighSchool is an exception in that it is organized in theform of an institute. This was the first CI/Classroomto be established in Thailand. It was established in2006 and was supported with USD 380,000 forfacilities and equipment by local Thai-Chinesecommunities in Bangkok. The CI/ConfuciusClassroom in Traimit High School is considered aspecial success in Chinese language teaching andlearning at the secondary level.Though all CI are under the direct guidance ofHanban in Beijing, each has the freedom to design itsown programs which must be approved beforeimplementation. Common activities include:• Organizing short-term Chinese languagetraining courses (from three to six monthsduration) for different groups, including publicservants, teachers in universities and schools, andothers who want to learn. The curriculum mayinclude basic Chinese courses and courses forspecial purposes;• Organizing lectures, academic seminars,exhibitions, competitions, performances andactivities to promote Chinese art and culture.These include activities such as Chineseknowledge contests, tea ceremonies, classicalmusic events, karaoke contests, films/movies,gardening, Chinese ikebana, traditionalcostumes, Chinese cuisine, painting andcalligraphy, Kung-fu, and Chinese folk dancing;• Organizing Chinese Language Proficiency tests(HSK) for citizens of Thailand;• Providing library services;• Providing consulting services about study inChina or in Thailand and organizing short-termstudy tours in China;• Providing Chinese textbooks and collaboratingwith Chinese university counterparts to developteaching curricula and reading materials.Hanban places a strong emphasis on the importance oftextbooks originating in China. Dr. Xu Lin, Director-General of Hanban and Chief Executive of ConfuciusInstitute Headquarters has stated:“In the next three years, we should focus onteaching textbooks and teachers. No matterwhether it is for local teachers or teachersThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE239dispatched by Hanban, a universal trainingstandard is indispensable. We should also exertefforts in expanding coverage of Chinesetextbooks in the foreign market. We have morethan 40 million Chinese learners around theworld, but less than 20 percent of them read ourbooks. I think we have not done our best; thetextbook coverage should reach 80 percent. Thistask is a difficult but glorious one”. (Xu Lin,2010)Available information provided by the CI atChulalongkorn University indicates that volunteerteachers working in Thailand are directly recruited byHanban in Beijing from universities in China. Duringthe early years of CI in Thailand, only 310 volunteerteachers were sent to Thailand. By 2010 the numberhad increased to 1,214 (Confucius Institute VolunteerCenter, 2010-07-14). This figure does not include staffworking at the offices and libraries. As reported byHanban, the number is not adequate for the increasingdemand. One solution to cope with the shortage ofChinese teachers is to train local Thai teachers. Eachyear the CI Headquarters in Beijing selects about 50Thai teachers from Thai universities to train asHanban teachers. Some 200 Thai teachers haveparticipated in three training courses organized byHanban in recent years. Of these, about 70 candidateswere selected to be given additional training inChinese language skills and culture in order to bequalified to teach Chinese in their homeland. They areexpected to serve not only as language teachers but alsoas organizers of cultural activities. They thus mustlearn about Chinese lifestyles, cuisine, culture, movies,etc. As claimed by Hanban, the Thai teachers willapply Chinese ways of thinking, virtues and behaviorsin their work.3. Based on information gathered from various CI, keycharacteristics of the institutions include:First, CI and Classrooms are affiliated with either apublic university or a high school. CI activities are notnecessarily related to the training tasks and research ofthe educational institution. My discussions withprofessors and students at relevant universitiessuggested that many had only a vague knowledge of theCI at their institution. Hanban news bulletinsregularly state that CI in Thailand have closecollaboration with the university they are attached to.Yet my observations suggest that this relationship maynot go very deep. Most CI conduct short-term trainingcourses that are designed for society at large, not onlystudents. Their major task is perhaps providing Thaicitizens with Chinese Language Proficiency tests(HSK) and organizing cultural exhibitions, book fairsand other activities in and outside of the university.Nonetheless, the presence of CI at large publicuniversities of Thailand is a noteworthy achievement.This is because:3.1 The existence of CI within public universitiesprovides an important signal of the friendshipbetween Thailand and China, helps makeThai people feel closer to China, and satisfiesthe desires of those who want to learn moreabout China. CI are thus ambassadors forChinese culture in Thailand.3.2 Being situated inside universities of repute, theimage and perception of CI and their teachingquality is boosted. The affiliation with localhost universities saves expense and time asthey are provided with facilities, offices,classrooms and reputation.3.3 CI activities receive greater attention from notonly the public but also the elite, includinggovernment officials and members of theextended Thai royal family. This elevates theimage of CI in the public perception.Secondly, although most CI in Thailand are based inpublic universities, they are not properly managed bythe Thai educational system. CI operateindependently regardless of the fact that they areformally joint institutions, and that local hostuniversities are responsible to appoint boardrepresentatives and to contribute funding. CI boardshave limited power as they are placed directly underthe administration of CI Headquarters in Beijing.Hanban supplies volunteer teachers, teachingmaterials and approves activity programs. CI mustsubmit proposals for programs and activities toHanban for approval. My informants tend to explainthat process is to avoid any misunderstandings aboutthe role of CI or any activities which could beinterpreted as “an act of aggression in culture”.Thirdly, as pointed out earlier, most CI are located inlarge public universities and in locations with a highdensity of Thai-Chinese people. This is highly effectivefor spreading Chinese language and culture among theelite of society, with support from local Chinesecommunities.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

240 Panel 5Thailand is a Buddhist country with cultural valuesthat are in many ways quite different from those ofChina’s Confucian based-culture. Even though Thai-Chinese communities have integrated deeply intoThai society and the Thai language is a compulsorysubject in all schools, the enduring presence of Chinesecommunities in Thailand has familiarized the societywith Confucian values. Aspects of Confucian culturehave gradually penetrated into local Thai communitiesover centuries. Acculturation between Thai andChinese communities has taken place in which “thedescendants of Chinese immigrants have beenassimilating into Thai society since the beginnings ofChinese settlement in Siam […] and practically allgrandchildren of Chinese immigrants achievedcomplete assimilation to Thai society”. (Skinner,1957). Skinner’s argument may have generated somecontroversy on the ethnic Chinese and theirintegration into Thai society (Chan & Tong 1993),but no one can deny that Thailand is home to probablythe most integrated overseas Chinese community inAsia, and that Chinese culture has become part ofmodern Thai society.With a population of more than 7 million people whoclaim to be ethnic Chinese (OCAC 2005), overseasChinese in Thailand play a very important role in theKingdom. This helps explain why CI have beenwarmly welcomed in Thailand and why the mostsuccessful CI are located within areas where the localThai-Chinese communities dominates such as aroundTraimit High School in the heart of Bangkok’sChinatown, Mae Fah Luang University in Chiang Raiand Khon Kaen University in Khon Kaen province.Thanks to strong support from Thai-Chinesecommunities who dominate commercial activities inKhon Kaen city, the CI at Khon Kaen University hasbecome widely known. In 2007 it was recognized asone of the top twenty excellent CI in the world, and in2010 its leader was awarded a prize for the ConfuciusInstitute Individual Performance Excellence (KhonKaen University 2010).The CI in Betong municipality is not affiliated with apublic university but an administrative unit. Thisexception was endorsed by Hanban because 45 percentof the city residents are overseas Chinese (ConfuciusInstitute 2010). In return, CI and Classrooms havereceived great support by the local Chinesecommunity. Cultural activities organized by CI such asthe Chinese New Year festival 2011 drew greatattention from the media and visitors.In Bangkok’s Chinatown, Chinese associationsprovided USD 380,000 for the construction anddevelopment of a CI at Bangkok Traimit High School.These joint efforts have received a great deal ofrecognition and respect in Thailand and in China.(Traimit High School News 2010).Chinese Associations in Thailand such as the TeochewAssociation, the Hakka Association, the Thai HainanTrade Association and the Fujian Association havecontributed significantly towards the activities of CI.These affluent organizations play an important role inconnecting business networks between Thai-Chinesecommunities and the China mainland (Zhuang &Wang 2010).It should be added that private language centers inThailand also began to offer Chinese language trainingcourses many years ago. Many have collaborative linkswith institutions or organizations in China. TheOriental Culture Academy (OCA) for instance, hasoffered Chinese training courses since 1993 and hascooperated with Hanban in holding Chineseproficiency tests (HSK) and in providing scholarshipsto send students to further their study in China. In theacademic year 2008, this private institution attractedmore than 21,000 students to its classes (ThaweeTheerawongseri, 2009).Nowadays, the increasing flow of people who leaveChina for work, study or business abroad can also shedlight on relations between Beijing and the overseasChinese community, which has a long history. In adiscussion of the “invisible bond”, Shao Dan(2009:33) argued: “In defining Chinese nationality,the ancestral aura and power legitimizing bloodline isstill influencing how the Chinese understand theirnationality membership and political allegiancetoday”. It is deemed that the establishment of CI at theheart of overseas Chinese communities helps not onlythe Chinese immigrants recollect their origins butpromotes the bonds between them and China.Concluding remarksCI in Thailand account for 25 percent of the totalnumber of CI in Asia. The boom of CI andClassrooms in Thailand is closely related to the rise ofChina and its strategic policy of exporting its cultureto the world. While Thailand is open to the Chineselanguage and sees the ties with China as anopportunity for development, other countries in theThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE241Mekong basin region seem to be more cautious aboutthis generous gift from their giant neighbor. Thailandhas 23 CI and Classrooms, compared to just one ineach of the rest of Mekong region countries (theproposed CI in Vietnam has yet to be set up). Incontrast to other foreign cultural institutions, such asthe British Council or Centre Culturel FrancaisL’Espace_ the CI chose to affiliate with publicuniversities and high schools. Every year, Hanbansends about 1,500 volunteer staff to Thailand andother countries in the Mekong region with the missionof bringing the Chinese language and culture to theThai and Mekong people.Local response to this new development is relativelydiverse. My conversations with local people inThailand and Vietnam indicate a variety of views onCI activities. Most Vietnamese people expressedhistory-based opinions that reflected concerns aboutthe establishment of CI in the country. They wereconcerned over risks of dependency on China. Bycontrast, Thai people see positive as well as negativeimpacts. They give at least four reasons for why they ortheir children should study Chinese culture andlanguage: 1) Learning and speaking the Chineselanguage distinguishes them “from the crowd” asEnglish is nowadays too popular; 2) MasteringChinese is a heartfelt aspiration of Thai-Chinese whoare deeply integrated into Thai society and no longerspeak their ancestral tongue. Studying Chinese is agood way to return to their origins and respect theirancestors; 3) The increasing presence of China inThailand and other Mekong basin countries bringsmore employment opportunities for local people whoare able to speak Chinese; 4) Princess Maha ChakriSirindhorn is often mentioned as an example of a greatlearner who has spent many years studying Chineseand gaining a background in Chinese culture.The question can be raised as to why China investssuch large effort into supporting many CI in Thailand,and why Thailand has shifted from previous policies ofThai-ization of Chinese immigrants to warmlywelcoming Chinese language and culture. The initialfindings of this study suggest that Thailand perhapsoccupies an important position within China’sdiplomacy in the Mekong region and in theAssociation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)generally. While this hypothesis needs furtherempirical data to prove, it is certain that China’scultural expansion is built upon its global strategy toconduct a “charm offensive”.NOTES123456This paper is the result of an API fellowship award by theNippon Foundation for 2010-2011. I would like to thankProf. Sunait Chutintaranond, IAS Director atChulalongkorn University; Prof. Chayan Vaddhanaphuti,RCSD Director at Chiang Mai University; Prof. ShimizuHiromu, CSEAS Director at Kyoto University for theirwarm hospitality and support during my affiliation with theirinstitutions. My deep gratitude goes to Prof. Fu Zengyou,Director of the Confucius Institute at ChulalongkornUniversity; Prof. Cen Rong Lin, Co-Director of theConfucius Institute at Mae Fah Luang University; Dr. YuQinwei, Director of the Confucius Institute at Chiang MaiUniversity; and many more faculty staff working at variousCI in Thailand. They spent hours meeting me and sharingwith me their common interests. I am also very grateful to theNational Research Council of Thailand (NRCT) forsupporting my research in Thailand; Dr. Thanya Sripana(Chulalongkorn University) and Dr. Thanet Aphornsuvan(Thammasat University) for their kind assistance and forsharing with me their wisdom. I do believe that without theirassistance, this small piece of study could not have beenrealized, though I do understand that the study needs morework to meet the requirements of all readers, and I am aloneresponsible for that.On April 6 th 2009, the Vietnam Government Officeofficially issued document No. 1992/VPCP-QHQT toannounce that Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung had agreedto permit a pilot project of the Confucius Institute to be builtin Vietnam. The document however did not mention indetail how, when and where the institute was to beinaugurated. Source: http://vanban.chinhphu.vn/portal/page/portal/chinhphu/hethongvanban (Accessed 1 July2012)Interviews with Dr. Yu Quinwei, Director of the ConfuciusInstitute at Chiang Mai University, Thailand on 1 December2010.A survey conducted by the Newspaper Nguoi Lao Dong[Labor] reported that Departments of Chinese Studies atvarious universities in the country found it difficult to findstudents to register for Chinese language as students couldnot find jobs after graduation. See: Nganh Ngoai Ngu TeoDan [Foreign language studies narrows down] in: Nguoi LaoDong, 17 May 2011.For further information on the global mission of China’sConfucius Institutes, see the long interview in GuangmingNet with Dr. Xu Lin, Director General of Hanban, posted atthe following site: http://english.hanban.org/article/2010-08/16/content_167061_7.htm (Accessed 1 July 2012)As informed by this institution at its website (http://www.pbic.tu.ac.th/main/node/968),? The Chinese StudiesInternational Program at Pridi Banomyong InternationalThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

242 Panel 5789College is unique because it has a close relationship with theSchool of International Studies at Peking University inChina; students in the program are required to spend at leastone semester abroad at Peking University; and the coursesoffered by the Chinese Studies International Program atThammasat are equivalent to courses offered at PekingUniversity,Most of the so-called Rajabhat Universities in Thailand weredeveloped from the former Rajabhat Institutes, whichbelonged to the provincial teacher college system.Interviews with Prof. Cen Rong Lin, Co-Director of theConfucius Institute at the Mae Fah Luang University,August 15, 2011.Information carved on the stone stele unveiled as part of theopening ceremony of the Confucius Center in Mae FahLuang University informs that the 60 million-baht centerwas a gift from the Government of the People’s Republic ofChina, constructed by engineers and craftsmen from Yunnanprovince, based on plans by a Sichuanese architect.10 According to Prof. Cen Rong Lin, CI Director at Mae FahLuang University, the Chinese language training program atthe CI of Mae Fah Luang University is of four years duration.Students who graduate from this program are awarded aBachelor’s degree. This is different from the training programoffered by other CI, which aim to provide short courses ofthree to six months only (interviews with Prof. Cen RongLin, August 15, 2011).REFERENCESChan Kwok Bun, Tong Chee Kiong.1993. RethinkingAssimilation & Ethnicity: The Chinese in Thailand.International Migration Review, Vol.2, Spring 1993.Chey, Jocelyn, 2008. Chinese “Soft Power” – Diplomacy andThe Confucius Institute podcast, Sydney Papers Vol. 20 No. 1,pp. 33-48.China Confucius Institute, 2011 An Introduction on theConfucius Institute at National University of Laos http://www.cnconfucius.cn/institution/hanban/confuciusclass/2011-01-07/444.html (Accessed 1 July 2012).Traimit High School News. 2010 Brief Introduction onConfucius Classroom in Traimit High School. http://english.chinese.cn/confuciusinstitute/article/2010-12/03/content_340897.htm (Accessed 1 July 2012)Confucius Institute (Hanban), 2010. Introduction to theConfucius Institutes; http://english.hanban.org/node_10971.htm (Accessed 1 July 2012).Confucius Institute Volunteer Center, 2010. The 2010 ThaiVolunteer Chinese Teachers’ Living & Working ConditionsFact-Finding Meeting Convenes in Bangkok; 2010-July-14.Economist, 2009. A message from Confucius. New ways ofprojecting soft power; http://www.economist.com/node/14678507 Oct 22. (Accessed 1 July 2012)Hà Giang, 2009. tử tại Nên Việt hay Nam không [Should nên thành a Confucius lập Học Institute viện Khổng beestablished in Vietnam? RFA Interviews with Dr. NguyenThanh Liem]. http://www.rfa.org/vietnamese; 2009-04-19.Hanban, 2009. Confucius Institute at Fuxing School Myanmarhttp://210.40.3.82/en_US/2/58/read/864;jsessionid=416574528F33911889D6B29B5693232D(Accessed 1 July 2012).Hanu (University of Hanoi City), 2008. Ký kết biên bản ghi nhớthành lập học viện Khổng Tử [MOU signing ceremony onestablishment of Confucius Institute], http://www.hanu.vn/He, Qinglian, 2009. “Soft Power” with Chinese CharacteristicsIs Changing the World”; http://www.hrichina.org/crf/article/3175 (Accessed 1 July 2012)Khon Kaen University, 2010. The Vice President for Academicand International Affairs selected an individual withperformance excellence http://kkuinter.kku.ac.th/2010/index.php/news/1-latest-news/150-the-vice-president-foracademic-and-international-affairs-selected-an-individual-withperformance-excellence-(Accessed 1 July 2012)Koh, Tommy, 2011. “21 st Century: China and the World”; in:China in the Next 30 years;http://www.spp.nus.edu.sg/ips/docs/pub/pa_tk_21st%20Century%20China%20and%20the%20World_11.pdf (Accessed 1 July 2012)Kriengsak, 2008. Promote Chinese Studies: Develop theRelationship between Thailand and China http://blog.nationmultimedia.com/print.php?id=5017 (Accessed 1July 2012)McDowell, Adam, 2010. “Are China’s Confucius Institutes inCanada culture clubs or spy outposts”. In: National Post, Friday,Jul. 9, 2010, Canada.Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of Thailand (MOE ofThailand), 2006. 2006 Framework of Cooperation Between theChina National Office for Teaching Chinese as a ForeignLanguage (Hanban) and the Ministry of Education of theKingdom of Thailand (MOE of Thailand) on the cooperationin Chinese Language Teaching. http://www.bic.moe.go.th/th/images/stories/MOU/framework/th-hanbaneng.pdf (Accessed1 July 2012)Nye, Joseph S. 2005. “The Rise of China’s Soft Power”, WallStreet Journal Asia, December 29, 2005; http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/1499/rise_of_chinas_soft_power.html (Accessed 1 July 2012)Overseas Compatriot Affairs Commission (OCAC), 2005. TheRanking of Ethnic Chinese Population around the world; http://www.ocac.gov.tw (Accessed 1 July 2012)The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE243Patchanee Tangyuenyong & Suree Choonhaaruangdej, 2010.Research on the Teaching and Learning of the ChineseLanguage in Higher Education Institutions in Thailandhttp://www.thaiworld.org/en/thailand_monitor/answer.php?question_id=830 (Accessed 1 July 2012)People Daily Online, 2004. “Chinese helps me find my roots”http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200407/01/eng20040701_148155.html (Accessed 1 July 2012)Pittaya Suvakunta, 2010. China’s Go-Out Strategy: ChineseForeign Direct Investment in Thailand; In: Thailand LawJournal, 2010 Spring Issue No.1, Volume 13.Ren Zhe, 2010. Confucius Institutes: China’s Soft Power?http://ir.ide.go.jp/dspace/bitstream/2344/1119/1/ARRIDE_Discussion_No.330_ren.pdf (Accessed 1 July 2012)Shao Dan, 2009. Chinese by Definition: Nationality, Law, JusSanguinis, and State Succession, 1909 – 1980. In : Twentieth-Century China, Vol. 35, No.1, Nov., 2009, pp 4 – 28.Skinner, G. William, 1957. Chinese Assimilation & ThaiPolitics. Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.16, No.2.Thawee Theerawongseri, 2009. Sino-Thai Cooperation in theTeaching and Learning of Chinese. http://www.thaiworld.org/en/thailand_monitor/answer.php?question_id=863 (Accessed1 July 2012)Wang, Edward, 1999 . History, Space, and Ethnicity: TheChinese Worldview; Journal of World History 10.2 (1999) 285-305.Xinhuanet, 2010. (21 Jan). Confucius Institute opens Chineselanguageclass in Cambodia http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2010-01/21/c_13145988.htm (Accessed1July 2012)Xinhuanet, 2010. (25 June) Hanban’s Chinese TextbooksAppear at a Thai Academic Day http://www.chinese.cn/hanban_en/article/2010-06/25/content_151439.htm(Accessed 1 July 2012)Xu Lin, 2010. Chinese Language Quickly Going Global is aGreat Phenomenon - A Special Interview with Chinese StateCouncil Consultant and Director General of Hanban http://www.chinese.cn/hanban_en/article/2010-08/16/content_167061.htm (Accessed 1 July 2012)Yu Xintian, 2008. “The Role of Soft Power in China’s ExternalStrategy”, Global Review, trial issue, pp. 113-127.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

244Public Forum“Alternatives for Development: The Construction and De-construction ofAsia with the Trans-border Context”November 24, 2011Convention Room, Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai UniversityA Summary ReportEXECUTIVE SUMMARYThe first API public forum took place in 2008. Since then, the event has become an annual platform for APIfellows and others working on similar issues to share research findings and experiences. The forum invitesintellects from various backgrounds including students, academics, professionals, government officials,universities, INGOs, NGOs and civil society. It considers issues such as; since World War II, most Asian societieshave been influenced by dominant Western models of industrialization and development. How did theindustrialized nations of North America and Europe come to be seen as the appropriate models for post-WorldWar II societies, not only in Asia, but also in Africa and Latin America? How did the postwar discourse ondevelopment create the so-called Third World? What will happen if or when mainstream Western developmentideology and its discursive practices collapse? While some Asian nations have experienced sustained economicgrowth, others have been disappointed over unfavorable impacts on local people and environments. To explorethese questions, the API public forum events aim to enhance mutual learning in the search for developmentalternatives in Asian communities. The forum is intended to generate critical discussion on how developmentpolicies became mechanisms of control, reflecting power relations as pervasive and effective as their colonialcounterparts.The Fourth Public Forum was entitled “Alternatives for Development”: “The Construction and De-construction ofAsia with the Trans-border Context”. The panel of speakers included two API fellows and four other speakers whopresented their perspectives on the experiences of local peoples. Presentations by Ms. Pianporn Deetes and Mr.Niwat Roykeaw touched upon dam construction and civil society movements. Dr. Nguyen Van Chinh looked atthe rising Chinese interest in the Mekong region. Mr. Frankie Abreu presented independent research on theplanned mega-project by a Thai company in Dawei, Burma. Ms. Duen Wongsa shared her experience workingwith the Anti-Trafficking Coordination Unit Northern Thailand (TRAFCORD). Ms. Resmi Setia Milawatiinvestigated young Filipinos workers in call centers in Metro Manila, the Philippines. The forum concluded witha discussion of alternative visions for a post-development era of Asian communities in a trans-border context.INTRODUCTION AND WELCOME SPEECHProfessor Surichai Wun’Gaeo,Director, Center for Peace and Conflict Studies at Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, ThailandThe forum began with a welcome speech by Prof. Surichai Wun’Gaeo, Director of the Center for Peace andConflict Studies at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok. Prof. Surichai noted that the API FellowshipsProgram supports public intellectuals from the region who think beyond the nation-state and who take a regionalview when looking into the human and public face of development. Fellows look at human livelihoods, crossbordermatters, and global human concerns with a rights-based approach. Through their work, API would like tolink neighboring countries in the context of globalization and to look more critically at regional development.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

OPENING REMARKS AND OVERVIEWDr. Ratana Tosakul, 10 th API Workshop DirectorDr. Ratana elaborated on the need to be critical about development in the Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS).Referring to the title of the forum, she referred to development as contentious and comprising many varyingmotives. She brought to attention the growing vulnerable populations and the shifting definitions ofdevelopment in the context of trans-border development projects. She encouraged participants to construct anddeconstruct the region and to see how the production of knowledge is contested, especially by civil society. Shenoted that with today’s economics-driven development, the stage has been set in which negotiations take placenot just with the state but also with the private sector who are development investors.PRESENTATION SESSIONTrans-border Issues within the Context of Alternative ModernityModerators: Dr. Chayan Vaddhanaphuti and Dr. Ratana TosakulDr. Chayan said the objective of the session was to explore regional perspectives in the context of emerging social,economic, and political trends over the last two decades, especially after the creation of the GMS. While statestend to regard social and environmental problems from a national perspective, the regionalization of developmentis growing, largely initially due to efforts by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the creation of the GMS,which introduced ideas around the 3Cs – Connectivity, Competitiveness and Co-operation. Connectivity is nowbeing promoted through the building of roads, dams, bridges and navigation channels. These are also raising manyconcerns. The question is – what happens to the local people? To understand the new complexities, analysis andsharing of experiences was vital.PANEL 1: ENVIRONMENT-RELATED ISSUESTransboundary Environmental Standards in the MekongMs. Pianporn Deetes, Southeast Asia River NetworkMs. Pianporn stated that the dominant development model for the Mekong region had created major problemson the Mekong River. Numerous studies have indicated major issues for both the upper and lower Mekong. Themost pressing issue was dam projects. Dam construction has long been controversial. Dam projects are still seen aslucrative and as an important means of trade. Extensive plans for hydropower in the Mekong region are stillpushed to cater to national power demand and for transboundary trade. Ms. Pianporn explained that the NGOInternational Rivers has been monitoring the situation in the Mekong for 17 years. She cited examples of someexisting hydropower dams that have exacerbated rather than reduced poverty for local people, contrary togovernment commitments, including Theun Hinboun in Lao PDR, the Pak Moon Dam in Thailand, and theYali Falls in Vietnam.Laos has been expanding the construction of dam projects, but most of the electricity produced is exported to itsneighbors. Ms. Pianporn noted that the Theun Hinboun dam exports 95 per cent of the power generated toThailand. The project was completed in 1998 and has affected 29,000 local people. The Xayaburi dam in Laos isthe first in a series of dams planned for the Mekong and its tributaries in that country. If approved by the MekongRiver Commission (MRC), this dam is expected to produce 1,280 megawatts of electricity and is slated to becompleted by 2019. This dam would export 95 per cent of the power generated to Thailand, with the remaindergoing to Laos. From the local level perspective, despite the commitment of the Laos government to do a one-yearassessment of the project, in 2011 there were reports of preparatory construction at the proposed site.Ms. Pianporn also discussed a series of dams on the Mekong in China which have affected the river andlivelihoods downstream. The Man Wan Dam in China was completed in 1993 and was the first in a series of damsthat China plans to complete on the Mekong in Yunnan by 2018. After construction, a number of abnormalevents occurred. For instance, the river dried up in 1995 after the first dam was completed. Next, the second dam245The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

246affected river tides and the livelihoods of fisher folks. After the construction of the third dam, Nuozhadu, and thefourth dam, Jinghong, there was flooding in 2008. Research by the Finnish Environmental Institute also showedthat the amount of sediment in the water at Chiang Saen, northern Thailand, has been cut by one-half. There aregrowing concerns over plans to construct more dams which will affect fish migration and spawning. Fish are themain source of protein for local people.Dams in the MekongMr. Niwat Roykeaw (Khruu Tee), Rak Chiang Khong GroupMr. Niwat emphasized the need to engage in the growing transformation of the Mekong River and the affect onpeople’s lives. He stated that there are trans-border standards to regulate accelerating development in the GMS,which was paved by big financial institutions like the ADB and has placed particular emphasis on dams, industrialcomplexes and other mega-projects. The negative impacts of large dam projects have been widely recorded andcaused many conflicts. Though the projects generally take place in national space, the impacts are felt inneighboring countries, especially downstream countries. People, with the support of NGOs, have raised the issueof accountability and there have been many debates on the issues within the governments of Thailand, China andothers. However, there has been no concrete mechanism put in place for the assessment of the trans-borderenvironment and the impacts of the mega-projects, let alone mechanisms redress in relation to local lives and theenvironment.In the Mekong region the mega-projects are now being supported by commercial banks and private institutions.For the Xayaburi dam, both Laos and Thai governments are facilitating the process. In Thailand, the ElectricityGenerating Authority of Thailand (EGAT) and the Ministry of Finance are involved in paving the way for Ch.Karnchang to obtain a loan from KrungThai bank. In Burma, and in different river basins in the Mekong region,the areas in question are occupied by minority and indigenous groups. Many of them have been living near therivers and depending on them for generations and have not given consent for projects in their areas. As ASEAN isbecoming more unified, Niwat stressed the need for cooperation and development within the GMS to focus notonly on economic benefits but also on local peoples.PANEL 2: INVESTMENT BY CHINA AND TAVOY, BURMAChina and Civilizing Mission in the Mekong RegionDr. Nguyen Van Chinh, Vietnam National University, API Fellow from VietnamThe 21 st century is seeing increasing involvement by China in the Mekong region. After its reforms of 1978,China has risen to become a global superpower. A total of 63 percent of investment pouring into Asia is fromChina. China is changing from being a Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) recipient to an FDI provider. TheMekong region is flooded with cheap goods “made in China.” The trade gap between China and the MekongRiver Basin Countries (MRBC) is substantial. A total of 80 percent of imported goods in Myanmar/Burma arefrom China and it is similar in the case of Laos and Thailand. The trade has largely been one-way rather than twoways.China has become the second largest “Economic Aid” provider to the CLMV countries (Cambodia, Laos,Myanmar, Vietnam). Much of the investment has been on infrastructure projects to link China to Southeast Asia.Dr. Chinh pointed out the necessity to be critical of these Chinese investments in the MRBC. Investment fromChina has changed a lot recently. During the 1990s Chinese investments targeted light industry in economiccenters and agriculture, and were not so interested in the frontier areas. In recent years the focus of theseinvestments changed to three main sectors - infrastructure, dams and agriculture, in particular land concessions.In Laos and Cambodia, land is being leased to Chinese companies for 99 years. Between 2004 - 2008, China’s FDIto Asia reached US$16.6 billion. Its FDI in land in CLMV countries has also been increasing. (>10% totalcountry area in Laos and Cambodia, 1% in Vietnam).The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

247There is also a massive movement of Chinese workers. In Burma alone there has been an estimated 1.5 to 3million Chinese migrants to the country since the 1990s. Migrations have also occurred to Laos, Cambodia andVietnam. There is also an increasing push by China to export Chinese culture to the world. In the Mekong region,Confucius Institutes (CI) have mushroomed in the last decade. Since 2005, every country has at least one. InThailand alone, 24 institutes were set up between 2006 and 2008.Dawei (Tavoy) Special Economic Zone: Its Prospects and ChallengesMr.Frankie Abreu, Coordinator, Another Development for Burma (ADB)Mr. Frankie Abreu showed a documentary made by Another Development for Burma and filmed by the localpeople of Dawei (Tavoy) in Burma, covering the proposed Dawei deep-sea port project. He stated that a legacy oflongtime dictatorship in Burma means that there is still a lack of transparency in sharing information.Information and access to the Dawei area is restricted due to controversies and conflict around the project. TheDawei project was agreed and signed on between Thailand and Burma in 2008. It is a multi-billion dollar projectbeing developed by the Ital-Thai Industrial Company Limited. The project’s 10-year plan envisions transformingthe region into a Special Economic Zone and includes development of a large 250-square-kilometer industrialzone for heavy industry and petro-chemical plants. The envisioned project is eight times larger than the Map TaPhut Industrial Zone in Rayong, Thailand, which is run by the same company.Four key concerns around the Dawei Special Economic Zone (DSEZ) are land ownership rights, landconfiscations, compensation and relocation. Displacement is a huge concern, together with environmentalconcerns as there is no proper law for the protection of the environment in Burma. It is expected that 19 villageswith about 10,000 people will be relocated. Construction of a highway is already underway and heavy machineryis bulldozing local vegetation upon the communities depend. In Dawei, the government presented the project asan opportunity for jobs for local communities, but after the villagers got access to more information and got toknow about the scope of the project they did not wish to partake. Initially the people were also unaware of theirrights, but now they are aware of their rights to land and are networking and engaging in advocacy andnegotiations with the company. There was some talk about compensation by the company for land already takenby October 2011, but when inquiries were made villagers denied getting any compensation. The Burmesegovernment has also deployed troops to be stationed along several locations between the port and the Thai borderwhere work is underway to build a multi-lane highway.Discussant - Dr. Chayan VaddhanaphutiIn the Mekong region, investments for mega-projects are being backed by private companies, but the State stillplays a vital role as a facilitator. The Dawei project is backed by the States of Thailand and China who haveprovided strong support, giving the project more legitimacy despite environmental and people’s concerns. TheItalthai Group is also responsible for the construction of Map Ta Phut Industrial Zone in Rayong in Thailandwhich is experiencing many health and environment concerns. Air pollution has caused health problems forchildren and the government hospital at Map Ta Phut had to be relocated due to deposits of toxic waste near thehospital area. It is possible that concerns over this industrial zone led the Thai government to support movingnew similar industries to Dawei in Burma.The DSEZ will also be a site for the construction ships. The port is expected to accommodate 25 large-size vesselswith a ship-building and maintaining yard, a power plant, steel, fertilizers and oil and natural gases and a refineryplant. The port when finished would be the largest deep-sea port in the region. Though the official resettlementprogram estimates only about 10,000 people to be relocated, many more non-registered people will also beaffected. The situation is further complicated due to the fact that the zone is a highly volatile area with clashes stilloccurring between the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and theBurmese army. Dr. Chayan cautioned that increased investment in the area could fuel further clashes and increaseexisting conflicts.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

248PANEL 3: SAFE MIGRATION AND HUMAN TRAFFICKINGThe Incorporation of Young Filipino Workers into the Offshore Call Center IndustryMs. Resmi Seti Milawait, API Fellow from IndonesiaMs. Resmi presented her API Fellowship research conducted in Metro Manila in the Philippines which is the siteof a growing number of Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) companies. The research puts in context thepractice of offshoring (offshore outsourcing) in the global services industry. The motivation for offshoreoutsourcing is to minimize production costs and maximize profits by finding cheaper labor (labor arbitrage) andputting time zone differences to profitable use (time arbitrage), (Nadeem 2011). Key BPO components include:call/contact centers, medical transcription, computer animation, software development, engineering and others.Among these, call centers are considered to be more labor intensive but require fewer skills than other BPO subsectors.There has been a rapid succession of BPOs in the Philippines and within a span of 10 years employment hasincreased from 2000 in 2001 to over half a million in 2010. Some 70 percent of this was contributed by callcenters. In 2010, the Philippines call centers took over the position as the number one call center provider in theworld from India. Many youths are lured into the call centers due to the attractive salary package, which can rangefrom US$300 to US$1000 per month, which is higher than the minimum wage in the Philippines. Ms. Resmiexplained that the typical official call center working arrangement is that workers work five days a week and anaverage nine hours of work per day. Some 70 percent of the call centers operate night shifts from 9 pm in theevening until 8 am the next morning. The majority cater to American customers. Call center employees work on adifferent time schedule and may become alienated from other sections of society. Trainers teach the workers tosmile while taking calls. This can be draining as a worker may take up to 100 calls during peak hours. They alsohave to bear the brunt of clients who can be abusive. Workers are often away from their families and this increasesrisky behaviors such as frequent changes of sex partners and pre-marital relationships. Masking one’s nationalityand name makes some workers uncomfortable, though some prefer it.Situation of Cross Border Human TraffickingMs. Duen Wongsa, Anti-Trafficking Coordination Unit Northern Thailand (TRAFCORD)Ms. Duen Wongsa expressed concern over the social issues being faced across borders. Large-scale developmentprojects cause migration. Some of those migrating become victims of human trafficking. The work on antitraffickingin the north of Thailand is predominantly about the sexual exploitation of girls, especially Shan girls.Girls from Laos, Vietnam and Thailand also become victims of human sexual trafficking. Other cases relate tolabor exploitation which takes the form of forced labor in mainly factories, sweat shops, and the agriculture sector.In Thailand there is a growing instance of forced labor in the fishing sector, mostly involving victims fromCambodia. This has caught the attention of the international community. In the past the fishing industry haddomestic laborers, but now a lot of migrant workers are exploited. Thailand has been put on the US watch list as,given its strategic location in the region, it is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women andchildren that are trafficked for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor.Thailand promulgated the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act in 2008. The Royal Thai Government and NGOshave been seeking collaboration with other countries in the region. Cooperation with just the Mekong countriesis not enough as one of the receiving countries is Malaysia. Previously many Thais have been taken to Malaysia forsex work, and some women are also trafficked from Burma, the Philippines and southern China. Thailand hasbeen trying to sign an MoU with Malaysia, but it has been a challenge pushing this issue, particularly withinASEAN.The challenge is the need to bring about change in the policy of Thailand and other countries to addresstrafficking in persons. One reason contributing to migration and trafficking are political conflicts that give rise tohuman rights violations and act as a push factor for people seeking jobs and better livelihoods. Labor policies alsoThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

249need to be looked at, as globalization changes the nature of labor. Many labor policies and laws are not consistentwith reality. There is still a push by governments to deport migrant workers as they do not have legal status orwork permits. As a result, many migrants have to go underground where they become victims of corrupt officialsand are exploited. Tourism is another sector that needs to be addressed. In the case of Thailand, there are manysex tourists traveling to the country, which opens space for sexual exploitation. In this globalized world, mobilitywill take place and it will increase in the coming decades. The question is how to make this migration safe and howpeople can access their rights, care and safety not just at home but also in the host country.PLENARY DISCUSSION OVERVIEW AND CLOSING REMARKSPlenary discussion began with questioning around the concept of development itself. What does it mean? Whosedevelopment is it? Development for who? It was said that development needs to take into account the reactions oflocal peoples. A point was made that discussions needed to take place in a sustainable and productive manner,instead of just contesting top-down approaches. Prof. Surichai emphasized the importance of creating platformsfor sharing information and experiences, and the importance of pushing for public responsibility and an agendapromoting human dignity. Dr. Chayan pointed out that projects like Dawei and Map Tha Put are not onlybacked by Thailand but have received investment from Japan and Singapore. So these issues are not only forASEAN but rather ASEAN+.Some recommendations presented by the public concerned networking with local people’s organizations andtrying to encourage local schools and NGOs to be more involved. It was suggested that research be conductedjointly and analyzed collectively with very strong local participation. There was a recommendation to encourage“alternate” development that would be more community-based. Another suggestion was to use more visual toolsfor sharing information on education and campaigns. This would be very helpful in advocacy work. Media canplay a vital role in getting factual images to the masses.In his concluding remarks Prof. Surichai said sharing information has the power to build solidarity among peoplewith similar concerns and to change the minds of the public and the state. He stated that ethical developmentshould mean human values as well as economic aspects. He hoped that the API forum would stimulate discussionand open more space for innovative engagement with ASEAN and ASEAN+ in developing human developmentstandards with a rights-based approach and accountability.ABBREVIATIONS and ACRONYMSADB - Asian Development BankAPI - Asia Public IntellectualsASEAN - The Association of Southeast Asian NationsBPO - Business Process OutsourcingCI - Confucius InstituteCMU - Chiang Mai UniversityCLMV - Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and VietnamCRC - Convention on the Rights of the ChildDSEZ - Dawei Special Economic ZoneEGAT - Electricity Generating Authority of ThailandFDI - Foreign Direct InvestmentGMS - Greater Mekong Sub-regionThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

250KNLA - Karen National Liberation ArmyMoU - Memorandum of UnderstandingMRBC - Mekong River Basin CountriesNGOs - Non-governmental OrganizationsRCSD - Regional Center for Social Science and Sustainable DevelopmentSEA - Southeast AsiaTRAFCORD - Anti-Trafficking Coordination Unit northern ThailandREFERENCES1Offshoring is defined here as the delegation of some part of a business from one company to another company. The secondcompany relocates production processes to other countries, usually on a different continent.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

251Appendix IWorkshop ScheduleThe Tenth Workshop of the API Fellowships ProgramNovember 19 – 23, 2011, Chiang Mai, ThailandDay 1, Saturday, November 19, 201116:30 - 18:00 Registration for Opening Ceremony and Photo Session18:00 - 18:20 Welcome Address:Surichai Wun’Gaeo, Program Director of API Coordinating Institution18:20 - 18:40 Welcome Speech:Tatsuya Tanami, Executive Director of The Nippon Foundation18:40 - 18:45 Introduction of the Keynote Speaker:Surichai Wun’Gaeo18:45 - 19:15 Keynote Address:Sombath Somphone, Director of Participatory Development Training Center, Vientiane, Laos;The 2005 Ramon Magsaysay awardee for the Community Leadership19:15 - Dinner Toast:Chayan Vaddhanaphuti, Director of Regional Center for Social Science and SustainableDevelopment, Chiang Mai UniversityDay 2, Sunday, November 20, 20118:30 - 10:10 Workshop Introduction and Introduction of ParticipantsChairs: Tatsuya Tanami, Executive Director of The Nippon Foundation andSurichai Wun’Gaeo, Program Director of API Coordinating InstitutionWorkshop Overview:Ratana Tosakul, Workshop DirectorSelf-introduction of Workshop Participants10:25 - 11.50 Panel 1: Multiple Modernities: Globalization in Asian ContextChair: Koji Tanaka, Program Manager (Project-Specific Professor), The Young ResearcherDevelopment Center (The Hakubi Center), Kyoto University11.50 - 12.10 DiscussionDiscussants: Supa Yaimuang, Director, Sustainable Agriculture Foundation andPenchom Saetang, Director, Ecological Alert and Recovery - Thailand (Earth)12:10 - 13:10 Open Forum13:10 - 14:15 Lunch14:15 - 16.00 Panel 2: Potential of Local Knowledge and Practices: A Possibility for SustainableDevelopment?Chair: Yoko Hayami, Professor, Center for Southeast Asian Studies,Kyoto University16:00 - 16:15 Coffee BreakThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

25216:15 - 16:35 DiscussionDiscussant: Mary Racelis, Department of Anthropology, University of the Philippines,Diliman16:35 - 17:35 Open Forum19:00 - DinnerDay 3, Monday, November 21, 20118:30 - 10:15 Panel 3: Multiple Identities via the Globalization of Art, Media and PerformanceChair : Azyumardi Azra, Director, School of Graduate Studies, Syarif Hidayatullah StateIslamic University, Jakarta10:15 -10:30 Coffee Break10:30 - 10:50 DiscussionDiscussant: Sunait Chutintaranond, Director, Institute of Asian Studies, ChulalongkornUniversity10:50 - 11:50 Open Forum12:00 - 18:00 Field Trip19:00 - DinnerDay 4, Tuesday, November 22, 201108:30 - 10:15 Panel 4: Multiple Identities via Spirituality, Histories and Cultural Re-PresentationsChair: Jose M. Cruz, S. J., Vice President for University and Global Relations, Ateneo deManila University10:15 - 10:30 Coffee Break10:30 - 10:50 DiscussionDiscussant: Chayan Vaddhanaphuti10:50 - 11:50 Open Forum11:50 - 14:35 Panel 5: Flux and Flows of People, Power and Practices: Issues Relating to Social JusticeChair: Taufik Abdullah, Chair of Social Science Commission, Indonesian Academy ofScience; Research Professor of Indonesian Institute of Science14:35 - 14:50 Coffee Break14:50 - 15:10 DiscussionDiscussant: Wattana Sugunnasil, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty ofSocial Sciences, Chiang Mai University15:10 - 16:10 Open Forum19:00 - DinnerDay 5, Wednesday, November 23, 2018:30 - 10:30 Roundtable: From API Fellow to Asian Public IntellectualsChair: Ratana Tosakul, Mary Racelis and Surichai Wun’Gaeo10:30 - 10:45 Coffee Break10:45 - 12:00 Discussion Continued12:00 - 13:00 LunchThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

25313:00 - 15:00 Concluding PanelChairs: Ratana Tosakul, Tatsuya Tanami and Surichai Wun’Gaeo15:00 - 19:00 Break19:00 - 22:00 Closing Dinner and Cultural NightDay 6, Thursday, November 24, 2011Public ForumCo-organized by API Fellowships Program and Regional Center for Social Science and Sustainable Development,Chiang Mai UniversityVenue: Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University08:45:09:10 Welcome and introduction:Chayan VaddhanaphutiOpening remarks and overview:Ratana Tosakul and Sirichai Wun’Gaeo09:10-10:40 Trans-border Issues within the Context of Alternative ModernityModerators: Chayan Vaddhanaphuti and Ratana Tosakul- Environment Related IssuesPianporn Deetes, Southeast Asia River NetworkNiwat Roykeaw, Rak Chiang Khong Group- Investment in China and Tavoy, MyanmarNguyen Van Chinh, API Senior Fellow from VietnamFrankie Abreu, Another Development for Burma- Safe Migration and Human TraffickingResmi Setia Milawati, API Fellow from IndonesiaDuen Wongsa, Anti-Trafficking Coordination Unit Northern Thailand (TRAFCORD)10:40-11:00 Coffee Break11:00-12:10 Discussion with additional focus on contract farming, water/natural resources management,global warming12:10-12:30 Wrap up and concluding remarksThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

254Appendix IIWorkshop ParticipantsThe tenth Regional Workshop of the API Fellowships ProgramNovember 20-24, 2011, Chiang Mai, Thailand(Information at the time of participation)FELLOWSINDONESIAHikmat Darmawan, Freelance Writer; Editor, Rumahfilm.orgM. Ichsan Harja Nugraha, Architect and Graphic DesignerResmi Setia Milawati, Independent ResearcherSri Wahyuni, Director, Aceh Cultural Institute (ACI) and PATIMADORAJAPANKenta Kishi, Architect; Director, “CDN – Crisis Design Network” and “LWL – Lab for the WonderLandscape”Rika Terano, Ph.D. Candidate, Tokyo University of AgricultureYasuhiro Morinaga, Sound Designer; Ph.D. Student, Tokyo University of the ArtsYu Terashima, Steering Committee Member, Fukuoka NGO Forum on the ADB; International Section,Supporting Community Section of Citizens for Saving the River KawabegawaMALAYSIALoh Yin San, Coordinator, Women’s Candidacy Initiative (WCI); FilmmakerPHILIPPINESAliyana Sybilla L. Fabros, Research Associate and Editor, Focus on the Global SouthAmbeth R. Ocampo, Chairman, National Historical Institute; Chair, Department of History, Ateneo de ManilaUniversity; Professorial Lecturer, University of the Philippines, Diliman; Columinst, PhilippinesDaily InquirerBenigno C. Balgos, Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation SpecialistClaire B. Lacdao, Paralegal; Community Coordinator, Legal Assistance Center for Indigenous Filipinos(PANLIPI)Dante G. Simbulman, Jr., Full Professor, College of Medicine; Head, Mind-Body Studies Section, Center forComplementary and Integrative Medicine, De La Salle Health Sciences Institute (DLSHSI)Maria Joselina Anna G. Cruz, Independent Curator; Lecturer, College of Fine Arts, University of thePhilippines, DilimanThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

255THAILANDAroon Puritat, Artist and ArchitectKhosit Elvezio Kasikam, Thai Traditional DoctorKritsana Kaewplang, Former Director, Bird Conservation Society of Thailand (BCST)Pattaraporn Apichit, Writer; Editor, Monrak Meaklong MagazineRonnarong Khampha, Performing ArtistCLVNguyen Van Chinh, Associate Professor and Deputy Director, Center for Asia- Pacific Studies, VietnamNational UniversityPham Quang Minh, Dean, Faculty of International Studies, University of Social Sciences and Humanities,Vietnam National UniversityKEYNOTE SPEAKERSombath Somphone, Director of Participatory Development Training Center (PADECT), Vientiane, Laos;The 2005 Ramon Magsaysay Awardee for the Community LeadershipWORKSHOP DIRECTORRatana Tosakul, Director, Graduate School Program, Faculty of Sociology and Anthropology, ThammasatUniversityCHIANG MAI UNIVERSTIYSidthinat Prabudhanitisarn, Dean, Faculty of Social Science, Chiang Mai UniversityChayan Vaddhanaphuti, Director, Regional Center for Social Science and Sustainable Development (RCSD)Kanchana Kulpisithicharoen, RCSD CoordinatorSESSION CONTRIBUTORSAzyumardi Azra, Director, Graduate School, State Islamic University, Jakarta (Member of API InternationalSelection Committee)Chaipant Prabhasavat, Director, Institute for Community Right; Thailand API Senior Fellows 2007 - 2008Jose M. Cruz, S. J., Vice President for University and Global Relations, Ateneo de Manila University (Member ofAPI International Selection Committee)Koji Tanaka, Program Manager (Project- Specific Professor), Young Researcher Development Center (TheHakubi Centre), Kyoto University(Member of API International Selection Committee)K. S. Nathan, Director, Institute of Malaysian and International Studies (IKMAS), Universiti KebangsaanMalaysia (UKM) (Member of API International Selection Committee)Mary Racelis, Professorial Lecturer, Department of Anthropology, Graduate School, University of thePhilippines, Diliman (Member of API International Selection Committee)Olarn Ongla, Coordinator, Local Governance Institute; Thailand API Fellow Year 2007 - 2008Penchom Saetang, Director, Ecological Alert and Recovery – Thailand (Earth); Thailand API FellowYear 2005 - 2006)The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

256Sunait Chutintaranond, Director, Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn UniversitySupa Yaimuang, Director, Sustainable Agriculture Foundation; Thailand API Senior Fellow Year 2006 - 2007Surichai Wun’Gaeo, Director, Center for Peace and Conflict Studies, Chulalongkorn University (Member ofAPI International Selection Committee)Tatsuya Tanami, Executive Director, The Nippon Foundation (Member of API International SelectionCommittee)Taufik Abdullah, Chair, Social Science Commission, Indonesian Academy of Science (Member of APIInternational Selection Committee)Wattana Sugunnasil, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang MaiUniversityYoko Hayami, Prefessor, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University(Member of API International Selection Committee)SPECIAL PARTICIPANTLawrance Surendra, Chair Professor, Planning Commission of India; Chair, Department of Economics andCooperation, University of Mysore; Facilitator of the API Strategic Planning TeamAPI REGIONAL COMMITTEE REPRESENTATIVEHerry Yogaswara, Researcher, The Indonesian Institute of Sciences Research Center for Population; IndonesiaAPI Fellow Year 2001-2002THE NIPPON FOUNDATIONTatsuya Tanami, Executive Director (Member of International Selection Committee)Yuji Mori, Director, International Program DepartmentDavid Karashima, Manager, International Network Team, International Program DepartmentShota Nakayasu, Project Coordinator, International Network Team, International Program DepartmentPROGRAM COORDINATORSDorothy Fernandez-Robert, Institute of Malaysian and International Studies, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia,Malaysia Partner Institution (PI)Isabel Consuelo A. Nazareno, School of Social Sciences, Ateneo de Manila University, Philippines PIJohn Haba, Research Center for Regional Resources, The Indonesian Institute of Sciences, Indonesia PIMichiko Yoshida, Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University (also for Coordinating Institution - Cl)Naoko Maeno, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, Japan PIPROGRAM ASSISTANTS/STAFFRatana Poopitakchartkaew, Operation Manager, CIShanya Attasillekha, Acting Program Coordinator, Thailand PIChadapan Malipan, Communications and Publications Officer, CIRungsinee Chaiyakoon, Project Support Officer, CIThamonpat Cooperider, Deputy Program Coordinator, Thailand PIThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

257RAPPORTEURSGarry MorrisonMarian D. ChuaMrinalini RaiThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

258Appendix IIIAbstracts of PapersPanel 1: Multiple Modernities: Globalization in the Asian ContextEconomic Boom from the Oil Crisis: Development and Contradictions in the Agro-fuelIndustries in Three Southeast Asian CountriesDianto BachriadiBiofuels are becoming important alternatives to fossil fuels in the world. Pro and con arguments have thusemerged, with those in favor of biofuels claiming that biofuel industries will contribute to rural development,increase the national budget for food, increase job opportunities, and decrease global warming. But are theseclaims accurate? For one, the expansion of agro-fuels, which is one kind of biofuel industry, will increase thenumber of land conversions from forestry areas and/or people’s agricultural lands. It can likewise lead toenvironmental destruction and human exploitation. Notwithstanding these supposedly adverse effects of biofuelindustries and on the basis of their purportedly positive effects like economic growth, coupled with the globalcommitment to address climate change, the governments of Southeast Asian countries are competing with eachother to develop agro-fuel industries. Corporations have been riding these competitions, possibly operating acrossnations and enjoying government facilitations in matters involving their investment, trade, and land allocations.Many rural communities and local governments are also trying to reap certain benefits from this development,especially in those areas involving voluntary land conversion and encroachment. In turn, campaigns against theexpansion of corporate-based agro-fuels industries have been conducted by non-government and civil societyorganizations at the local, national and global levels. This paper, which was based on fieldwork in Malaysia,Thailand, and the Philippines, provides a descriptive and comparative analysis of the following issues: (1) thedevelopment of agro-fuel industries and the increase in land allocations for these industries; the conversion andencroachment on large scale plantations for the production of feedstock, which in this case include palm andjathropa oils in the different contexts of the agrarian structure, policy, and legislation; and (2) the contradictionsin people’s involvement and the campaign against the expansion of the agro-fuels industries in these threeSoutheast Asian countries.Development of Malay Rice Growing Villages under De-AgrarianizationRika TeranoThis project attempted to clarify the future direction of rural development of Malay villages in the Malaysianpeninsula. In the rural sector, these rice farming villages were traditionally impoverished, with the majority of thepeople belonging to the agricultural labor force. However, because Malaysia had been experiencing drasticeconomic growth since the late 1980s, economic inequality also became a more profound problem between themore industrialized and the less industrialized states. Newly built factories brought about by foreign directinvestment gave off-farm income to employed villagers in the surrounding industrial zones. In order to appreciatethe socio-economic situation, particularly the participation of farming households and rural livelihood, ananalysis of household economies in terms of only on-farm income and farm management would not be adequate.In approaching the inequality situation and advancing a better adapted policy for rural development, we thereforeutilized a framework of “de-agrarianization” that dealt with diversifying farm households and livelihood andenabled the generation of off-farm income and employment. The attempt to approach the prevailing economicinequality on the household level creates possibilities for narrowing the income gap and instituting social justicein Malaysia.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

Communication, Education and Public Awareness for Forest and Wildlife Conservation inIndonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and JapanKritsana KaewplangThis report on the use of social science as a tool for the conservation of forest and wildlife was written based onstudying the work of NGOs and government agencies involved in the conservation of wild birds and theirhabitats in Indonesia, Peninsular Malaysia, the Philippines, and Japan. These organizations have created tools andmechanisms that help conservation on the ground, national, and international levels to reach maximum efficiencyespecially where the operation of bird and habitat conservation is concerned. There are many bird species thattake advantage of cross-boundary areas during the migratory season. These include different types of wild birdssuch as forest birds, water birds, grassland birds, and raptors which belong to the resident and migratory species.Migratory birds breed in the Siberian tundra but leave the place during winter in search of food. For instance, wildgeese from Siberia migrate to the northeast of Japan and spend several months in Kabukurinuma and itssurrounding rice paddies. This phenomenon tells us how important the area is. Further, wild birds can be used asan indicator of the health of an ecosystem and how the environment is changing. Thus, the survival of birds meansthe survival of humans too.Key words communication, education, awareness raising, participation, wetlands, flooded rice paddy, Ramsar siteDams in the Philippines and in Thailand: Social and Environmental Impact of NaturalResource Development ProjectsYu TerashimaLarge-scale development projects in Southeast Asia such as dams and irrigation schemes, have often forced drasticchange on local communities. Although local people are the most seriously affected by the projects, they haveoften been left out of decision-making processes and without even access to relevant information. However,persistent challenges from communities and their allies in Thailand and the Philippines have shown that localcommunities, together with outsiders such as domestic and international NGOs and academics, can play animportant role in calling for alternative approaches. Outside groups such as NGOs can support communities bysharing information, networking, lobbying government and project proponents and introducing various otherways to support communities to make responsible decisions by themselves.259Panel 2: Potential of Local Knowledge and Practices: A Possibility for SustainableDevelopment?Indigenous Engagement in Local Government: Experiences in Malaysia and IndonesiaClaire Bongsalo LacdaoTo this day, Indigenous peoples remain excluded from policy making and governance. Local and national policymakers often disregard and ignore their way of life and distinct views on development. In instances where policiesexist, most are non-inclusive and assimilative in nature. The Indigenous peoples’ lack of participation has resultedin adverse policies and programs that have severely affected their way of life-their rights, traditions, lands,territories, and natural resources have been abrogated, encroached upon, stolen, and denigrated in the guise ofdevelopment.With the growing interest and support for local development in recent years, attention has shifted from thenational to the local level, thereby putting into focus local communities, including Indigenous peoples, and theirengagement in local government and meaningful inclusion in the decision-making process. This paper looks intothis aspect of local development. During community visits and conversations with elders and members done withThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

260their free, prior, and informed consent, they shared their experiences in terms of the nature and extent of theirengagement; the problems of and constraints on indigenous engagement; and the present and potential roles ofindigenous women and youth.As can be seen in the experiences of indigenous communities in Malaysia and Indonesia, Indigenous peoples haveparticipated in local government in varying ways and degrees, but problems remain. They continue to face thedilemma-whether to engage with the mainstream political process and seek participation in government, or not.Others have explored interfacing traditional forms of government with the state system. In many instances, theseare changes that they have either consciously chosen, or have little choice, but to take. Despite these challenges,indigenous communities continue to adapt. As such, it is now incumbent upon governments to acknowledge therole and contribution of these communities in local development.“Master Planning” vs “Networking” Approaches to Solve Contemporary Urban Crises inAsian citiesKenta KishiThis project aimed to develop an alternative methodology of urban development, through observation andexperimental studies in an Asian city. The project worked in various kampung (traditional urban settlements)study sites in Surabaya, Indonesia. Diverse local groups including residents, community members, universities,students, professionals, citizens groups, journalists, media members, and government and commercialorganizations cooperated with the study’s activities. The project aimed to create a bridge between scholarly andpractical approaches to urban studies. It reflected on critical problems with the “master-planning” approach tourban development. It points to the potential of local wisdom to sustain urban living environments, chieflythrough hand-made and networked residents’ “micro-projects”. In an era of massive change in Asian cities,conventional notions around planning need to be replaced with suitable approaches to achieve improved livingenvironments.The study of local wisdom concerning the consumption of native food and the utilizationof indigenous medicinal vegetables for health care in Indonesia.Khosit Elvezio KasikamThis detailed study of local food consumption and how it relates to traditional wisdom is based on four keypoints. First, the Republic of Indonesia has very high levels of biodiversity and cultural variety. Second,accumulated wisdom around food has been passed down over many generations in that country. Third, there is aclose relationship between food and medication (healthy food has both preventive and healing health functions).Fourth, globalization is altering food consumption patterns, sometimes with negative results. The study wascarried out among the Batak of Sumatra, the Deli-Mays of Sumatra, the Sundanese and Javanese of Java, and theHindu Balinese. Each group has its own local wisdom and food culture that have helped to keep people healthyover many generations. The research asserts that unless positive action is taken, valuable cultures and traditionsaround local food and local wisdom could be lost.Strengthening Communities from Japan and Indonesia, through Local Spirit, TraditionalCulture and Sustainable TourismPattaraporn ApichitTourism is one of the most visible forms of globalization and an important economic resource for many countries.In Thailand, to take one example, media mages of attractive tourist destinations and Thai culture cannot erasehow tourism has created many long-term negative impacts on local ways of life, culture, and the environment. Yet,globally, many small communities have refused to be exploited by the mass tourism industry. Some communitiesThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

261have used tourism as a mechanism to protect themselves and their sense of identity. This paper explorescommunities in Japan and Indonesia whose members are participating in decision-making processes aboutsustainable tourism and the protection of local traditions, spirituality and wisdom.Potentials of Local Traditions: A Study on Its Development for Social TransformationSri WahyuniIn determining social transformation in development, there are questions that cannot be avoided: Could localtradition eventually reconstruct minds? Or is it the role of local tradition to determine social transformations?Society, after all, is the consequence of a social system.Thailand and Japan are known for their ability to transform their monarchies into modern systems. Both havegone a long way in the process, each of them using distinct and unique ways to shape their monarchies into whatthey are today. Modernization is commonly identified as a situation which compromises and erases manytraditional lifestyle practices and many local customs. But the fact is that local traditions continue to be practicedand remembered. They are not time-bound and can be interpreted contextually.Like Asian countries, in general, where women’s participation in development is a critical issue, Thailand andJapan have experienced in the same situation, notwithstanding Japan’s Very High Human Development Index(HDI) ranking and Thailand’s Medium HDI ranking. Besides, what must serve as the reference point in viewingthe progress of women’s participation in development should be the Gender Equality Measures (GEM).Since development is the accumulation of transformation, I believe that local traditions have the potential tocontribute to determining the local mindset regarding social transformation. Considered as the normative valuesof a community, local traditions are expected to help a community interpret these traditions in the context oftheir daily lives.This paper would like to explore the role of local traditions in Thailand and Japan, in connection with thecommunities’ mindsets and social transformations. This study is based on field work done in villages in NorthernThailand and Western Japan.Panel 3: Multiple Modernities via the Globalization of Art, Media and PerformanceA Mindscape Like No Other? Bits and Pieces on Globalization of Manga Subculture andVisual IdentityHikmat DarmawanThe subculture of manga (Japanese comics) has become a part of global youth culture, especially since the late1990s. Why? Is it because of some internal quality of manga, such as the superiority of this unique visual culture?Or is it because of something more external, like the economic aspect of this cultural phenomenon? To findanswers, the writer visited Japan and Thailand, where, in journalistic mode, he observed manga subculture on thestreet level. In Tokyo, he set out to observe the perpetual movement of people, ideas, and things. He found adynamic between “inside” and “outside” that has created a particular mindscape that makes Japanese visualculture unique. To understand that mindscape is important in understanding what Donald Richie called “TheImage Factory”, a unique aspect of Japan’s industrialization process. Within this context, we can understand moreabout the globalization of manga subculture. In some countries, this can be experienced as a domination of localcultures.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

262Mapping Kyoto: An Artist’s PerspectiveM. Ichsan Harja NugrahaThis paper presents a comprehensive range of contextual map samples and mapping methods used mainly forhistoric preservation efforts and tourism purposes in Kyoto, Japan. The paper starts with a brief history ofpreservation efforts in Kyoto, then proceeds to describe the efforts’ major obstacles through a case study on thesurvival of kyo-machiya, the unique shops found in Kyoto. Upon this point, the paper then argues for thecollection and distribution of navigational information as one of the effective solutions to tackle such obstacles. Itthen categorizes and elaborates on those maps according to their objects, modes of travel, access methods, seasons,as well as their mapping techniques. Finally, at the end part of the paper, the author presents a list of his futureactivities where he will apply those mapping-related solutions in order to further advance the preservation effortsin his hometown, Bandung, Indonesia.Contemporary Southeast Asian Art: Narratives of a RegionMaria Joselina Anna G. CruzThis research paper examines the role of contemporary art collections, in particular art collections with a large andactive SEA component, and their influence on the larger landscape of art exhibitions, discourse and museumformation. Museum collections have traditionally been repositories of objects, simply for study and display; inrecent times, collections have been re-considered as greatly influential in the progression of art production.Together with the highly regarded act of acquisitions by art institutions and the exhibitions, artists in SEA havebeen able to realise an audience that can interpret, display, finance, purchase, and circulate their artwork, whetherthese are objects, documentation or participatory practices to a larger audience. The histories of the museums inthe region with SEA collections are relatively short and this paper proposes to elucidate and study their collectionsand the act of collecting.Creative Contemporary Asian Dance based on traditional techniques and spirituality,fusing dance from Lanna (northern Thailand), Indonesia, and JapanRonnarong KhamphaThe challenge of traditional dance to survive in a globalized world depends on the efforts of individual artists, aswell as on groups and organizations based in local institutions, villages, and local festivals, and on popularentertainers. From a background as a Lanna (northern Thai) dancer, I studied how traditional dance is beingtransmitted and modernized in Japan and Indonesia. In this paper, I introduce four artists from Japan andIndonesia with backgrounds in traditional dance who are trying to make their traditions contemporarily relevant.I describe some of the many forms that dance is taking in locations such as Mangkunegaran Palace in Surakarta,Indonesia and in so-called “Downtown Kabuki” in Osaka, Japan. Finally, I discuss my collaborations with artistsin Japan and Indonesia in which we attempted to compare, contrast, or fuse our traditions. The long-term aim ofthis work is to try to identify ways for traditional art to survive in an era of globalization.“The Land of Isolation” - a Soundscape Composition Originating in Northeast MalaysiaYasuhiro MorinagaThis paper describes the techniques and approaches to create a soundscape titled ‘The Land of Isolation’ whichcaptures the author’s memory of a large storm in Northeast Malaysia. The paper focuses on the technical aspectsof creating the composition, including the choice of technology and how the technology was used. It describes theuse of atmospheric sound, featured sound, and the mixing of the two. Digital effects such as panning, volumingand equalizing are also described throughout the process of composition.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

263Panel 4: Multiple Modernities via Spirituality, Histories and Cultural Re-presentationsMUKHANG PERA: Banknotes and nationAmbeth R. OcampoBanknotes are so common we see but fail to notice them. A tremendous amount of work goes into every inch of abanknote: printing, engraving, micro printing, portrait watermarks, holograms, security thread and other featuresall integrated into paper and design to deter counterfeiting, but it is the portraits, and other visual elements onbanknotes that are significant. Why are certain people and objects or scenes on banknotes or absent from them?All banknotes of the world carry positive images that are expression of the history or culture of the countries thatissued them. These images are internationally recognizable like George Washington on a US one dollar bill,Queen Elizabeth II on banknotes of the United Kingdom. The study is a survey into the banknotes of countriesassociated with the Asian Public Intellectual Program. Like flags and emblems that are symbols or representationof nation, a banknote is akin to a name card of a country, this being an expression of nation, identity, and even theway it sees the past and the present and in facing the future.The “Contemporary Art Museum” in Japan: A Study on the Role and Function of thisCultural Institution in Today’s Urban SocietyAroon PuritatJapan now emerges as a fascinating place in which to examine the course contemporary art has taken in Asia, aswell as the architectural forms created to house it. Japan was one of the fastest Asian countries to “modernize”,and has had a comparatively established and advanced grasp of the “Contemporary Art Museum” scene in Asia,ranging from large-scale museums with immense collections, to smaller institutions that collect only one artist’swork. The aim of this research is to examine the “Contemporary Art Museum” in Japan as a cultural institution,to understand the genesis and context of the subject with great social impact and its consequences, and to applythis knowledge toward reviewing and contributing to the contemporary art world in Asia.Collective Memories, Jargons, Rituals and Perceptions: Toward a Broader Scope andGeneral Recognition of Pengetahuan Lokal in Disaster PreparednessBenigno C. BalgosThe paper draws upon the concept of capacities in the face of natural hazards. As a case study, this paperhighlights the socio-cultural and historical knowledge (collective memories, jargons, rituals and perceptions) ofthe dwellers in Mount Merapi in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Through ethnography, key informant interview, andreview of secondary literature, the paper underscores that local communities have local knowledge and practicesthat they use as coping mechanisms and means to respond to natural hazards. This paper argues that localknowledge, particularly socio-cultural and historical knowledge is overlooked in disaster risk reduction (DRR)literature and disaster policies in favor of those that can be merged with scientific knowledge. The paper furtherargues that, socio-cultural and historical knowledge should be recognized in DRR as it influences the way peoplethink and respond to disasters.Keywords: pengetahuan lokal (local knowledge), Mount Merapi, natural hazards, disastersThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

264Theories and Practices of Mindfulness in Asian Traditions: Historical Context andRelevance to the Modern WorldDante Guanlao Simbulan, Jr.Mindfulness practices, including “yoga” and “meditation” are increasingly found in the scientific and technical aswell as popular literature. This paper briefly reviews the historical roots of mindfulness practices and explores thecognitive frameworks and worldviews which may have sustained these practices. The modern relevance ofmindfulness in the light of the challenges and crises that continue to face humankind is partially examined.In Search of An ASEAN IdentityPham Quang MinhOver the last five decades, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has become a phenomenon inworld politics. The main question is why ASEAN, a loosely organized institution consisting of ten smallcountries, can develop successfully, and play an increasingly important role in regional cooperation andintegration. I argue that it is the ASEAN identity that serves as catalyst for maintaining ASEAN through time.The paper consists of five parts. The first part provides a background for understanding ASEAN. The secondanswers what ASEAN’s identity is and what its relevance is to ASEAN. The third part analyzes how ASEANconstructed its identity. The fourth describes the ASEAN way as a core component of the ASEAN identity. Thefifth part explains why the ASEAN identity is important for Vietnam. The paper concludes that not like materialor institutional forces, identity is somewhat both material as well as spiritual, playing the role of catalyst inconnecting all members of ASEAN to make it coherent. For a few more years, ASEAN will still be in search of itscommon identity.Panel 5: Flux and Flows of People, Power and Practices: Issues Relating to Social JusticeReimagining citizenship and political agency: Practices and perspectives of migrantworkers in Malaysia and JapanAlinaya Sybilla L. FabrosThis paper probes different on-the-ground interventions and initiatives of migrant associations and networks, inorder to reflect on modalities of active citizenship and political agency that emerge in the context of transnationallabor migration. Exploring narratives and experiences of Filipino migrant formations in Malaysia and Japan, thisstudy looks at two related questions: Do migrant workers make up a growing body of disenfranchised citizens,who are deprived of a political voice, within various arenas that affect them? Or conversely, how are they able toact as citizens and empowered agents, particularly in relation to concerns that matter to them most? Thediscussion illustrates a few activities and engagements, and identifies lessons, challenges and insights drawn fromsome sustained attempts to organize and provide services for migrant workers.Political Participation of Women in Asia from a Feminist Perspective: A DocumentaryFilm ProjectLoh Yin SanDespite the prevailing discourse on the lack of women’s participation and leadership in politics in Asian countries,as documented both in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women(CEDAW) Country Report and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) Report, I am interested in findingThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

265out how Asian women politicians have charted their paths in national politics against their respective difficultcircumstances, and what milestones Asian women politicians have achieved thus far, in the post-independent era.With these purposes in mind, this documentary film focuses on the women politicians in Japan and thePhilippines by examining the stories of their respective political journeys. Specifically, this documentary aspires tocapture the following: How have these women politicians made their way to where they are now in politics? Whatfactors have encouraged or discouraged their participation and leadership in politics? What can we learn fromthem that would be useful in promoting feminist politics and leadership in the Asia region? Through mainlyparticipant observation and in-depth interviews, this documentary film privileges the voices of women politiciansin Japan and the Philippines in order to understand their experiences in political participation and leadership,including the structural constraints and difficulties that have confronted and are confronting them. By makingtheir political journey central to this project, my goal is to reveal the dynamics of these women politicians’ livesand their creative responses in claiming their rights in politics. Often, political circumstances serve as the catalysteffect for most women politicians entering into politics. While these women have taken different routes tobecome who they are today, they are equally affected by the social, cultural, and political factors that can eitherfacilitate or hinder their taking part in politics. The lived experience of Japanese and Filipino women politicianspresented in this documentary film may complicate the gender stereotyping on Asian women’s participation inpolitics, and develop an understanding of their capacity and strengths in navigating this gendered political space.It focuses not merely on the obstacles or challenges they faced in their pathways, but also on their struggles and thestrategies they deployed to negotiate their way through politics.China’s Confucius Institute and Its Civilizing Mission in the Mekong RegionNguyen Van ChinhTogether with the massive flow of investment, trade and economic aid from China to the Mekong basin, activitiesaimed at exporting Chinese culture to the region have also been on the increase. The establishment by China ofConfucius Institutes in the Mekong basin countries can be seen as part of a long-term strategy to spread Chineselanguage and culture and improve China’s image in the eyes of its neighbors. While most countries in the Mekongregion tend to be reserved about allowing this special educational vehicle of China into their national educationsystems, the Kingdom of Thailand appears to be widening its doors to welcome the institutes. Between 2006 and2008, China set up 24 Confucius Institutes and Classrooms in public universities and high schools in Thailand.Thousands of volunteer teachers from China were sent to Thailand to teach and organize various types of culturalexchange activities. In this paper, the activities of Confucius Institutes in the Mekong basin countries will beexplored in the context of the rise of China’s presence in the region. Focusing on Thailand as a special case, thepaper seeks to provide an initial assessment of the extent, nature and effect of China’s Confucius Institutes andthe factors that make Thailand a regional hub of Chinese language and culture.Light at Night: How the Offshore Call Center Industry is Shaping Young FilipinoWorkersResmi Setia MilawatiThis research examines the social impact of the offshore call center industry on young, college-educated Filipinoworkers. The research was conducted in Metro Manila, the Philippines. The data revealed that despite thevaluable contributions of the call center industry, there are issues that need to be examined further. Keycharacteristics of the industry include relatively high salaries, graveyard shifts, irate customers, tedious workloads,tight control policies, high performance demands, and workers’ assumption of fake identities, which seems toinfluence the way workers see themselves. Such characteristics have been seen to contribute to a tendency towardsa degree of conspicuous consumption by workers, and to unusual usage of leisure time, particularly among nonbreadwinners.In short, this research illustrates a paradox of globalization: as workers gain benefits from thecorporate search for cheap labor, they also carry the burden of the global restructuring of work.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

266Muslim Women in Public Spheres: From Historical Narratives to Roles in the 21 stCenturySubhatra BhumiprabhasThe paper explores the situation of Muslim women in public spheres in Indonesia. It focuses on the roles andexperiences of female journalists in the country, including in Aceh where shari’ah law is applied. Images ofMuslim women as depicted in the media, and within Indonesian feminist perspectives, are examined. Femalejournalists interviewed for the paper articulate views and personal experiences that challenge many stereotypicalimages of Muslim women as seen in the media and in other arenas. The paper also touches briefly on stereotypicalimages of Muslim women in Thailand’s deep south as “dependent” and “vulnerable” and as “peace builders”.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

267CONTACT DETAILS (as of March 2013)For further information about the API Fellowships Program, please visit www.api-fellowships.org or contact therespective country’s Partner Institution and Regional Coordinating Institution below.IndonesiaResearch Center for Regional Resources (PSDR)Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI)Widya Graha, 9 th Floor, Jln. Jen. Gatot Subroto,No. 10, Jakarta 12710 IndonesiaContact: John HabaYekti MaunatiTel: +62-21-526-5152/525-1542 ext. 680/686Fax: +62-21-526-5152/570-1232E-mail: darahkubiru@yahoo.com,yektim@yahoo.comURL: http://www.api-indonesia.info/JapanCenter for Southeast Asian Studies (CSEAS)Kyoto University46 Shimoadachi-cho, Yoshida, Sakyo-ku,Kyoto 606-8501 JapanContact: Naoko MaenoMotoko KondoTel: +81-75-753-7348/7391Fax: +81-75-753-7165E-mail: api@cseas.kyoto-u.ac.jpURL: http://www.cseas.kyoto-u.ac.jp/api/MalaysiaInstitute of Malaysian and International Studies(IKMAS)Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM)43600 UKM Bangi, Selangor Darul Ehsan, MalaysiaContact: Dorothy Fernandez-RobertNoraini DhiauddinTel: + 60-3-8921-3576/3205Fax: +60-3-8926-1022/9253E-mail: drob@ukm.my, ainidee@ukm.my,apifellowships@yahoo.comURL: http://www.ukm.my/ikmas/eng/api.htmPhilippinesSchool of Social Sciences, Ateneo de ManilaUniversity (ADMU)Ground Floor, Center for Community Services (CCS)Building, Social Development Complex,Ateneo de Manila University, Loyola Heights,Quezon City 1108 PhilippinesContact: Clarissa MijaresKristine Michelle L. SantosTel: +63-2-426-6001 ext. 5205Fax: +63-2-426-1279E-mail: cmijares.api@gmail.com,api@admu.edu.ph,apiprogram.office@gmail.comURL: http://www.apiprogramphilippines.com/ThailandInstitute of Asian Studies (IAS),Chulalongkorn University2 nd Floor, Prajadhipok-Rambhai Barni Building,Phyathai Road, Bangkok 10330 ThailandContact: Somkamol YongkrittayaBanyong HomoabTel: +66-2218-7409 / +66-2218-7422Fax: +66-2218-7409 / +66-2652-5283E-mail: api_fellowships@chula.ac.thURL: http://www.api-fellowships.org/body/thailand.phpRegional Coordinating InstitutionInstitute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University3 rd Floor, Prajadhipok-Rambhai Barni Building,Chulalongkorn University, Phyathai Road, Bangkok10330 ThailandContact: Michiko YoshidaRattana PoopitakchatkaewTel: +66-2-218-7422Fax: +66-2-652-5283Email: ci@api-fellowships.orgURL: www.api-fellowships.orgThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows

268The Nippon FoundationInternational Program Department1-2-2 Akasaka, Minato-ku, Tokyo 107-8404 JapanTel: +81-3-6229-5181 Fax: +81-3-6229-5180E-mail: api@ps.nippon-foundation.or.jpURL: http://www.nippon-foundation.or.jp/eng/The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows