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Key Concepts of Fate and Prediction in the Yijing - Chao Center for ...

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27order to entice Confucians to know Chan.” Not surpris<strong>in</strong>gly, his work conta<strong>in</strong>ed a gooddeal <strong>of</strong> paradox; thus he described it as be<strong>in</strong>g about change (yi ), nonchange(feiyi ), <strong>and</strong> nei<strong>the</strong>r change nor non-change (lit. “not non-change;” feifei yi ).The Daoist cleric Liu Yim<strong>in</strong>g (;1724-1831), <strong>for</strong> his part, sought to reconcileConfucianism <strong>and</strong> Daoism by argu<strong>in</strong>g that Daoist ideas <strong>of</strong> mental <strong>and</strong> alchemicalref<strong>in</strong>ement were perfectly compatible with Confucian notions <strong>of</strong> moral self-cultivation.Indeed, accord<strong>in</strong>g to Liu’s book, Elucidat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Truth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Zhou Changes (Zhouyichanzhen ), <strong>the</strong> Way <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Confucian sages was <strong>the</strong> same as <strong>the</strong> Way <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>Daoist immortals.The Q<strong>in</strong>g dynasty (16444-1912) witnessed <strong>the</strong> rise to prom<strong>in</strong>ence <strong>of</strong> a new k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong>scholarship known as Evidential Studies (kaozheng xue ), which sought to rid <strong>the</strong>Confucian classics, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Yij<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>of</strong> course, <strong>of</strong> Buddhist <strong>and</strong> Daoist accretions,which scholars <strong>of</strong> this <strong>in</strong>tellectual persuasion blamed on <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> Song Neo-Confucianism. Us<strong>in</strong>g sophisticated philological techniques to expose <strong>in</strong>terpolations <strong>and</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r distortions <strong>in</strong> both “orig<strong>in</strong>al” texts <strong>and</strong> later commentaries, pioneers <strong>in</strong> EvidentialStudies such as Gu Yanwu (; 1613-1682), Huang Zongxi (; 1610-1695)<strong>and</strong> Wang Fuzhi (; 1619-1692), as well as later exponents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se <strong>in</strong>terpretivetechniques, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g Mao Qil<strong>in</strong>g (; 1623-1716), Hu Wei (; 1633-1714) <strong>and</strong>Hui Dong (; 1697-1758), generally looked to Han dynasty materials <strong>for</strong> <strong>in</strong>spirationra<strong>the</strong>r than to Song dynasty sources, on <strong>the</strong> grounds that <strong>the</strong>y were closer to <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong>Confucius <strong>and</strong> essentially free from corrosive Buddhist <strong>and</strong> Religious Daoist <strong>in</strong>fluences.Predictably, most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se scholars castigated Zhu Xi <strong>for</strong> attach<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Yellow RiverChart <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Luo River Writ<strong>in</strong>g to his “orthodox” writ<strong>in</strong>gs on <strong>the</strong> Changes, thuslegitimat<strong>in</strong>g highly dubious documents.Huang Zongxi, <strong>for</strong> example, fiercely assailed Shao Yong’s Supreme Pr<strong>in</strong>ciples that Rule<strong>the</strong> World <strong>and</strong> most o<strong>the</strong>r works by <strong>in</strong>dividuals identified as exponents <strong>of</strong> “images <strong>and</strong>numbers,” <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g J<strong>in</strong>g Fang, Jiao Yanshou, <strong>and</strong> Chen Tuan. In his highly <strong>in</strong>fluentialbook, Yixue xiangshu lun (Discussion <strong>of</strong> Images <strong>and</strong> Numbers <strong>in</strong> ChangesScholarship) Huang disparages <strong>the</strong> received versions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yellow River Chart <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>Luo River Writ<strong>in</strong>g, which, he claims, lack “historical au<strong>the</strong>nticity,” <strong>and</strong> is at particularpa<strong>in</strong>s to dist<strong>in</strong>guish between “correct” <strong>and</strong> “<strong>in</strong>correct” images. In Huang’s view, <strong>the</strong> onlyau<strong>the</strong>ntic images were: (1) those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> eight trigrams , (2) those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> six l<strong>in</strong>es, (3) those resembl<strong>in</strong>g th<strong>in</strong>gs (), (4) those show<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> positions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>l<strong>in</strong>es (), (5) those <strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g hexagram opposition (), (6) those<strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g directions (), <strong>and</strong> (7) those <strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g overlapp<strong>in</strong>g trigrams (). These seven “exhaust all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> images,” he ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed. Later scholars, however,created what Huang called false images, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g those connected with <strong>the</strong> najia ()system, “mov<strong>in</strong>g l<strong>in</strong>es” (dongyao ), “hexagram changes” (guabian ), <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> socalledFormer Heaven configurations (xiantian ). These four, he claimed, “obscured<strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al seven.”

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