FOCUS ON THE AMERICAS - International Press Institute

On August 30, Marco Tulio Valencia, director
of the newspaper El Norte in the region of
Tolima, was the target of an assassination attempt.
An unknown
person shot at him
five times while he
was on his way
home, but he managed
to escape unhurt.
The journalist
had been the victim of threats because of his
revelations on micro drug trafficking gangs.
Not so lucky was Clodomiro Castilla Ospino,
editor and owner of the magazine El Pulso
del Tiempo and a reporter on the radio program
La Voz de Montería. He was murdered
on the night of March 19, 2010, while he was
reading on the terrace of his home. A man
shot him eight times and escaped on a motorcycle
with his accomplice. The Córdoba
police arrested two suspects that night, but
they were later released due to lack of evidence.
Two months after the crime, the victim’s
daughter was forced to flee her hometown
after being followed and harassed.
Castilla was a controversial journalist,
known for his reports on corruption and
paramilitary activity in the region. Due to
threats against his life, since August 2006,
he had participated in the
journalist protection program,
sponsored by the Interior
and Justice Ministry, and
he had been given protection
which included a bodyguard. However, in
February 2009, he requested that this security
be withdrawn. Then in November of the
same year, he asked for it to be reinstated,
though the program said that he was not in
danger. Months later, IAPA expressed concern
because on May 19, 2010 the Interior
Ministry issued Decree 1740, which regu-
lates the policy of protection of individuals
in a vulnerable situation, so media organisations
believe it weakens their protection.
Due to threats against Castilla’s life, since
August 2006, he had participated in
the journalist protection program.
CPJ noted: “Provincial reporters are particularly
at risk and often refrain from reporting
on sensitive subjects. Castilla
courageously did not practice self-censorship
and his murder highlights the need
for authorities to show their commitment
to protecting the press.”
Mauricio Medina Moreno was murdered at
his home, in Tolima, on April 11. He was
stabbed 25 times with a sharp weapon. He
belonged to an indigenous lobby and had
been working for the past six years as director
of community radio station CRIT 98.0.
Authorities said almost immediately that it
was a crime of passion. Reporters Without
Borders pointed out that such an argument
is often used to close a case.
Rodolfo Maya Aricape was the third journalist
murdered in 2010. He was at home
Rodolfo Maya Aricape was the third
journalist murdered in 2010.
on October 14 when two men fatally shot
him in front of his family. He was an indigenous
leader who worked for the Payumat
radio station and the incident occurred
in the rural area of Caloto, in
Cauca. According to council members, the
murder was linked to graffiti which referred
to the journalist as a member of the
guerrilla group FARC (Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia).
Representatives from the North Cauca Association
of Indigenous Councils told Reporters
Without Borders and the World Association
of Community Radio Broadcasters
(AMARC) during a mission they conducted
to that part of the country, that the
communities and journalists are caught in
a trap between the army and the paramilitaries,
on the one hand, and FARC on the
other, each one accusing them of supporting
the other.
Colombia is in fifth place on CPJ’s Impunity
Index 2010, after Iraq, Somalia, the
Philippines and Sri Lanka. Its ranking improved
over the last two years as violence
against the press declined. However, the organization
asserts that serious problems remain
because the press is weaker financially
and institutionally.
IAPA has noted advances in the fight against
impunity, with five perpetrators of five
crimes between 2001 and 2007 convicted in
2010. Nevertheless, it also expressed concern
because in 16 years only 24 sentences have
been passed in 15 out of 59 journalist murder
cases. Alejandro Aguirre, president of
IAPA, greeted the efforts made during the
last year by the authorities, but pointed out
that results are still few.
Colombian journalists are
still strongly affected by
death threats.
At the beginning of 2008, IAPA had asked the
Attorney General’s office to take over 27 dormant
cases in the state attorney’s offices
throughout the country because many of
them had been shelved or suspended. Between
June and July 2010, officials handed
down major decisions in 14 cases. Some of
the celebrated rulings were the highlighting
of Guillermo Cano’s murder (1986) as a
crime against humanity in order to avoid
limitations in the investigation, and the reopening
of Mario Prada Díaz’s case (2002).
Also, two ex-members of the United Self-Defense
Forces of Colombia (AUC) were sentenced
for Jaime Rengifo’s murder, paramilitaries
were charged in the death of Luis Eduardo
Alfonso (2003), a former congressman
and his son were linked to Orlando Sierra’s
assassination, a mayor was sentenced for
Right: A boy walks past Colombian police officers in
the "13 Commune" neighborhood in Medellin, September
3, 2010. The neighborhood has one of the highest
rates of urban violence and displacement of its
residents due to violence by gangs known as
"Combos." The mural reads: "We want to live in
peace." (REUTERS)
Hernando Salas Rojas’s death and José
Miguel Narváez, former deputy director of
the DAS, was held in custody without bail for
the murder of Jaime Garzón (1999).
In contrast, this year the people allegedly responsible
for the murder of José Everardo
Aguilar (2009) and José Duviel Vásquez
(2001) were released from jail.
Colombian journalists are still strongly affected
by death threats. The intimidations
registered in 2010 were delivered via text
messages, e-mails, phone calls and personal
visits, and in many cases were extended to
journalists’ families. For example, Luis Carlos
Cervantes, a correspondent for Teleantioquia
Noticias in Tarazá, was given 72 hours to
leave or face death. He received various text
messages saying: “If you're looking for those
responsible, you are going to die, and your
colleagues as well”. Javier Gómez Garcés,
former presenter with the local television
station Telepetróleo, reported that he was
threatened by unknown assailants who
pointed a gun at him and told him: “Journalist,
don’t play the brave one, the cemetery is
full of brave ones.”
FLIP has documented
six cases of
attacks and intimidation
against radio
stations in 2010. The
most prominent one
was on August 12,
when a car bomb
with 50 kg of explosives
was left outside
the offices of
the national broadcaster
Radio Caracol,
in Bogotá, and detonated
at 5:30 am
leaving at least nine
people injured. As part of that episode,
President Santos went to the radio station
and asked the journalists to avoid the terrorists’
game.
Restrictions on access to information, government-controlled
advertising and sponsorship,
and armed conflict have contributed
to self-censorship, FLIP stated.
Certain stories are not covered because
journalists are afraid for their lives, but
media outlets, too, can make decisions that
affect freedom of information. One example
could be weekly magazine Cambio,
closed by El Tiempo News Company purportedly
for economic reasons. However,
former editors Rodrigo Pardo and Maria
Elvira Samper told news media that the decision
was due to its editorial stance.
IAPA believes that both government officials
and private persons use the courts as a
Around 10 other bills relate
to prohibitions and
limitations on publishing
polls, electoral advertising
and commercial publicity,
or require media to promote
the value of language
and promote national
cultural diversity.
mechanism for silencing and blocking the
right to inform; slander and defamation remain
criminalized in Colombia. For example,
the governor of Casanare sued eight
journalists who work for Violeta Stereo for
defamation because they reported that he
was being investigated and that his development
plan had not been completely implemented.
In a separate case, the trial of
Claudia López, who faces charges of libel
and slander stemming from an article she
wrote about former President Ernesto
Samper, was set to begin in January 2011.
On a more positive note, the conviction of
columnist Mauricio Vargas on a contempt
charge was overturned, and at a preliminary
hearing an investigation into alleged
libel by Alejandro Santos, editor of the
weekly Semana, was ordered halted.
Meanwhile, Alfredo Molano, a journalist
and columnist for El Espectador, was absolved
of wrongdoing in a libel and slander
case brought against him over an
opinion column.
In the domain of legislation, a preliminary
bill that would severely punish
news outlets and even shut down media
that break the law
regarding specific
information about
teenagers and children
was presented,
to the consternation
of IAPA. The
bill covers print and
electronic media as
a measure to protect
the youth, but
could, IAPA
warned, lead to serious
consequences
such as direct censorship,
since it
leaves interpretation at the discretion of
administrative officials who will rule on
disputes. Around 10 other bills relate to
prohibitions and limitations on publishing
polls, electoral advertising and commercial
publicity, or require media to
promote the value of language and promote
national cultural diversity.
Recommendations
• The Colombian government must speed
up the investigations into threats against,
and the murders of, journalists, and must
punish those responsible.
• Colombia’s Congress should shelve all
projects that may affect press freedom
and free speech.
• The Colombian government must accelerate
investigations related to illegal
phone tapping.
• Slander and defamation must be decriminalized.
Colombia in Brief
Population: 46.7 million
Domestic Overview:
Violence has affected Colombia’s society
during the last 50 years because of conflict
between armed groups. On one side are
leftist guerrillas, and on the other,
rightwing paramilitaries – who are not yet
completely demobilized. Both are involved
in drug dealing.
International organizations have said that
Colombia’s justice system remains compromised
by corruption and extortion.
Colombia is ranked Partly Free in Freedom
House’s 2010 survey of political rights and
civil liberties. Since 1999, the country has
been fighting terrorism and drug trafficking,
with the help of the United States,
under Plan Colombia.
Beyond Borders:
Former Colombian President Álvaro Uribe
was criticized by some segments of the international
community for allegedly violating
human rights during his presidency. Relations
with Venezuela worsened during
the last month of Uribe’s presidency because
of Bogotá’s alleged tolerating of
Colombian rebel activity on Venezuelan
territory. In addition, Caracas condemned a
pact signed between Colombia and the
United States in 2009 granting U.S. military
personnel and aircraft increased access to
seven Colombian bases.
Ties between Colombia and Venezuela
have improved since President Juan
Manuel Santos took office. Diplomatic relations
with Ecuador – severed following a
March 2008 cross-border raid by Colombia
- were re-established in November 2010.
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