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FOCUS ON THE AMERICAS - International Press Institute

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While shutting down privately-owned TV<br />

and radio stations, the Venezuelan president<br />

created state-owned media for the<br />

sole purpose of distributing propaganda,<br />

and bought former private media companies<br />

to further propagate his message. He<br />

also created laws primarily aimed at controlling<br />

content. The attempt to control the<br />

media is also apparent in his careful distribution<br />

of state-paid advertising, his manipulation<br />

of the court system where he<br />

has false cases brought against journalists<br />

and his attempts at bribing the media, according<br />

to Ricardo Trotti, director of IAPA’s<br />

<strong>Press</strong> <strong>Institute</strong>.<br />

In April 2010, the Venezuelan government<br />

created what it called the “communication<br />

guerrilla movement” with school students,<br />

who were sworn in by the communication<br />

minister. The government idea was to resist<br />

"the numerous attacks against the Revolución<br />

Bolivariana”, and to foster “a new way<br />

to see the world through socialism". The<br />

communication minister spoke of “companies<br />

that have interests behind them, and<br />

pre-established ideologies, that have political<br />

intentions and are harassing the Revolución<br />

Bolivariana”.<br />

It is clear that “the lack of safety and impunity,<br />

violations of the rule of law, government<br />

policies of persecution, discrimination,<br />

exclusion and harassment, along<br />

with the serious deterioration in the social<br />

ambience” have made it difficult for<br />

Venezuelan journalists to work freely, and<br />

for Venezuelan citizens to be able to hear<br />

different views.<br />

The role played by Venezuela in international<br />

politics is having strongly negative<br />

effects on press freedom in other countries,<br />

particularly those belonging to<br />

ALBA (an international political alliance<br />

including Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia,<br />

Cuba, The Dominican Republic, Ecuador,<br />

Nicaragua, Saint Vincent and Grenadine<br />

and Venezuela). Trotti, of IAPA, said that<br />

Chávez might have concrete intentions of<br />

transforming the regional scene by using<br />

the obstruction of press freedom and expression<br />

as one of his tools: “ALBA members,<br />

in fact, have a common plan to control<br />

communications,” Trotti said.<br />

In Bolivia, the press has reacted to the apparent<br />

attempts to curb media freedom. In<br />

one action, all Bolivian newspapers except<br />

one published the message “Without freedom<br />

of expression there is no democracy”.<br />

Also, several journalists went on a hunger<br />

strike that lasted several days. The response<br />

from the government has yet to be seen.<br />

In Ecuador the situation is worsening. The<br />

president has publicly said that the government<br />

“unfortunately” does not control<br />

all of the media, while harassment of the<br />

media continues in various forms – including<br />

public statements by the president<br />

- and the use of state advertising to<br />

either punish or bolster certain media. For<br />

example, the newspaper Hoy, based in<br />

Quito, received, in writing, information<br />

regarding an official ban on advertising in<br />

Hoy by all public companies and government<br />

entities. The ban was allegedly ordered<br />

directly by the secretary of communication<br />

of the presidency.<br />

The national assembly is currently studying<br />

a communications law that regulates<br />

not only state-licensed media (radio and<br />

TV) but also print media.<br />

There is also the case of Argentina, where<br />

President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner<br />

strongly supported a Law of Services of<br />

Audio-visual Communication, which replaced<br />

the Media Law created during the<br />

last military dictatorship (1976-1983). This<br />

law imposes limits on media property, forcing<br />

some media holdings to reduce their<br />

number of business units and preventing<br />

others from growing. This law was approved<br />

as the confrontation between the<br />

media and the government intensified,<br />

straining the social and political climate<br />

within the country.<br />

The new law remains controversial, as<br />

some media regard it as a direct attack on<br />

press freedom, while others welcome it as<br />

support for new or smaller media seeking<br />

a broader following. There are, though,<br />

clear and serious press freedom setbacks.<br />

Discrimination in government advertising<br />

and attacks on media holdings by different<br />

sectors (unions and political groups claiming<br />

to be close to the current government)<br />

are far from positive signs. “Nonetheless,<br />

the communications media have not been<br />

distracted from their mission of defending<br />

freedom of expression and promoting a climate<br />

that fosters the harmonious development<br />

of a society in conflict and its co-existence<br />

with an independent press”, the<br />

2010 IAPA report stated.<br />

Societies in these countries may be on their<br />

way to losing respect for the media as a social<br />

institution. Government accusations<br />

against the media are producing grave<br />

harm: not only are these countries not enjoying<br />

the benefits of a free press, but there<br />

are also terrible long-term consequences<br />

for the notion that a free press is crucial.<br />

Societies are divided: Who to trust? The<br />

politicians for whom they have voted, or<br />

the media by which they are informed.<br />

IPI Contributor<br />

Patricia Santa Marina is former corporate affairs Director<br />

of Grupo Infobae (from 2003 - 2010), which<br />

includes Canal 5 Noticias (C5N), a cable news<br />

channel, Infobae.com, a news website, and Radio<br />

10. Patricia Santa Marina studied political science<br />

at Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina ‘Santa<br />

María de los Buenos Aires’ (1992-98) and political<br />

economics at the London School of Economics and<br />

Political Science. She is a member of the board of<br />

directors for IPI.<br />

Caribbean Overview: Media<br />

Struggles with Defamation<br />

Laws, Economic Challenges<br />

By Wesley Gibbings<br />

Challenges to press freedom in<br />

countries of the Caribbean span a complex<br />

variety of direct and insidious phenomena.<br />

These include overt state hostility toward<br />

media enterprises, a heritage of restrictive<br />

legislative environments, the commandeering<br />

of content by commercial and special interest<br />

groups, and the corrosive effects of systemic<br />

self-censorship. Accidents of history,<br />

size and geographical location are often cited<br />

as proximate cause and, in many instances,<br />

the pursuit of development in the face of social<br />

and economic challenges emerges as a<br />

default defense for the derogation of free expression<br />

and freedom of the press.<br />

For the most part, the tiny<br />

British and Dutch dependencies<br />

and semi-autonomous<br />

states constitute relatively<br />

small media environments<br />

with heavy reliance on overseas<br />

content. The French Departments<br />

of Martinique<br />

and Guadeloupe provide a more vibrant<br />

private media landscape governed by<br />

French media law. Dutch law likewise governs<br />

media law in the Netherlands Antilles.<br />

With the exception of Anguilla, Bermuda,<br />

British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands,<br />

Montserrat, Turks and Caicos Islands and<br />

U.S. Virgin Islands, the other small Englishspeaking<br />

Caribbean islands are all independent<br />

states with their own media laws.<br />

Skirmishes involving the media and island<br />

authorities are occasionally reported in<br />

Bermuda and Cayman Islands. Recurring<br />

issues include the allocation of state advertising,<br />

media self-regulation, self-censorship<br />

to preserve advertising revenue and<br />

claims of political bias.<br />

In many countries, the work of government<br />

ghost writers is often published in<br />

newspapers with close ties to ruling administrations,<br />

in order to provide “balance”<br />

to “negative” news stories in other media.<br />

This often leads to the publication of divisive<br />

and vitriolic charges against media<br />

people, which sometimes achieves the objective<br />

of stirring up hostility among their<br />

supporters against journalists. In December,<br />

Grenada Prime Minister Tillman<br />

Thomas described a blog column written<br />

by journalist Hamlet Mark as being “dangerous<br />

to Grenada.” The Media Workers Association<br />

of Grenada (MWAG) roundly<br />

condemned the remark.<br />

In many countries, the work of government<br />

ghost writers is often published<br />

in newspapers with close ties<br />

to ruling administrations.<br />

In some countries, broadcast licenses are<br />

also dispensed to political allies of ruling<br />

administrations who maintain a partisan<br />

front to the detriment of professional journalism.<br />

In the absence of strong, independent<br />

civil society interventions, the result is<br />

a deafening silence on corruption, good<br />

governance and justice issues.<br />

Serious journalistic investigations into<br />

weighty issues are also often described as<br />

giving the country a bad name and trying<br />

to undermine tourism and investments.<br />

In Trinidad and Tobago, a journalist,<br />

Kevin Baldeosingh, was fired by Newsday<br />

newspaper in May 2009 after exposing acts<br />

of plagiarism on the part of a Catholic<br />

80 IPI REVIEW<br />

IPI REVIEW 81

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