contradictions-[s1'il/sgn the big bourgeoisie and thepetty bourgeoisie, urban and rural, and between capitalismand-the colonial peoples. These conditions lead<strong>to</strong> the second stage, marked by the transformation offree competition in<strong>to</strong> monopoly, the export of capital,and the exploitation of the colonies as sources ofcheap laboui and raw materials. This stage is markedby intensification of all the major contradictionsibetweenthe proletariat and, the bourgeoisie, betweenimperialism and the colonial peoples, and betweenrivil imperialist powers; and these contrad-ictions lead<strong>to</strong> impeiialist wars, until in one country after anotherthe proletariat seizes power with the suPport of the*r.ri, of the peasantry and establishes itself as theruling class. This is the proletarian revolution.Th; principal bourgeois revolutions of modernEurope ire thi English (16+g), Che French (1789), 'theGerman (IB4B), and the Russian (,9o5, I9r7)' In1649 and 1769 the bourgeoisie seized power from thefeudalists, ibut subsequently came <strong>to</strong> terms with them'In lB4B and r9o5 it did not seize power but receivedcertain concessions. In February rgrT it did seizepower but was overthrown nine months later by theproletariat.The hesitancy of the bourgeoisie in carryingthrough these revolutions arises from its dual character.II we examine them in turn, we find that eachof them, as compared with the preceding, is markedby deeper contridiotions, which lead gradually <strong>to</strong>-atransformation in the character of the revolution' In1649 the proletariat played onfV a- very- small part'In'i789 ii was active but still dependent on thepetft blureeoisie. In rB4B it was so active that theilorigeoisie" <strong>to</strong>ok fright and capitulated <strong>to</strong> the feudalisis,leaving the revolution uncompleted' The samething happeried in r9o5, -only by this time theprolEtariai was so strong that a few years later itsucceeded in forcing the bourgeois revolution through<strong>to</strong> its completion by carrying it forward in<strong>to</strong> theproletarian revolution.At the ,beginning of r9o5, arguing against thosepetty-bourgeois socialists who disdained the idea ofparticipating in a bourgeois revolution, Lenin wrote :To the proletarian the struggle for political libertyand a democratic republic in a bourgeoissociety is only one of the necessary stages in thestruggle for the social revolution that will overthrowthe bourgeois system. Strictly differentiatingbetween stages that are essentially different,soberly examining the conditions under which theymanifest ,themselves, does not at all mean indefinitelypostponing one's ultimate aim or slowingdown one's progress in advance. On the contrary,it is for the purpose of accelerating the advanceand achieving the ultimate aim as quickly andsecurely as possible that it is necessary <strong>to</strong> understandthe relation of classes in modern society. (LCW 8.24,cf. 9.5o.)z. T he Russian ReuolutionBy the end of the nineteenth century the bourgeoisrevolutions of Western Europe had for the most partbeen completed. Feudalism had ibeen abolished andcapitalism was entering on the stage of imperialism.Russia, however, was still semi-feudal.The growth of industrial capitalism in Russia maybe dated from the Peasant Reform of 186r. This wasa concession won by the new manufacturing bourgeoisiefrom the Tsarist au<strong>to</strong>cracy, the regime of thefeudal landowners. Its effect was <strong>to</strong> abolish serfdomin such a way that the land,owners retained many oftheir feudal privileges, rvhich they used <strong>to</strong> intensify23
their exploitation of the peasantry (LCW 17.rzt)'Based on small holdings and primitive instruments,agriculture remained backward and unproductive'Fimine was endemic' Many ruined peasants lefttheir villages <strong>to</strong> work on the railways or <strong>to</strong> providecheap labour for the new industries in the <strong>to</strong>wns(LCW 2.99-roo). Civil and political liberties did notexist (LCW q tzt).The Peasant Reform was followed by a period ofextremely rapid industrial growth :After l86r capitalism developed in Russia sorapidly that in a few decades it brought about atrinsformation which had taken centuries in someof the old countries of Europe. (LCW 17.tzz')Ilence, while the peasantry was crushed 'by innumerablesurvivals of medievalism as well as bycapitalism' (LCW IB.r43), the bourgeoisie founditself confronted, on the one hand, Lry an oppressiveand corrupt au<strong>to</strong>cracy, still dbstructing the developmen<strong>to</strong>f capitalism, and, on the other, by avigorous induitrial proletariat equipped. with a knowleJgeof <strong>Marx</strong>ist theory, which embodied the lessonsleaint from rTBg and lB4B and also from the ParisCommune o,f rBTr (LCW I9.539-4o).These contradictions issued in the revoiution ofrgo5. If the bourgeoisie had then placed itself atthe " head of the proletariat and the peasantr)', itwould have been strong enough <strong>to</strong> overthrow theTsar and establish a bourgeois-democratic republic'But it shrank from doing so, because it was afraidof the proletariat :The antagonism between the proletariat and thebourgeoisie is much deeper with us than it was in1789, rB4B, or l87l; hence the bourgeoisie will bemore afraid of the proletarian revolution and will2+throw itself more readily in<strong>to</strong> the arms of reaction.(LCW B.z5B.)Hence the bourgeoisie strives <strong>to</strong> put an end <strong>to</strong>the rbourgeois revolution half-way frorn its destination,u,hen freedom has been only half won, bya deal with the old authorities and the landlords.This striving is grounded in the class interests ofthe bourgeoisie. In the German bourgeois revolutionof rB4B it was manifested so clearly thatthe Communist <strong>Marx</strong> spearheaded proletarianpolicy against the 'compromising' (<strong>Marx</strong>'s expression)liberal bourgeoisie. Our Russian bourgeoisie isstill rnore cowardly, and our proletariat far moreclass-conscious and better organised than was theGerman proletariat in rB4B. In our country thefull vic<strong>to</strong>ry of the bourgeois-dernocratic movementis possible only in spite of the 'compromising'liberal bourgeoisie, only in the event of the massof the democratic peasantry following the proletariatin the struggli for full freedom and ali theIand. (LCW r2.335)Accordingly, the bourgeoisie renounced its revolutionaryaims and came <strong>to</strong> terms with the au<strong>to</strong>cracy. Thecontradiction hetween feudal privilege and capitalistenterprise remained unresolved (LCW 13.442, r9t43,2o17d. Meanwhile, the monopoly capitalists of theWest, who had already begun <strong>to</strong> invest in Russianindustry, were supporting the Tsar, because they <strong>to</strong>owere afraid of the proletariat :The world bourgeoisie is giving ,billions in loans<strong>to</strong> an obviously rbankrupt Tsar, not only because itis lured, like all moneylenders, by the prospect ofbig profits, lbut because it realises its own vestedinterest in the vic,<strong>to</strong>ry of the old regime over the2_MTMTT ' '25
- Page 1 and 2: x\rsE-TUN
- Page 3 and 4: PrefaceTo the memory ofDOUGLAS GARM
- Page 5 and 6: iY. Socialism in One Countryr Marx'
- Page 7 and 8: under all sorts of 'coalition' cabi
- Page 9 and 10: contingent of the working people, o
- Page 11 and 12: asis-all this is bound to be experi
- Page 13 and 14: In speakins of 'opportunism' here,
- Page 15: the essence of the process remain u
- Page 19 and 20: With atl the peasants right through
- Page 21 and 22: established a commercial network fo
- Page 23 and 24: CHAPTER IIIThe Proletariat and the
- Page 25 and 26: question-but in the sense of being
- Page 27 and 28: ourgeois-dernocratic revolution and
- Page 29 and 30: of the war, the vagabond and semi-v
- Page 31 and 32: lation participants in the division
- Page 33 and 34: as in Russia and so rapid that the
- Page 35 and 36: the coming phases of the world revo
- Page 37 and 38: on the part of the capitalists. Trh
- Page 39 and 40: so is always ready, as in Greece an
- Page 41 and 42: The era of imperialism, or monopoly
- Page 43 and 44: with all the old repressive machine
- Page 45 and 46: perialism; that the world economy i
- Page 47 and 48: subjective forces of revolution are
- Page 49 and 50: the most democratic republics, and
- Page 51 and 52: eally able to lead the whole mass f
- Page 53 and 54: This is where the proletarian who h
- Page 55 and 56: trheir interests. It must serve in
- Page 57 and 58: in the world an'd in China, a great
- Page 59 and 60: profound changes, and there{ore gre
- Page 61 and 62: ing class in the countryside. That
- Page 63 and 64: important question of Marxism. He a
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operative and all other organisatio
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etreat only if the proletariat and
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that we make the class struggle her
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ad,ministration'*which had already
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to declare a 'state of emergency' a
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Very soon we shall be victorious th
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tradictions exist in socialist soci
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working class and the national bour
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tral as well as the provincial, mun
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{Ipoint, the final victory of a soc
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necessary not only to ,bring about
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tools are wheelbarrows, shovels, pi
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LCW ro.z77-3o9. The UnitYApril 19o6
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LCW zg.387-gr. Greetings to the Hun
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Mao Tse-tungMSW. Selected works ofr