'whole' of the peasants against the monarchy, thelandowners, med,ievalism (and <strong>to</strong> that extent the revolutionremains bourgeois, bourgeois-d emocratic) ; t h en,with the poor peasants, the semi-proletarians, all theexploited, against capitalism, including the rural rich,the kulaks, the profiteers, and <strong>to</strong> that extent therevolution trecomes a socialist one. To attempt <strong>to</strong> raisean artificial Chinese Wall between the first and thesecond, <strong>to</strong> separate them by anything else thanthe degree of preparedness of the proletariat, and thedegree of its unity with the poor peasants, means <strong>to</strong>dis<strong>to</strong>rt <strong>Marx</strong>ism dreadfully, <strong>to</strong> vulgarise it, <strong>to</strong> replaceit with liberalism. (LCW z8.3oo.)Speaking on the fourth anniversary of the revolution,Lenin said :The direct and immed,iate dbject of the revolutionin Russia was a bourgeois-democratic one, namely, <strong>to</strong>destroy ,the survivals of medievalism and sweep themaway completely, <strong>to</strong> purge Russia of this barbarism,this shame, and <strong>to</strong> remove this obstacle <strong>to</strong> all cultureand progress in our country. And we can justifiablypride ourselves on having carried out that purge wifhgreater determination and much more rapidly, boldlyand successfully, and, from the standpoint of itseffect on the masses, much more widely and deeply,than the great French Revolution over one hundredand twenty-five years ago. . . . We have consurnmatedthe bourgeois-democratic revolution as nobody haddone before. We are aduancing'<strong>to</strong>wards the socialistrevolution consciously, firmly and unswervingly,knowing that it is not separated from the bourgeoisdemocraticrevolution try a Chinese Wall, and knowing<strong>to</strong>o that in the last analySis struggle alone willdetermine how far we shall advance, what part ofthis immense and lofty task we shall accomplish, and<strong>to</strong> what exten-t we shall succeed in consolidating our3ovic<strong>to</strong>ries. Time will show. But we see even now thata tremendous amount-tremendous for this ruined,exhausted, backward country-has already been donefor the socialist transformation of society. (LCW33.5r )g. The Chinese ReuolutionIn l94o <strong>Mao</strong> <strong>Tse</strong>-<strong>tung</strong> wrote :The first imperialist world war and the first vic<strong>to</strong>rioussocialist revolution, the Oc<strong>to</strong>ber Revolution,have changed the whole course of world his<strong>to</strong>ry andushered in a new era. It is an era in which the worldcapitalist front has collapsed in one part of the globe(one-sixth of the world) and has fully revealed itsdecadence everl'where else; in which the remainingcapitalist parts cannot survive without relying morethan ever on the colonies and semi-coloniesl in whicha socialist state has been estakrlished and has proclaimedits readiness <strong>to</strong> give active support <strong>to</strong> theliberation movements of all colonies and semicolonies.. . . In this era, any revolu,tion in a colony orsemi-colony that is d,irected against imperialism, i.e.against the international bourgeoisie or internationalcapitalism, no longer comes wittrin the old categoryof the bourgeois-democratic world revolution, butwithin the new category. It is no longer part of theold bourgeois, or capitalist, world revolution, but ispart of the new world revolution, the proletariansocialistworld revolution. (MSW 2;.43-4, cf. SCW<strong>to</strong>.244-55.)At the beginning of the present century China was asemi-feudal, semi-colonial country, in which .the massesof the peasantry were exploited by the feudal landownersand by a number of colonial powers, which hadoccupied the ports, seized control of the anks, and3r
established a commercial network for plundering thecountry. In this they were supported by the rich merchants,moneylenders and financiers who constitutedthe big bourgeoisie-the comprador orbureaucrat capitalists.These two classes, ,the feudal landowners and thecomprador bourgeoisie, formed the social base for imperialis<strong>to</strong>ppression in China.Between these two exploiting classes and the masses ofthe people s<strong>to</strong>od the middle, or national, bourgeoisie.These were industrial capitalists whose efforts <strong>to</strong> buildnative industries were frustrated by feudaJism and imperialism.<strong>From</strong> that point of view they were inclined <strong>to</strong>side with the people, hut at the same ,time they werethemselves exploiters, afraid of the proletariat, and sothey tended <strong>to</strong> vacillate.The only consistently an,ti-feudal, anti-imperialistclasses were the peasantry and the proletariat. The vastmajority of the peasantry were ,poor peasants, that is,rural proletarians and semi-proletarians. The industrialproletariat was small, ibut after the first world war, andmore especially after the Oc<strong>to</strong>ber Revolution, it grewrapidly in strength and influence :,The modern industrial proletariat numhers abouttwo million. It is not large because China is economica\backward. These two million ind;ustrialworkers are mainly employed in five industriesrailways,mining, maritime transport, textiles andshiptruilding-and a great numher are enslaved inenterprises owned by foreign capitalists. Though notvery numerous, the industrial proletariat representsChina's new productive forces, is the most progressiveclass in modern China, and has become the leadingforce in the revolutionary movement. (MSW r.rB.)Thus, the peasantry constituted the main body, and theproletariat the leading force, of the revolutionary movement:IjlIItIlr1i,IIIIOnly under the leadership of the proletariat can thepoor and middle peasants achieve their liberation, andonly by forming a firm alliance with the poor andmiddle peasants can the proletariat lead tlhe revolution<strong>to</strong> vic<strong>to</strong>ry. (MSW 2$24.)In the period tgrr-27 there were several revolutionaryuprisings, all directed against feudalism and imperialism,but none of them were successful :Strictly speaking, China's bourgeois-democraticrevolution against imperialism and feudalism wasbegun'by Dr Sun Yat-sen and has been going on formore than fi,f,ty years. . . . Was not the revolutionstarted, Lry Dr Sun Yat-sen a success ? Didn't it sendthe Emperor packing? Yet it was a failure in the sensethat, while it sent the Emperor packing, it left Chinaunder irnperialist and feudal oppression, so that theanti-imperialist and anti.feudal revolutionary taskremained unaccomplished. (MSW 2.242.)The bourgeois-democratic revolution which startedin Kwang<strong>tung</strong> had gone only half-way when thecomprador and landlord classes usurped the leadershipand immediately shifted it on <strong>to</strong> the road ofcounter-revolution. (MSW r.63.)These failures proved that the aims of the bourgeoisdemocraticrevolution were unattainable under bourgeoisleadership :What is the nature of the Chinese revolution ?What kind of revolution are we making <strong>to</strong>day?Today we are making a bourgeois-democratic revolution,and nothing we do goes beyond its scope. Byand large, we should not destroy the bourgeoissystem of private property for the present; what wewant <strong>to</strong> destroy is imperialism and feudalism. This iswhat we mean by the bourgeois-democratic rev-32 JJ
- Page 1 and 2: x\rsE-TUN
- Page 3 and 4: PrefaceTo the memory ofDOUGLAS GARM
- Page 5 and 6: iY. Socialism in One Countryr Marx'
- Page 7 and 8: under all sorts of 'coalition' cabi
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- Page 11 and 12: asis-all this is bound to be experi
- Page 13 and 14: In speakins of 'opportunism' here,
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- Page 17 and 18: their exploitation of the peasantry
- Page 19: With atl the peasants right through
- Page 23 and 24: CHAPTER IIIThe Proletariat and the
- Page 25 and 26: question-but in the sense of being
- Page 27 and 28: ourgeois-dernocratic revolution and
- Page 29 and 30: of the war, the vagabond and semi-v
- Page 31 and 32: lation participants in the division
- Page 33 and 34: as in Russia and so rapid that the
- Page 35 and 36: the coming phases of the world revo
- Page 37 and 38: on the part of the capitalists. Trh
- Page 39 and 40: so is always ready, as in Greece an
- Page 41 and 42: The era of imperialism, or monopoly
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- Page 45 and 46: perialism; that the world economy i
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- Page 51 and 52: eally able to lead the whole mass f
- Page 53 and 54: This is where the proletarian who h
- Page 55 and 56: trheir interests. It must serve in
- Page 57 and 58: in the world an'd in China, a great
- Page 59 and 60: profound changes, and there{ore gre
- Page 61 and 62: ing class in the countryside. That
- Page 63 and 64: important question of Marxism. He a
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that we make the class struggle her
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ad,ministration'*which had already
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to declare a 'state of emergency' a
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Very soon we shall be victorious th
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tradictions exist in socialist soci
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working class and the national bour
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tral as well as the provincial, mun
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{Ipoint, the final victory of a soc
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necessary not only to ,bring about
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tools are wheelbarrows, shovels, pi
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LCW ro.z77-3o9. The UnitYApril 19o6
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LCW zg.387-gr. Greetings to the Hun
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Mao Tse-tungMSW. Selected works ofr