We began our revolution in unusually difficultconditions, suih as no other workers' revolution inthe world will ever have <strong>to</strong> face. (LCW 28.ry7.)z. S o cialist C onstructionAt the end of the civil war the economic life of thecountry was almost at a standstili, and the workerpeasantalliance was under a severe strain. Thesituation was only saved by Lenin's New EconomicPolicy, through ,which production was revived on thebasis of private trade in small industry and agriculture.After this period of economic res<strong>to</strong>ration thestruggle for socialist construction began.Industrialisation requires capital, and the onlyavailable source of capital was the labour of theproletariat and peasantry. Stalin said :In the capitalist countries industrialisation rvasusually effected, in the main, by robbing othercountries, by robbing colonies or defeated countries,or with dhe help of substantial and more orless enslaving loans from abroad.You know that for hundreds of years Britaincollected capital from all her colonies and fromall parts of the world, and was able in this way<strong>to</strong> make additional investments in her industry.This incidentally explains why Britain became a<strong>to</strong>ne time the 'workshop of the worid'.You know aiso that Germany developed herindustry with the help, among other things, of ther),ooo million francs r.r'hich she levied as anindemnity on France after the Franco-Frussian!var.One respect in r.t'hich our country differs fromthe capitalist countries is that we cannot and mustnot engage in colonial robbery, or in the plunderingof other countries in general. That wan therefore,is closed <strong>to</strong> us.Neither, however does our country have, orwant <strong>to</strong> have, enslaving loans from abroad. Consequenty, that way <strong>to</strong>o ,is closed <strong>to</strong> us.What then remains? Only one thing, and thatis <strong>to</strong> develop industry, <strong>to</strong> industrialise the country,with the help of internal accumuiations. . . .But what are the chief sources of these accumulations?As I have said, there are two suchsources : first, the working class, which createsvalues and advances our industry; secondly, thepeasantry.The way matters stand with the peasantry inthis respect is as follows. It not only pays thestate the usual taxes, direct and indirect; it alsoouer-pays in the relatively high prices for manufacturedgoods-that is in the first place-and itis more or less u.nder-paid in the prices for agriculturalproduce-that is in the second place.This is an additional tax levied on the peasantryfor the sake of promoting industry, whichcaters for the whole country, the peasantry included.(SCW tr.r65.)In order <strong>to</strong> implement this poiicy it was necessary<strong>to</strong> maintain the dicta<strong>to</strong>rship of the proletariat and theworker-peasant alliance, in which the masses of thepeasantry joined with the proletariat in the struggleagainst the kulaks:The alliance of the proletariat with the peasantrvis an alliance of the working class with the labouringmasses of the peasantry. Such an alliance cannotbe effective without a struggle against capitalistelements in the peasantry, against the kulaks. Suchan alliance cannot be a stable one unless the poorpeasants are organised as the bulwark of the work-
ing class in the countryside. That is why the alliancebetween the workers and peasants under thepresent conditions of the dicta<strong>to</strong>rship of theproletariat can be effected only in accordance withLenin's well-known slogan : rely on the poor peasants,Lruild a stable alliance with the middle peasants,and never cease fighting against the kulaks.For only iby applying this slogan can the main massof the peasantry be drawn in<strong>to</strong> the channel ofsocialist construction. (SCW r l.ror.)tJnder Stalin's leadership these tasks were accomplished.In a backward country, ruined by war andcivil war, surounded by enernies, a socialist state wascreated, the first in the world, with a modern industry,modern agriculture, and a modern army strong enough<strong>to</strong> withstand and destroy the armed might of fascistGermany, which had been built up by the imperialistsfor the express purpose of destroying socialism. Forthese reasons Stalin is assured of a place in his<strong>to</strong>ry bvthe side of Lenin.g.'Left' and Right DeuiationsBesides the difficulties inherent in the objectivesituation, there were others arising from the lack ofunity in the subjective forces of the revolution. Formany years the leadership was openly divided. TheLeninists, led by Lenin and later by Staljn, were opposed'by several groups, led by Trotsky, Bukharin andothers, who were often divided among themselves butat one in their opposition <strong>to</strong> Lenin and Stalin. Twomain lines of opposition emerged, one led by Trotskv,who maintained that, unless there was a revolution inthe West, the Soviet republic r,r'as bound <strong>to</strong> collapse,and the other by Bukharin, who maintained that thekulaks should not be coerced but allor.r,ed <strong>to</strong> 'grow.tt2peacefully in<strong>to</strong> socialism'. These two lines exemplify the'Left' and Right forms of opportunism, which havebeen discussed in Chapter I.In r9o5, when Lenin formulated his theory of ouninterruptedrevolution', Trotsky put forward in opposition<strong>to</strong> it his own theory of 'permanent revolution',borrowing the name from <strong>Marx</strong>. According <strong>to</strong> thistheory, the proletariat, having overthrown the Tsar,will find itself in conflict with the masses of the peasantryand will be unable <strong>to</strong> maintain itself in powerwithout state support from the proletariat of the West,that is, without a proletarian revolution in the West. Inkeeping with this theory, Trotsky refused <strong>to</strong> concludethe peace negotiations at Brest-Li<strong>to</strong>vsk, on the groundthat <strong>to</strong> make peace with the German imperialists wouldbe <strong>to</strong> betray the coming revolution in Germany. Thiswas described by Lenin as a 'strange and monstrous'decision (LCW zl.68); and, if he had not succeeded inreversing it, the Soviet reputrlic would undoubtedlyhave collapsed,.Of course, Lenin recognised that the revolution inRussia might fail; but he maintained that, even if itdid fail, it would still mark an advance in the worldrevolution, and that it was only through a series ofsuch attempts, none of them completely suocessful, thatthe r"rltimate vic<strong>to</strong>ry of world socialism wouid besecured :We are not in a position <strong>to</strong> call forth at will asocialist revolution in the West, which is the onlyatrsolute guarantee against res<strong>to</strong>ration in Russia. Buta relative and conditional 'guarantee', that is onethat would raise the greatest possible obstacles <strong>to</strong>res<strong>to</strong>ration, lies in carrying out the revolution inRussia in the most far-reaching, consistent and determinedmanner possible. The more far-reaching therevolution is, the more difficult it will be <strong>to</strong> res<strong>to</strong>reI I3
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x\rsE-TUN
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PrefaceTo the memory ofDOUGLAS GARM
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iY. Socialism in One Countryr Marx'
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under all sorts of 'coalition' cabi
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