264 Wisconsin <strong>International</strong> Law JournalHindu religion. 39 And like the Black Panthers, the <strong>Dalit</strong> Panthers becamefrequent targets of police brutality and arbitrary detentions. 40 Intellectualsolidarity between <strong>Dalit</strong>s and African-Americans has been found in theschool of discourse called “Afro-Asian Traffic,” which findscommonality between the two groups in their similar experiences ofslavery. 41Like the civil rights struggle that began in the 1950s and was led<strong>by</strong> African-Americans, <strong>Dalit</strong>s in the twenty-first century are forminghuman rights movements, challenging local governments, anddemanding <strong>equal</strong> access to services and <strong>equal</strong> protection before the <strong>law</strong>,often in alliance with international partners. 42 In 2001, African-Americanand <strong>Dalit</strong> activists found themselves sharing the same contested space atthe World Conference against Racism in Durban, South Africa. 43 Bothgroups faced the racist and <strong>caste</strong>ist denial of their respectivegovernments who either refused to allow consideration of their concernsin the international forum 44 or diluted their delegation’s involvement tothe point that their participation was rendered meaningless. 45As the battle lines are drawn once again in the debate aroundaffirmative action in both countries, the same ideologies are used todiscredit the state’s use of race or <strong>caste</strong>-conscious measures to ensurereal <strong>equal</strong>ity of opportunity for minorities in the United States and <strong>Dalit</strong>sand other “lower-<strong>caste</strong>” groups in India. Meritocracy, <strong>equal</strong>ity,efficiency, and liberalism are the catchwords that resonate in bothcountries to either defeat or redefine constitutional pronouncements thatwere heretofore invoked to ensure substantive <strong>equal</strong>ity on the basis ofrace or <strong>caste</strong>. Affirmative action is attacked as either having sufficiently39404142434445Id.Id. See also Immerwahr, supra note 34, at 300.See, e.g., Vijay Prashad, Ethnic Studies Inside and Out, 9 J. ASIAN AM. STUD. 157 (2006).Examples of these <strong>Dalit</strong> movements include the National Campaign on <strong>Dalit</strong> Human Rights,www.ncdhr.org.in (last visited Aug. 15, 2008); The <strong>International</strong> <strong>Dalit</strong> <strong>Solidarity</strong> <strong>Network</strong>,www.idsn.org (last visited Aug. 15, 2008); The Center for <strong>Dalit</strong> Rights, www.dalitrights.org (lastvisited Aug. 15, 2008); The <strong>Dalit</strong> Foundation, www.dalitfoundation.org (last visited Aug. 15,2008); the US-based <strong>Dalit</strong> Freedom <strong>Network</strong>, www.dalitnetwork.org (last visited Aug. 15,2008); and the <strong>Dalit</strong> NGO Federation of Nepal, www.dnfnepal.org (last visited Aug. 15, 2008).World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance,held in Durban, South Africa, Aug. 31-Sept. 7, 2001.India lobbied furiously against the inclusion of any references to <strong>caste</strong> discrimination, ordiscrimination on the basis of “work and descent,” in the final conference documents. AntiRacism Summit Ends on Hopeful Note, Human Rights Watch, Sept. 10, 2001,http://hrw.org/english/docs/2001/09/10/global3038.htm.Among other issues, the U.S. delegation simply walked out of the conference before it was over.See id.
Vol. 26, No. 2 Equal <strong>by</strong> Law, Un<strong>equal</strong> <strong>by</strong> Caste 265served its purpose, or as not being up to the task of alleviating a broadbasedsocial problem. In the latter category, the alternatives that areoffered in its place rarely find traction, let alone implementation in policyterms. Reservations, once the mask that India wore to hide the real faceof <strong>caste</strong> oppression, are now being attacked as an affront to (formal)<strong>equal</strong>ity and a barrier to achieving a <strong>caste</strong>-blind society. Yet formal<strong>equal</strong>ity assumes a level playing field—which it certainly is not forminorities in the United States or for <strong>Dalit</strong>s and other marginalizedcommunities in India. 46 As critical race theory scholar Crenshaw notes inthe context of the rhetoric of colorblindness in the United States, thisremarkable strategy is a “breathtakingly bold act of cooption” whereincolorblindness “now delivers its reputation and historical capital to aspecious claim that the journey to the promised land is nearlycomplete.” 47African-Americans and <strong>Dalit</strong>s are also now made to competeagainst other marginalized communities in their respective countries forsufficient attention to their demands and their rights. It seems the smallslice of the pie reserved for non-whites and non-“upper-<strong>caste</strong>” Indianshas not grown much bigger, and attempts to broaden the collective shareinvites swift protest and condemnation in the conservative media, on thestreets, at the polls, and in the courtroom. Regrettably, the attendantclaims of women in both struggles, and the compounded discriminationthey face, get lost in the debate.Like the United States, India exhibits a temporal tension betweenstriving for <strong>equal</strong>ity as a space where <strong>caste</strong> categories (or, in othercountries, racial categories) do not matter, and the need to continuallyidentify and name the categories that have been used to create hierarchyor exclusion for the purposes of ensuring social inclusion. 48 Such atension is reflected at the level of policy, of social movements, and ofpolitical discourse, both for and against <strong>caste</strong>-conscious measures toensure social inclusion.464748Though not the subject of this Article, other communities face extreme marginalization and/orhuman rights abuses in India, including tribal community members, Muslims, Christians, andSikhs. The treatment of <strong>Dalit</strong>s, including those who have converted to other faiths, is unique,however, because of their placement on the wrong side of the purity-pollution line and becauseof the social disabilities that arise from their “untouchable” status.Kimberlé W. Crenshaw, Framing Affirmative Action, 105 MICH. L. REV. FIRST IMPRESSIONS132-33 (2007).Author’s discussions with Satish Deshpande, Aug. 2007. See, e.g., Dudley Jenkins, supra note31 at 747, 750 (arguing that in both India and the United States there exists a debate between aview that warns against enforcing existing racial lines and a view that says we can “retain andreconstruct racial categories as a means of empowerment”).
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