324 Wisconsin <strong>International</strong> Law Journala scale comparable to the OBCs, including in the arenas of politics andland reforms. 375 Yet the inclusion of so many heterogeneous groupswithin the OBC category has both made for its enormous size and hascomplicated its demands for reservations.In Indira Sawhney v. Union of India, 376 which challenged theconstitutionality of then-Prime Minister V.P. Singh’s decision toimplement 27 percent reservations in government employment forOBCs, the Supreme Court affirmed that <strong>caste</strong> may still be used as acriterion for determining backwardness, as long as the <strong>caste</strong> is primarilysocially and educationally backward, as determined <strong>by</strong> empiricalevidence. 377 Furthermore, in order to ensure that the most disadvantagedwould benefit from reservations, the Court spelled out a means test, orthe “creamy layer” test, which imposed an income limit to exclude thoseeligible for OBC classification. 378 The Indian government subsequentlyimplemented a more complex means test to be applied to individuals andtheir families who attempted to claim backward status. 379 This test takesinto account a variety of indices of social, educational, and economicdisadvantage, such as parents’ professional status, and the claimant’soccupation and wealth as calculated <strong>by</strong> agricultural landholdings. 380Notably, the Supreme Court’s determination of “scheduled<strong>caste</strong>” status embodies the critical recognition that one’s membership in a<strong>Dalit</strong> <strong>caste</strong> per se subjects individuals to a particularly egregious form ofdiscrimination (“untouchability”) regardless of one’s socio-economicstatus, and merits positive action and special attention <strong>by</strong> the state. Bycontrast, the determination of “Other Backward Classes” recognizes thesocio-economic gains achieved <strong>by</strong> many members of backward <strong>caste</strong>s inIndia—who are not subject to “untouchability” practices—andMeenakshi Jain, Backward Castes and Social Change in U.P. and Bihar, in CASTE: ITSTWENTIETH CENTURY AVATAR 136 (M. N. Srinivas ed., 1996).375 See CHRISTOPHE JAFFRELOT, The Uneven Emancipation of the Lower Castes: Non-Brahmins inthe South, OBCs in the North, in INDIA’S SILENT REVOLUTION: THE RISE OF THE LOWER CASTESIN NORTH INDIA 214-253 (2003).376 A.I.R. 1993 S.C. 477.377 Sridharan, supra note 179, at 116. Prime Minister Singh’s decision to implement reservationsfor OBCs came in the wake of the release of the report <strong>by</strong> the Mandal Commission. See OBCsForm 41% of the Population: Survey, supra note 14.378 Dudley Jenkins, supra note 31, at 771; Sridharan, supra note 179, at 116. The basis forimposing this threshold is a concern that reservations should not, through focusing exclusivelyon <strong>caste</strong>, aid only the privileged members of backward <strong>caste</strong>s and there<strong>by</strong> overlook the plight ofthe poor. See Pradipta Chaudhury, The “Creamy Layer:” Political Economy of Reservations, inRESERVATION IN PRIVATE SECTOR, supra note 158, at 299, 305.379 Sridharan, supra note 179, at 116.380 Id. at 117.
Vol. 26, No. 2 Equal <strong>by</strong> Law, Un<strong>equal</strong> <strong>by</strong> Caste 325circumscribes constitutional protections more strictly to those in greatestneed <strong>by</strong> using empirical evidence of economic status.In December 2005, the Ninety-third Amendment, which insertedArticle 15(5) into the Indian constitution, expanded reservations forOBCs to include private colleges, while the Central Education Institution(Reservation in Admission) Act of 2006 provided for 27 percentreservations for Other Backward Classes (“OBCs”) in higher educationalinstitutions in the country. 381 When combined with the percentage ofseats already reserved for scheduled <strong>caste</strong>s and scheduled tribes, a totalof 49.5 percent of seats would be reserved in national publicuniversities. 382 In April 2008, a five-judge constitutional bench in theSupreme Court upheld the 27 percent OBC quota in governmentmaintainedand funded institutions, stating that the Ninety-thirdAmendment—which empowers the Central Government to makereservations for “socially and educationally backward classes,”scheduled <strong>caste</strong>s, and schedules tribes in educational institutions 383 —does not violate the Constitution’s “basic structure.” 384 Meanwhile, theimplementation of the Central Education Institution Act has been stayed<strong>by</strong> a two-judge bench hearing, 385 which in light of the importance of thequestions of <strong>law</strong> raised in this case referred it for hearing to a higherbench. 386At issue in the latter case is whether the Ninety-thirdAmendment confers on the government the “unbridled power” to makeprovisions for certain groups without indicating the circumstances underwhich such reservations can be made, or limiting the duration of suchprovisions there<strong>by</strong> violating the right to <strong>equal</strong>ity and the basic structureof the Constitution of India. 387 Petitioners have argued that there iscurrently no accepted definition of who constitutes the “socially and381 (2006) 13 S.C.R. 265, 1.382 The 49.5 percent figure is derived <strong>by</strong> adding the 27 percent reservations for OBCs with the 22.5percent reservations for scheduled <strong>caste</strong>s and scheduled tribes. See supra note 197 andaccompanying text.383 Id.384 Ashoka Kumar Thakur v. Union of India, (2008) 6 S.C.C. 1, 47. The Amendment’sconstitutional validity with respect to private, non-government funded institutions was left open.See also Article 15(5) Has Enough Guidelines, HINDU (Oct. 4, 2007), available athttp://www.hindu.com/2007/10/04/stories/2007100460381400.htm (last visited Aug. 16, 2008).385 (2006) 13 S.C.R. 265.386 Id. 7.387 Article 15(5) Has Enough Guidelines, supra note 384. See also OBC Quota: DefineBackwardness First, Salve Tells Center, INDIAN EXPRESS, Aug. 10, 2007, available athttp://www.indianexpress.com/story/209592.html (last visited Aug. 16, 2008).
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