332 Wisconsin <strong>International</strong> Law JournalWhatever the limitations, reservations have helped create a <strong>Dalit</strong>middle class. But the creation of a <strong>Dalit</strong> middle class has not created arevolution, nor does upward class mobility work to eliminate the stigmaattached to one’s “untouchable” status. <strong>Dalit</strong> journalist ChandrabanPrasad—perhaps the only nationally prominent <strong>Dalit</strong> journalist 412 —poignantly reminds us that even as select <strong>Dalit</strong>s migrate into higher classand occupational categories as a result of reservations, <strong>Dalit</strong> tea shopvendors are nowhere to be found. Though non-<strong>Dalit</strong>s may grudginglyaccept marginal economic success among <strong>Dalit</strong>s, they will not dine withthem, allow their children to marry them, or even be served a cup of tea<strong>by</strong> <strong>Dalit</strong> hands. 413The international human rights movement now steps into thefray with its clarion call of “<strong>Dalit</strong> Rights are Human Rights.” Thequestion remains, can human rights succeed where all else has seeminglyfailed? Can it deliver on its promise of <strong>equal</strong>ity? The remainder of thissection scrutinizes the human rights framework for its own brand of the“trickle-down theory” but concludes that the human rights movement cangalvanize a project of social transformation so long as it does not restrictitself to the constraints of the legal and moral regime in which thisstruggle now lives.A. HUMAN RIGHTS’ FLAWED TRICKLE-DOWN THEORYUntil recently, attention to India from international human rightsnongovernmental organizations (“NGOs”) focused on the symptoms ofthe <strong>caste</strong> system (e.g., bonded labor, forced prostitution, and policecorruption) without diagnosing the disease. Simultaneously,international interventions on <strong>caste</strong> (and racial) discrimination werelimited to inquiries regarding the mechanisms of protection offered <strong>by</strong>the state, without asking for evidence of their effective enforcement.U.N. human rights treaty bodies have now begun to ask for such412 HIDDEN APARTHEID, supra note 5, at 110.413 Prasad, supra note 316. Prasad asks: “We must ponder. . . how <strong>Dalit</strong>s can become Collectors,Engineers, Ministers and surgeons, but not tea vendors or sweet shop owners?” On thedifference between <strong>Dalit</strong>s and “lower-<strong>caste</strong>” non-<strong>Dalit</strong>s, Prasad asserts:Those who can’t open a tea or a paan [betel leaf] shop, are least likely to graduate intoiron, cloth or grocery shop owners. On the other hand, howsoever poor the lower<strong>caste</strong> people may be, society offers them ample opportunities of self-employment.That’s the distinction between out <strong>caste</strong> and lower <strong>caste</strong>.
Vol. 26, No. 2 Equal <strong>by</strong> Law, Un<strong>equal</strong> <strong>by</strong> Caste 333evidence while domestic agencies have invested greater energy intoexposing gaps in protection. 414For the human rights movement, what began as a failure ofdiagnosis has now transmuted into a failure of strategy. Theinternational human rights framework holds as its organizing principlethe promotion of a system of <strong>law</strong>s, universal in their application, butdelivered <strong>by</strong> the state. Inherent to this strategy is an over-reliance on thestate as a neutral agent of social change and the assumption that likeeconomic growth, international <strong>law</strong>s and admonitions directed to thehigher echelons of the state will trickle down to the rest of thepopulation. The primacy the human rights movement has given to thesystem of <strong>law</strong>s and the state’s implementation of these <strong>law</strong>s merits closerscrutiny, most especially in the context of the <strong>caste</strong> system. The socialand religious sanction, when combined with the economic incentives, allbut ensures that the practice of “untouchability” is perpetuated. In turn,attempts to alter the status quo are met with violent recrimination.Where then does that leave the <strong>law</strong> and the state?1. THE ROLE OF THE LAW AND THE STATEThe introductory paragraph to Narendra Jadhav’s familybiography, Untouchables: My Family’s Triumphant Escape from India’sCaste System, proclaims:Every sixth human being in the world today is an Indian, and everysixth Indian is an erstwhile untouchable, a <strong>Dalit</strong>. Today, there are165 million <strong>Dalit</strong>s (<strong>equal</strong> to more than half the population of theUnited States) and they continue to suffer under India’s 3,500 yearold<strong>caste</strong> system, which remains a stigma on humanity. However,<strong>Dalit</strong>s are awakening. We are struggling against <strong>caste</strong> discrimination,illiteracy, and poverty; our weapons are education, selfempowerment,and democracy. 415The opening of the book exposes the magnitude of abuses perpetrated inthe name of upholding the <strong>caste</strong> system, and the monumental challengefacing a democracy only sixty years young to dismantle and reconstructsociety away from practices that are almost sixty times as old asindependent India itself. Of note in the above quote is not just themagnitude and age of oppression, but that in the abbreviated list of414 See, e.g., HIDDEN APARTHEID, supra note 5; NHRC REPORT, supra note 110.415 NARENDRA JADHAV, UNTOUCHABLES: MY FAMILY’S TRIUMPHANT JOURNEY OUT OF THE CASTESYSTEM IN MODERN INDIA 1 (2005).
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