The Empire Air Training Scheme: Identity, Empire and Memory

The Empire Air Training Scheme: Identity, Empire and MemorySuzanne Jillian EvansSubmitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree ofDoctor of PhilosophyNovember 2010Department of Historical StudiesThe University of MelbourneProduced on Archival Quality Paper

AbstractThis thesis charts the change in images surrounding the institution of theEmpire Air Training Scheme (EATS) in both the Australian national narrative andindividual accounts. Formed in response to the demands of aerial warfare in 1939,EATS was embedded in a cultural environment of Australian Empire relationships,masculinity and the technology of flight. In the collective narrative of the early waryears EATS was proclaimed as the greatest sign of unity and Empire loyalty, yet in thedecades following the end of the war it is difficult to discover any mention of theScheme, and in the twenty-first century it no longer holds a place in Australiancollective memory.The purpose of this thesis is twofold. The first purpose is to providereasons for the marginalization of EATS in the national narrative. While numerousnegative aspects emerged to diminish recognition of the Scheme, I argue, two majorinfluences worked to delete EATS from the Australian story namely, the decline of theposition of Empire within the Australian context where EATS became anuncomfortable reminder of previous subservience to Britain, and, the redefining of theAnzac myth, as a central theme in Australian nationalism, which would not allowinclusion of the image of the elite airmanEntwined with the collective image is the second purpose of this thesis. This isto consider the response of individuals to their experiences in EATS and the ongoingchange in the surrounding cultural influences as the individual aviator negotiatesshattered lines of identity. Individual stories, I maintain, evoke responses not only tothe national narrative but also, to the emotional challenges faced in initial combat astheir trust in the concepts of Empire, masculinity and the romance of flight, wasquestioned. The testaments of veterans reveal individual solutions as they negotiate thechallenges and in a tormented journey achieving a new identity that offers explanationfor their experience in a rapidly changing world.I propose, while it is important to study the institution of EATS and the lives ofthe aviators in their own right, in following the reshaping of images of EATS a varietyof perspectives emerge, adding to the understanding and importance of the selectiveiii

nature of the national and individual identities we create, and the stories we choose totell and when we choose to tell them.iv

DeclarationThis is to certify that:this thesis comprises only my original work towards the PhD except whereindicated in the Preface,due acknowledgement has been made in the text to all other material used,this thesis is less than 100,000 words in length, [92,517] exclusive of thebibliography.Signed: _______________________________Suzanne Jillian EvansDate: ________v

PrefaceMy interest in the Empire Air Training Scheme arose when I was given a book,Survival of the Fortunate, written by John McCredie, who trained under the Scheme.The gift of the book came with the comments that the content highlighted the need formuch work to be done to place EATS in a perspective of Australian experiences. As Iread, I slowly realized that it was possible my own father had been involved in trainingwith EATS and part of the combined allied air force. He, like so many others, hadnever talked about it and this increased my determination to explore the history ofEATS and the reasons for its exclusion from the Australian public knowledge.Deciding to formalize the investigation in an academic context, the Universityof Melbourne required I complete first a Graduate Diploma in History, and then a PostGraduate Diploma in History. During this time I continued to focus on areas related toEATS. In one subject, Oral History and Life Stories, I conducted interviews thatrelated to Australia’s attitude to Britain in 1939, and when possible, I interviewedveterans of EATS. The material from some of these interviews has been used in thisthesis. In 2008 work on the structure of this thesis began as a Master of Arts in Historyand in 2009 it became confirmed PhD Research.vi

AcknowledgementsMy first expression of gratitude must be to the many individuals who sowillingly agreed to be interviewed and answer the questions I directed around theirexperiences in EATS. Their answers were perceptive and articulate and they wereunstinting in the time they contributed. Many offered personal papers that providedinsight into the research. The bibliography has named each contributor but it isimpossible to express the admiration and respect I hold for the modest and unassumingtestimony of each one who was interviewed and whose words appear in this thesis.There are many who have provided, help with extra information and contactsthat were vital in advancing the research and I thank each for their generous assistance.Members of the Catalina Club, Odd Bods Association and the Royal Australian AirForce Association have offered access to materials, introductions and expressedinterest in contributing to this research.Without the dynamic, perceptive and yet gentle guidance of my twosupervisors, Dr Mary Tomsic and Professor Joy Damousi, of the Department ofHistorical Studies, the thesis would not have found its final shape, and I thank both fortheir generous enthusiasm, encouragement and constructive advice. They both havemy enduring admiration.My final thanks must go to my family, Kate, John, Suzie, Joss, William,Alexandra, Georgie, Freddy, and Lily for their endless distractions and help inmaintaining a sense of reality.vii

Table of contentsAbstract ..................................................................................................... iiiDeclaration ................................................................................................. vPreface ....................................................................................................... viAcknowledgements .................................................................................. viiList of Abbreviations ................................................................................ ixList of Illustrations .................................................................................... xiIntroduction: Evolution of the Image ........................................................ 1CHAPTER 1 Aerial War Comes of Age ............................................... 25CHAPTER 2 This is a Man’s Job: Seduction and Production of theImage ........................................................................................................ 43CHAPTER 3 This is Really It. The Image Under Fire .......................... 74CHAPTER 4 A Diminishing Image .................................................... 103CHAPTER 5 Reconstruction of the Image .......................................... 129CHAPTER 6 Reconciling Contradictory Images ................................ 165CHAPTER 7 The Masculine Image Challenged ................................. 187CHAPTER 8 Reinventing The Image ................................................. 217CONCLUSION The ‘I’ now and the ‘I’ then ...................................... 245BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................. 251viii

List of AbbreviationsABCAWMAIFBCATPCBCCODFCDFMDSOEATSLMFPTSDRAFRAAFRCAFRSLSLVSWPAWAAFVDAustralian Broadcasting CorporationAustralian War MemorialAustralian Imperial ForcesBritish Commonwealth Air Training PlanCanadian Broadcasting CorporationCommanding OfficerDistinguished Flying CrossDistinguished Flying MedalDistinguished Service MedalEmpire Air Training SchemeLack of Moral FibrePost Traumatic Stress DisorderRoyal Air ForceRoyal Australian Air ForceRoyal Canadian Air ForceReturned and Services League of AustraliaState Library of VictoriaSouth West Pacific AreaWomen’s Auxiliary Air ForceVolunteer Decorationix

List of IllustrationsFigure 1 Postcard Kingsford Smith and Ulm. .............................................................. 49Figure 2 This is a man’s job. ........................................................................................ 51Figure 3 Publicity image for recruits. ......................................................................... 53Figure 4 Men embarking for further Training with EATS. ......................................... 54Figure 5 Charles Kingsford Smith .............................................................................. 55Figure 6 Leonard Waters ............................................................................................. 57Figure 7 Wings over Europe ........................................................................................ 58Figure 8 Poster for the Recruitment Campaign ........................................................... 65Figure 9 Bomber Crew ................................................................................................ 84Figure 10 At The Churchill Club: large and small worlds........................................... 86Figure 11 Argus Publicity Photograph for the Empire Air Training Scheme. ............ 87Figure 12 Halifax Crew. ............................................................................................. 88Figure 13 Wounded Gunner ........................................................................................ 95Figure 14 Rear Gunner in a Halifax Bomber ............................................................... 99Figure 15 'Grey Nurse' by Donald Friend. ................................................................. 100Figure 16 RAAF Victory Parade. ............................................................................. 105Figure 17 Commemorative Plaque, Shrine of Remembrance Melbourne. ............... 137Figure 18 Commemorative Plaque, Griffith, N.S.W. ................................................ 138Figure 19 Memorial Plaque at Somers....................................................................... 139Figure 20 Memorial to Eight English Airmen ........................................................... 141Figure 21 BCATP Memorial Gates at 8 Wing Trenton, Ontario. .............................. 142Figure 22 Photograph from ‘Valuing our Veterans.’ ................................................. 159Figure 23 Commemorative Ceremony Somers.......................................................... 245xi

Introduction: Evolution of the ImageI did not imagine that all my life I would look back on experiences,questioning myself about it, reading critics’ opinions of it. Nor would Ihave believed the Empire Air Training Scheme would close its doorsforever, much less believed that Australian generations would arise whowould scorn our loyalty to the Empire. 1In 2008 I listened to these words as I interviewed Don Charlwood expressingthe intense emotional impact he felt on his own identity of the experiences in theEmpire Air Training Scheme (EATS). The image he presented was one of a sense ofdiscontinuity, a rupture between past and present, represented in the division andtensions between the collective and individual memories of EATS. In his narrative,Charlwood also confronted the challenges met in such contradictions, searching forcontinuity in linking past experiences with his present identity. The certainty of beliefsof the young recruits to EATS had been shattered, first in their own experiences incombat, then through the changing Australian cultural framework that pushed the pastfrom the present, and was further compromised by individual emotional responses anda sense of alienation.The purpose of this thesis is to explore and chart the change in imagessurrounding EATS, evidenced in the national narrative and in individual accounts. Inboth public and private lives, involvement in EATS resulted in a series ofdisconnecting experiences. The institution of EATS was embedded in an environmentthat was to experience an upheaval in social and cultural values forcing therenegotiation of identities. Within this framework two central contexts forinvestigation emerge. First, an understanding of the changing position of EATS in theAustralian narrative as it linked to the transformation of social and cultural values1 Don Charlwood Interview conducted 18 July 2008. Similar sentiments were expressed in his bookJourneys into Night, Melbourne: Hudson Publishing 1991, 268. Charlwood served as a navigator, in103 Squadron, in Bomber Command, flying over 30 operations over Europe.1

from the 1930s, to post war decades. The fundamental change in these values providesan explanation for the marginalization of EATS. In the second context, the focus ofinvestigation falls on individual veterans, such as Charlwood, caught in the upheaval,and their reaction as their expectations were brought under scrutiny, unsettling theirplace in society causing them to renegotiate an identity. In the process of reworkingidentities, undermined by the challenges of change, both the collective and theindividual exercised the inclusion and exclusion of certain events within the public andprivate realms of history. Such changes in values and identities are given a narrativerecord in memories. Thus to understand the shaping of images I position therepresentation of EATS in the broader framework of memory construction and identityformation.It is the peripheral position of EATS that I wish to address in writing thisthesis. Little has been written about the air training scheme and it has not featured inthe mainstream of Australian historiography. 2 Historians such as Joan Beaumont,Hank Nelson and John McCarthy have noted that the area surrounding the EmpireScheme has been neglected and the Scheme has become a forgotten institution inAustralian history. 3 Mention has been confined to the work of military historians whohave concentrated on the tactics and campaigns of the aerial war 1939-1945. The focushas been on the events, strategies, battles and personalities that shaped the course ofthe war. 4 While there has been an outpouring of squadron histories and individual2 See for examples: G. Davison, J. Hirst, S. Macintyre, Oxford Companion to Australian HistoryMelbourne: Oxford University Press 1998, S Macintyre A Concise History of Australia Melbourne:Cambridge University Press.3 Joan Beaumont, Australia’s War 1939-1945 St. Leonards: Allen and Unwin, 1995. Hank Nelson,Chased by the Sun. The Australian Bomber Command in World War II Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin,2002. John McCarthy, The Last Call of Empire Australian Air Crew and the Empire Air TrainingScheme Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1998.4 See for example: Allan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force Melbourne: Oxford UniversityPress, 2001. Frank Johnson, ed. RAAF over Europe London Eyre& Spottiswoode, 1946, DavidVincent, Catalina Chronicle: a history of RAAF operation Paradise South Australia: D.Vincent, 1978.Richard Reid, Victory in Europe 1939-1945: Australians at war in the Middle East, North Africa andEurope Canberra: Department of Veteran Affairs 2005. George Jones, From Private to Air MarshalMelbourne: Greenhouse Publications, 1986.Specific squadron histories: David Wilson. The decisivefactor: 75&76 squadron Brunswick Victoria: Banner Books, 1991. David Horner, High Command:Australia and Allied Strategy 1939-45 Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1982.2

memoirs in more recent years, these have chosen to ignore EATS and concentrate onthe adventure of aerial combat, representing the pleasure culture of war. 5In the only complete volume devoted to EATS John McCarthy suggested, inLast Call of the Empire, the need for further work. 6 The title of his study suggests thedecline of the importance of Empire in Australia, but the application of his textremains on military organization outlining obvious problems with the structure neededfor the large scale technology. 7 Hank Nelson, in Chased by the Sun, focused onBomber Crew using personal reminiscences from the Australian men in BomberCommand. While placing EATS within an individual context, and acknowledging thelack of recognition given to the institution, he has not positioned EATS within abroader cultural context of rupture and consequent discontinuity, which is one of theaims of this research. This thesis will argue that at the end of the 1930s Australia wason the cusp of transition embracing the past, of loyalty to Empire and traditions, andthe new attraction of air technology, yet about to confront the future that would shatterthe stability of values embodied by this loyalty. EATS was formed within this culturalcontext with set attitudes towards the world and the place Australia occupied. Suchattitudes would be contested in the course of the aerial war that would end in thereworking of individual and collective images around EATS. To follow the position ofEATS in the Australian cultural scene allows a survey of some of the themes thattransformed the identity of both Australia and the veterans of EATS in the post wardecades. In writing this thesis I hope to contribute to an understanding of these culturalchanges that explain the marginalization of EATS in Australian history.To contextualise the Scheme a brief outline of the background of EATS isnecessary. The original idea of Empire co-operation to train a reserve of airmensurfaced in the imperial conference of 1926 but little was heard again of the suggestionuntil 1937.8At this time, aware of the disparity of the power between the Luftwaffe5 These texts will be examined later in the thesis.6 John McCarthy, viii.7 The need for airfield construction and maintenance crew, apart from flying crew was extensive andrequired technical skills and training.8 J.L. Granatstein, Canada at War: The Politics of the Mackenzie King Government, 1939-1945 2 ndedition. Toronto: Oxford University Press 1975 43. James S. Corum ‘The RAF in imperial defence,3

and the RAF, two of the dominion high commissioners, Vincent Massey representingCanada and Stanley Bruce, representing Australia, advanced the idea of an Empire airtraining scheme but initial negotiations were plagued with trouble involving money,prestige and concepts of Imperial relations. 9 The Scheme was finally instigated byBritain in September 1939, in the face of German aerial aggression and the successfulBlitzkreig campaign against Poland. 10 It was now essential for Britain to draw heavilyon the Dominions in search of air power to provide both men and materials for theBritish war effort. 11 Never before, it was acclaimed at its inception, had a singlemilitary enterprise of such magnitude been arranged between nations of the BritishCommonwealth in so short a time. 12 Incorporated into the institution of EATS, theRoyal Australian Air Force grew from modest beginnings of one hundred and fortythree aircrew in 1939, to one hundred and eighty eight thousand men and women inuniform by 1945. 13 They flew in every major theatre of war: Britain, the Middle East,1919-1956’ in Greg Kennedy (ed.), Imperial Defence: The old world order 1856-1956. London:Routledge, 2008,160-163.9 James Eayrs, In Defence of Canada, vol 2 Appeasement and Rearmament, Toronto: University ofToronto Press 1965, 104-105. Douglas Gillison, Australia in the War of 1939-1945 Series 3- Air, vol.1, 79. J.L.Granatstein, Canada’s War: The Politics of the Mackenzie King Government, 1939-1945 43.10 Lieutenant Colonel M.M.L Rafter, The NATO Aircrew Training Program in Canada.www.cfc.forces.gc/ca/papers/csc/csc34/mds11 In Canada the Scheme was early named the Joint Plan, Joint Air Training Plan and Joint Air TrainingScheme before being named the British Commonwealth Air Training Scheme.12 Such sentiments were expressed in 1939 by Prime Minister Menzies Broadcast 11 October 1939,media coverage, and in later interviews.13 Various estimates of the total number given vary according to the criteria used. Air Vice-MarshalGeorge Jones, War Report of the Chief of the Air Staff, Royal Australian Air Force, 3rd September1939 to 31 December 1945, To the Minister of Air, (Melbourne: February 1946)."In all, we had trained to the advanced stage in Australia during the currency of the scheme no fewerthan 27,387 aircrew, of whom 10,882 were pilots, 6,071 were navigators, and 10,434 were wirelessoperator air gunners and air gunners. In addition we had sent 4,760 elementary trained pilots, 2,282navigators and 3,309 wireless operator air gunners for further training in Canada - a total to Canadaof 10.351. We also sent 674 trainees from initial training schools for pilot training in Rhodesia."21Earlier in his report Jones discusses the difference between training personnel for EATS and those forRAAF squadrons for the defence of Australia even though it appears that common training facilitieswere used for both. He makes a clear distinction between the EATS training aircrew for service withthe RAF in Europe - and the training of personnel to serve with the RAAF for the defence of Australiaand in the South West Pacific. Dr Alan Stephens confirmed, ‘ the entire RAAF training system,regardless of where an individual eventually served, fell within the original concept of EATS. Emailreply to my query, 6 February 2008 alans@webone.com.au Joan Beaumont ed. Australian History ofDefence VI, Sources and Statistics, Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 2001. Gives figures of215,628 Air Strength 1939-45, 218.4

the Mediterranean, Burma, South East Asia and the South West Pacific area. 14 It ismaintained, where there was an aerial operation a member of the RAAF trained underEATS was sure to be a participant. 15The Scheme was announced on October 11, 1939 and by March 1940, 11,500Australian young men responded to the challenge to join the ‘Empire Air Armada.’ 16A belief in the unity of the Empire and Australian obligations echoes in the words ofthe Australian Minister for Air, Mr. J.V. Fairbairn, claiming ‘Australian youthsrespond to the German menace. They are typical of the British fighting men anddetermined to face the present situation for the sake of a decent future.’ 17 Inannouncing EATS Prime Minister Menzies also enthused about the allegiance:I have no hesitation in saying that this great Empire air scheme is notonly the most spectacular demonstration of Empire co-operation that thewar has produced…It has further significance for us in that our interest inthis war is not founded only upon our sentiment as British people; it isfounded upon the cold fact that our own existence is at stake. If GreatBritain is victorious, as we believe she will be, the security of Australia ispreserved… The Australian Government is participating in this Empireair scheme in order to help to attain that air superiority which render theheart of the Empire more secure from air attack; to assist in theprotection of Singapore and other vital centres overseas; to strengthen theair forces of the Allies, and to provide a powerful deterrent to aggression18against Australia.In 1939, politicians reflected the belief of the centrality of Empire to theAustralian identity and as members of the British Empire it was the duty of Australianmen to serve, and also inspired by the opportunity to fly, they rushed to enlist.14 Air Vice Marshall Sir George Jones ‘When the war ended the total strength of the Royal AustralianAir Force serving in the Pacific Theatre was 131.662, including 14,589 officers.’ War report of Chiefof Air Staff, 13.15 Odd Bods information sheet supplied by George Smith, Hon. Secretary Odd Bods, 19 August 2010.16 The press and politicians used this term to describe the Empire Air Training Scheme forming linkswith the historical past of Britain and the new concept of air warfare see The Canberra Times, 27December1939, 2.17 The Canberra Times 18 May1940, 5.18 Robert Menzies. Broadcast: Empire Air Training Scheme. Australia Plays Her Part, 11 th October1939.5

Yet within several decades EATS had faded from public memory. 19 It is rarethat public mention is made of EATS, and Australian military historians haveretrospectively denounced the organization of the Scheme claiming the men whoenlisted in EATS were betrayed both by the Australian and British governments as theRAAF was reduced to cannon fodder. 20 Denunciation was supported by statementsthat suggested the Scheme was managed with a disdain for national sensibilities,which bordered on contempt. 21 Further criticism was that Britain had pursued apowerful self-interest, viewing the Dominions’ sensibilities as mere backgroundnoise. 22 More scathing were claims by John McCarthy, that the memories of the SouthWest Pacific air war ‘are best avoided. It was a backwater war lacking in purpose.’ 23Such transformation of images related to EATS within several decades invites inquiryinto why we choose to tell the stories we do and when we tell them.The way images adapt to different situations meeting the needs of differentpeople at different times provides the point of departure for this thesis to explore thechanging images around the institution of EATS. This introduction covers foursections. The first section identifies the key cultural elements that provided theframework for the original concepts of EATS in 1939. Each of these concepts;Empire, masculinity and the fascination of flight, occupied a place in the identity ofboth the individual and collective and, through the following decades, each would bescrutinized and reworked, illustrating the modern notion of historical discontinuity. Itis an exploration of these themes that will frame an understanding to the evolution ofthe images surrounding EATS. The second section outlines the key disciplinaryliterature associated with memory studies and identity theory. It is within thesetheories that explanations for the reconfiguration of images are found. In the third, Iprovide an overview of the sources from both the collective and individual spheres19 Joan Beaumont ed. Australia’s War 1939-45 19-20. Hank Nelson, Chased by the Sun Sydney: Allenand Unwin, 2002, ix, 275-276.20 Alan Stephens, ‘The Royal Australian Air Force in 1941’ Paper given at the Australian WarMemorial 2001 History Conference. www.awm.gov.au/events/conference/2001/stephens.htm accessed2 January 2008.21 Ibid.22 Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force Melbourne: Oxford University Press. 2001.64.23 John McCarthy, ‘An Obscure War? The RAAF and the SWP Experience 1942-1945’, Theproceedings of the 1993 RAAF History Conference held in Canberra 14 October, 1993, 139-40.6

that are used to explore the changes that have occurred in images around EATS. Thelast section provides an outline of the chapters in this thesis.Empire, Masculinity and FlightIn Australia the institution of EATS and its operation were constructed aroundthree major concepts: Australian-Empire relationships, masculinity and the technologyof flight. Each of these formed part of the Australian social and cultural collectiveidentity of 1939 and as such impacted upon individual identity. Each contributed indifferent ways to the conception and initial success surrounding EATS and each,although for very different reasons, would be subjected to various influences, both inthe aerial war of 1939-1945 and in the following decades, forming part of thecontinual restructuring of the past. Filtered and manipulated, adjusted to the demandsof particular situations, these values of the late 1930s would, over the decades,produce the collective and individual memories that survive around EATS in thetwenty first century.EmpireThe contribution of concepts of Empire to Australian cultural and politicalvalues has preoccupied an increasing place of prominent interest among Australianhistorians as they reflect on the changing nature of Australian identity. In the 1930sthe centrality of Empire to Australian identity was expressed in the inspirational wordsscripted for Governor Phillip in a 1938 sequicentenary celebration in Sydney: ‘It isnow fitting that we should turn our minds to the purpose underlying this enterprisewhich is to plant a fresh sprig of Empire in this new and vast land. It may be that thiscountry will become the most valuable acquisition Britain has ever made.’ 24 In 1939,politicians were committed to Empire in the unquestioning embrace of EATS asrecorded in an Argus graphic ‘The Cubs are with you, Dad.’ 25 In records of menenlisting and in later interviews all reminisced on the importance of Britain in their24 Governor Phillip’s Speech typescript, NSWSA, 9/2444A.2, 1 cited in Julian Thomas, ‘1938: Pastand present in an elaborate anniversary,’ Australian Historical Studies 23, 91, 1988 77-89.25 Argus June 19, 1940, 4, saved in Keith Dunstan’s scrap book S.L.V. MS 104697

lives. 26 Stuart Ward is one of many scholars to maintain that for much of the twentiethcentury Australian actions were influenced by the belief Australia was a ‘Britishcountry.’ ‘Sentimental assumptions about the worldwide community of British peoplesunderpinned the sense of an organic imperial community of mutual self-interest.’ 27The events of World War II would bring ‘Britishness’ under scrutiny and followingdecades would find its centrality completely revised. Formed in completesubordination to Britain, the once highly praised institution of EATS would be one tosuffer under the reworking of this identity. A wide academic and national interest inEmpire–Australian relationships has documented changes and suggested reasons forthe deletion of Empire from Australian identity. 28 It is within this context that theinstitution of EATS must be positioned. From its inception in Australia, both theindividual airmen and the nation were linked to the Empire, and as the Scheme wasplaced in operation, both nation and individual would encounter the direct impact ofthe subsequent experience on their identity. Once Japan entered the war, the focus ofAustralian participation was centered on the Pacific with diminishing recognition ofthe role of Australian airmen in the European theatres. As the influence of Empiredeclined and Australian loyalties to Britain were questioned in the following decades,the unity expressed in the institution of EATS would become an uncomfortablereminder of past imperial ideals that would emerge to haunt the government in lateryears and provide a major contribution to the erosion of the image of EATS.MasculinityThe link between masculinity and war was firmly established with Australianinvolvement in World War I, and the importance of war entered into the national26 for most recent views see James Curren, Stuart Ward, The Unknown Nation- Australia after EmpireMelbourne University Press: Carlton Victoria, 2010, examines Australia’s search for identityand thereceding ties of Britishness since the 1960s and 70s.27 Stuart Ward, ‘Sentiment and Self Interest,’ Australian Historical Studies, 32, 116, 2001,91.28 See for example Stuart Ward, Australia and the British Embrace: The Demise of the Imperial IdealMelbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2001; British Culture and the End of Empire ed., Manchester:Manchester University Press, 2001; Australia's Empire ed. with Deryck Schreuder, Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press 2008. In 1939 Australia shared a dual loyalty both to the nation and to the Empire.This has been documented by historians, see, Joan Beaumont Australian citizenship and the TwoWorld Wars.’ The Australian Journal of Politics and History, 2007, 171. Stuart Macintyre, ‘Australiaand Empire’, Robin Winks ed. The Oxford History of the British Empire vol.v.8

identity. Scholars have established that by 1939 the Australian cultural heritage hadalready developed the concepts of masculinity, hardihood, courage, andresourcefulness from the Australian bushman. 29 In the broader context the linksbetween masculinity and war have been well documented defining two areas ofinfluence. First, the concept of masculinity was traditionally linked to the site ofmilitary action where manliness could be attained through the glory of war. 30 Secondwas the heroic sense of responsibility linking the state and the individual in the duty toserve. Graham Dawson has defined the cultural link between masculinity and war inSoldier Heroes. Masculinities are lived out in the flesh but fashioned in theimagination, with the most durable form of idealized masculinity the soldier hero, ishis theme. 31 George Mosse provided further support in applying theories of masculinedominance directly to the emergence of the aviator hero. 32 He was one to recognize,that while the warrior was the dominant male, the airman was seen as the elite. 33The duty to serve had long been embedded in concepts of masculinity, findingits origin in the code of chivalry. 34 Duty to serve was part of the Australian culturalscene. 35 Part of every child’s daily mantra in Australian schools included, ‘I honour the29 Marilyn Lake, ‘Mission Impossible. How men gave birth to the Nation. Nationalism, Gender andother Seminal Acts.’ Gender and History 4. 1992. Marilyn Lake and Joy Damousi, eds. Gender andWar: Australians at war in the twentieth Century Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1995, 11.30 Graham Dawson, in Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire and the imaginings of masculinitiesLondon: Routledge, 1994, has covered the construction of masculinity as it centres around the glory ofwar and the attainment of heroism as an ideal.31 Graeme Dawson, Soldier Heroes, 2-3.32 George Mosse, The Image of Man New York: Oxford University Press 1996. Mosse linksmasculinity to nationalism, and image of the masculine body.33 See Michael Paris who has identified the elitism of the aviator warrior in, The Wright Brothers toTop Gun: Aviation nationalism and popular cinema Manchester: Manchester University Press 1995.and ‘The Rise of Airmen: The origins of Air Force Elitism 1890-1918,’ Journal of ContemporaryHistory, 28, 1, 1993, 123-141.34 Allen Frantzen, Bloody Good: chivalry, sacrifice and the Great War Chicago: University of ChicagoPress 2004, 121. Also books such as Kenelm Digby’s, The Broad Stone of Honour. The True Sense andPractice of Chivalry London: Booker published 1823 as a ‘book of rules for the gentlemen ofEngland,’ traced the history of chivalric heroes who sacrificed for their country, outlining their sense ofduty, loyalty, obedience, devotion and honour with a romantic longing for these values to be returnedto the youth of England. He concluded, ‘chivalry reminds us why there is war: … because ideas andtraditions can be worth dying for—and worth killing for.’35 One example was Baden Powel’s Scout movement, Young Knights of the Empire. With the mottoTraining scouts for manhood, it was established in Australia in 1908 and promoted the spirit of selfdiscipline, self regulation sense of honour, helpfulness to others, loyalty and patriotism which go tomaking good character.9

flag, serve the King, and cheerfully obey my parents, teachers and the law.’ 36 It iswithin such concepts of masculinity, and its evolving values, that the images of EATSmust be viewed. It was the pleasure culture of war, linked to masculinity and theimage of the chivalric knight of the air that would be severely tested by the aviators asthey entered combat. Yet in charting the history of the images surrounding EATS, itbecame increasingly evident that certain values and core beliefs cannot easily beextracted from the sense of identity, and the power of the masculine image survived inlater decades. While this thesis examines only the specialized military environment ofthe Australian airmen, it reflects on subjective experiences and the negotiation throughthe challenges to masculinity, and thus it may illustrate the much broader issues ofgender, emotional life, and the creation of a national myth.Romance of the airThe 1930s witnessed a love affair with flight that has been evocativelydocumented by Robert Wohl. 37 Popular culture tapped into the realisation of this longheld fascination with new technology and the development of new frontiers of flight.Although technically necessary, air power in the 1930s touched the romantic mind. 38The adventure of flying, the conquest of speed and space, the technology, theloneliness of the pilot and the conquest of the sky, where the gods lived, had themakings of a myth. 39 It captured the imagination of many young Australian men. Yetthe war in the air would take the image in a new and darker direction. 40 It was the paceof technology that introduced many changes into the reality of war, creating anenvironment where those in combat would experience conditions hitherto unimagined.36 Don Charlwood, interview in Wings of the Storm.37 Robert Wohl A Passion for Wings: Aviation and the Western Imagination 1908-1919 New Haven,London: Yale University Press 1994, The Spectacle of Flight Aviation and the Western Imagination1920-1950 Melbourne: University of Melbourne Press, 2005.38 Donald Cowie, War for Britain. The Inner Story of Empire London: Chapman and Hall, 1941. 42.39 George Mosse, Fallen Soldiers, Oxford: Oxford University Press 1990.120.40 The history of the development of air power in war began with Walter Raleigh in The War in the AirOxford: The Clarendon Press, 1922, and was followed by air activists such as Sir Hugh Trenchard whoconstantly fought to have the air force power recognised. He was supported by a growing public voiceincluding P.R.C. Groves, Our Future in the Air London: Hutchinson 1929, A.O. Pollard The Royal AirForce London: Hutchinson & Co. 1929, E.L. Gossage, The Royal Air Force, London: William Hodge,1937, L.E.O. Charlton, War from the Air London: Thomas Nelson, 1935, and J.M. Spaight, Air Powerand War Rights London: Harper Collins 1924.10

In this area there is a paucity of literature surrounding the individual. 41 While thepublic fascination with the power of flight continues, there is little articulated aroundthe sense of disempowerment and alienation that were encountered by the individualin experiences of aerial warfare.A further aspect becomes important in the development of the image of theairman in the Australian narrative. Embedded in the image of the pilot was an antiegalitarianismthat opposed the later projected Australian identity. The technicaladvancement of air power aligned itself with a belief that the ‘men who conquered the42sky belonged to a special breed.’ Manning Clark succinctly expressed the Australianview of the aviators when he claimed they ‘spoke and acted like followers of theAustralian versions of Vitalism and Nietzschism.’ 43 One underlying premise of thisthesis is the perception of elitism surrounding EATS as a reason for its erosion fromthe collective memory. In the Australian ethos surrounding the Anzac legend, there islittle room for elitism, and as the image of national self-sacrifice and depersonificationhas developed around this myth, EATS has struggled to find a place innational interpretations.The core values of Empire, masculinity, and the sophistication of flightcombined in a complex relationship under the institution of EATS, and within theirconcepts and evolving values, a perspective on the scarcity of recognition for theinstitution may be found. To develop this inquiry and provide an answer, the first stepis to establish an understanding of the theoretical analysis of memory and identity. It isin these broad contexts that images of EATS are filtered and formulated to be includedor excluded in individual and collective narratives.Memory and Identity41 This has recently been recognised by several historians interested in cultural aspects of aviationincluding Martin Francis, The Flyer British Culture and the Royal Air Force 1939-1945 Oxford:Oxford University Press 2010.42 Michael Paris, ‘The Rise of the Airmen: The Origins of Air Force Elitism, 1890-1918’, 124.43 Manning Clark, ‘ Heroes,’ Daedalus, 114, 1985, 67.11

The concepts of Empire, masculinity and the power of flight provide thehistorical ingredients in images constructed around EATS. These initial concepts havebeen orchestrated to form public and private memories and identities. The evolvingimages illustrate the formative ways of an historical process, the continual productionof the new as the individual and the nation place themselves in an historical position oflegitimacy. The process of emerging memory and identity, finds explanation in thesurrounding theoretical schools in these fields. The key disciplinary literature in bothmemory and identity construction is extensive and often the two inter-relate. Togetherthey provide an insight of how images can be added to, or meanings and valuessubtracted, as they develop in both the individual and society. In my analysis I haveused an eclectic approach selecting aspects from many different methods recognizing,as Ashplant, Dawson and Roper have, there is a variety of approaches, each influentialbut each tied to a particular historical context and responses to its characteristicpolitical and cultural concerns. 44 Thus they suggest drawing on elements from allapproaches. 45 I offer here only a brief overview of the extensive literature in bothfields.First outlined are concepts of identity and memory surrounding the collectiveimage. It is in the Australian national identity that EATS has been marginalized and tofollow the reasons for its obscurity forms a central part of my thesis. The developmentof Australian identity has attracted extensive academic literature but my purpose wasto explore how and why certain events are written out of national narratives. Thus anexamination of identity theory emerged. Theories of national or collective identityspan disciplines of sociology, social psychology, anthropology and history. A generaldefinition of collective identity is of a group that shares common interests,experiences, values and beliefs. Eric Hobsbawm argued that tradition is invented as aset of practices normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual orsymbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior byrepetition, which automatically implies continuity with the past.46His work is44 T.G. Ashplant, Graham Dawson, Michael Roper, The politics of War Memory and CommemorationLondon: Routledge 2000,15.45 Ibid. 15.46 E. Hobsbawm and T Ranger, ed. Invention of Tradition Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1983, 3.12

supported by a vast array of literature. 47 It is central to this thesis to understandconstruction as a means of control, first in the application to the images of recruitmentand then in the restructuring of the Australian national identity in later decades.Hobsbawn acknowledged such reconstruction in images. He argued that concepts ofidentity need not be static and rapid transformations in society weaken and destroy thesocial patterns for which traditions have been designed producing new traditions. 48Such a transformation, conforming to changes in culture and society, has governed theimage of EATS.Closely linked with identity construction is the current debate surrounding thecomplexity of memory. The two exist in a reciprocal relationship. The theory of thesocial construction of the memory for the collective, is best associated with MauriceHalbwachs claiming all memory depends, on the one hand, on the group in which one49lives and, on the other, to the status one holds in that group. An alternativesuggestion is that the collective does not possess a memory but only barren sites uponwhich individuals inscribe shared narratives.’ 50 While this debate will continue thedisparate sources that collective memory draws upon and the multiplicity of culturalmyths that are appropriated for various ideological or political purposes, interact to47 See for example, Klaus Elder ‘A theory of collective identity,’ European Journal of Social Theory,12, 4, 2009, 427. David Gross, The Past in Ruins. Tradition and the critique of modernity Amherst:University of Massachusetts Press 1992, 3.48 Ibid. 4.49 Maurice Halbwachs, On Collective Memory Translated Lewis A. Coser, Chicago: University ofChicago Press. 1992.As a result, Halbwachs concludes that there are no purely individual memories,i.e. memories that would belong only to the individual, and of which the individual would be theunique source. Joanna Bourke was one to counter this argument maintaining ‘The collective does notpossess a memory, only barren sites upon which individuals inscribe shared narratives, infused withpower relations.’ see Joanna Bourke, ‘Introduction. Remembering War.’ Journal of ContemporaryHistory, 39. 4. 2004. 473. Also refer to Joan Beaumont, ‘Anzac Day to VP Day: arguments andinterpretations.’ Journal of the Australian War Memorial 40, 2007, 3-12. Jay Winter’s work,Remembering war; the Great War between memory and history in the twentieth century, New Haven:Yale University Press, 2006. Sites of memory, sites of mourning: the Great War in European CulturalHistory Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, Jay Winter and Emmanuel Sivens, ed. War andRemembrance in the twentieth century Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1999. Kate DarianSmith and Paula Hamilton, Memory and History in the Twentieth Century Melbourne: OxfordUniversity Pres 1994.150 Joanna Bourke, ‘Introduction Remembering War,’ Journal of Contemporary History, 39, 4, 2004,474.13

form the stories we choose to tell at different times. 51 This is examined in depth in thisthesis.The same reciprocal relationship exists with individual identity and memory.The individual narratives around the veterans of EATS are central to my examination.Aware of the rupture from original ideals faced by each individual in their personalexperience surrounding EATS, it becomes essential to determine how identity wasnegotiated through these challenges. Interest in individual identity has been developedin areas of the social sciences and psychology. Erik Erikson first acknowledged thecomplexity of the construction of individual identity, its biological and psychologicalfoundations and also of cultural contributions to which one both shapes and is shaped52by the surrounding mileau. As the collective identity evolved the individual had tonegotiate these changes. The process has been identified as one of constructing a lifestory. 53 While the theories of identity appear as a social construct, recent appeals havebeen made by historians that internalized, psychological aspects be given greaterrecognition. Michael Roper is one to propose that the construction of memory as apsychological process be given more consideration, especially in the testimonies ofwar. 54Woven into identity were the memories in individual narratives. Anunderstanding of the complexity of memory is needed to face the entanglements of thememories confronted in this thesis. Several tensions exist within the study ofindividual memory. Paul Ricoeur recognised memory has long been devalued as a51 This is referred to by Lawrence Kritzman in ‘Remembrance of Things French’ in Pierre Nora,Realms of Memory: rethinking the French Past New York: Columbia University Press vol. 1, 1996-1998, ix.52 Jane Kroger, Identity Development. Adolescence Through Adulthood London: Sage Publications2007, xi.53 Life narratives are constructed to integrate diverse elements and create a ‘comfortable’ identity.Internalising the experiences, and coping with the emotional responses and interaction with thecollective images was part of the psycho social construction of the memories and identities of veteranswere formed. Also in this area research and the framework for interpretation is influenced by beliefs ofClifford Geertz, ‘that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance that he himself has spun.’The Interpretation of Cultures London: Hutchinson, 1975.54 Michael Roper, ‘Re- remembering the soldier hero: the Psychic and Social Construction of Memoryin Personal Narrative of the Great War.’ History Workshop Journal, 50 2000, 183. Also see MichaelRoper The Secret Battle. Emotional Survival in the Great War Manchester: Manchester UniversityPress, 2009.14

source. 55 Scholars have now gone beyond questioning the subjectivity of memory andrecognise the subjectivity as part of its value. 56 It is within this broad theoreticalstructure that the collective and individual images of EATS need to be placed. Anunderstanding of the complexity of issues voiced around the theories of identity andmemory development, provide a necessary structure to analyse the marginalization ofthe institution of EATS from the Australian dialogue and the way it is negotiated inindividual stories.SourcesThe main focus for sources for this study has been built around imagesrepresenting EATS and, through an exploration of these resources, I hope to map thechanges to public representations of EATS, and how the individual aviator hasnavigated the challenges of the constant change over the decades. Images representingEATS came from numerous sources. First, contributing to the collective images werethe early acclaims of the media and politicians whose initial applause for the Schemeas a symbol of Empire loyalty, were fast to fade, reflecting and contributing to thechanging relationships as past ideals gave way to new visions. Newspapers of theperiod have been referenced as were air force publications 1939-1949, contributing toan overview of the attitudes of the time and their development.Second, impacting on the changing image of EATS is the work of Australianhistorians and their contribution to the collective image. Historians’ presentations ofthe Scheme spanned from the late 1940s to the present day. In terms of historiographyrelating to EATS, operational history remained at the forefront of accounts of55 Paul Ricoeur, Memory, History and Forgetting. Chicago: Chicago University Press, Paperback ed.2006.6.56 Scholars recognising the complexity of the individual memory are Alistair Thomson, Michael Frisch,Paula Hamilton, ‘The Memory in Historical Debates: Some International Debates,’ Oral History, 22Autumn, 1994, 33-44. In this article they offer counter arguments to the criticisms that have been madeof Oral History and Memory. Alessandro Portelli, The Death of Luigi Tratsulli and other stories: Formand Meaning in Oral History Albany: State University of New York, 1991, 46.Paul Thompson, The Voice of the Past: Oral History Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000,1 PaulFussell, The Great War and Modern Memory New York: Oxford University Press, 1975 In his writingFussell, gives no analysis to the complexity that emotions may play in the distortion of memory.15

Australian involvement in EATS. 57 In this thesis they have been read not just asaccounts of the Empire Air Training Scheme but also as cultural texts that reflect boththe historiographical criteria of the time and a growing unease around Australia’sidentity. 58 As mentioned, the Scheme has not featured in the mainstream of Australianhistoriography. 59 The area surrounding the Empire Scheme has been neglected and theScheme has become a forgotten institution in Australian history. 60 More recent articlesof a military nature are harsh in their criticism of the institution and would not findeasy acceptance in mainstream accounts. 61Additional sources are the letters and diaries of the men during their time ofrecruitment, training and combat, each recorded insight into their thoughts andreactions. Although diaries were forbidden for security reasons many have found theirway into public archives. 62 Other similar documents were provided by the men Iinterviewed, suggesting a longing for recognition of their experiences in EATS.Further sources reflecting reactions of men are found in poems and severalreminiscences each expressing the tension between the actual experience and theinitial expectations. Some were published while others I found among the papers ofthe men in collections held in the State Library of Victoria and the Australian War57 See for example: Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force Melbourne: Oxford UniversityPress, 2001. Frank Johnson, RAAF over Europe, London Eyre& Spottiswoode, 1946, David Vincent,Catalina Chronicle: a history of RAAF operation Paradise South Australia: D.Vincent, 1978. RichardReid, Victory in Europe 1939-1945: Australians at war in the Middle East, North Africa and Europe,Canberra: Department of Veterans Affairs 2005. George Jones, From Private to Air Marshal,Melbourne: Greenhouse Publications, 1986.Specific squadron histories, The decisive factor: 75&76squadron Brunswick Victoria: Banner Books, 1991. David Horner, High Command: Australia andAllied Strategy 1939-45 Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1982.58 There are four official histories of the RAAF in World War II.Vol. I, Douglas Gillison, The Royal Australian Air Force, 1939-42 Canberra: AWM, 1962.Vol. II, George Odgers, Air War Against Japan Canberra: AWM, reprint 1968.Vol. III, John Herington, Air War Against Germany and Italy Canberra: AWM, 1954.Vol. IV, John Herington, Air Power over Europe 1944-45 Canberra: AWM, 1963.59 See for examples: G. Davison, J. Hirst, S. Macintyre, Oxford Companion to Australian HistoryMelbourne: Oxford University Press 1998, S Macintyre A Concise History of Australia Melbourne :Cambridge University Press, include no reference to EATS60 Joan Beaumont, Australia’s War 1939-1945Hank Nelson, Chased by the Sun. The Australian Bomber Command in World War II Crows Nest:Allen and Unwin, 2002. John McCarthy The Last Call of Empire Australian Air Crew and the EmpireAir Training Scheme Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1998.61 These are discussed in chapter V ‘Reconstructing the Image.’62 Frank Dimmick, mentioned this in an interview 29 October 2008. He said he was a ‘goody goody sodidn’t keep one.’ It was feared by officials that diaries would contain secret information that would bedangerous if accessed by ‘the enemy.’16

Memorial. The immediacy of such responses, written at the time, recording individualresponses revealed the sense of discontinuity they experienced in the change betweenexpectations and reality. Each of these sources revealed a developing rift between theofficially represented identity and the individual image and this divergence hoveredover each man as he struggled to make sense of his experience.A watershed of memoirs, biographies and squadron histories, many selfpublished, that appeared from the late 1980s provide an invaluable source. In theirvarying composition they present alternative ways that memories are composed andoften they return to the original image of the aviator hero, conqueror of the sky. 63Analysing the self-reflection or lack of it becomes important in these images. Somehave successfully romanticised the experiences of the airman. It is a comfortable wayfor men to compose their memories and these representations perpetuate theEdwardian myths of masculinity, the glory of war and the duty to serve all combinedunder the image of the aviator ace.A series of interviews conducted by the Australian War Memorial between1989 and 1990 of EATS veterans provide a specific representation of the Scheme.While this establishes a bridge to oral history the interviews need deconstruction. Theinterviewer often appears to ask questions that comply with a prescribed image andthus the responses offer a stereotyped image. The interviewees also play to a specificaudience often recreating ‘the pleasure culture of war.’ 65 Emotions and silences inthese interviews require interpretation. Similar interviews were conducted by theCanadian War Museum in the 1990s and these provide a valuable source of contrast.6463 Michael Paris is one to research the development of the aviator hero in Winged Warfare: theliterature and theory of aerial warfare in Britain 1859-1917 Manchester: Manchester University Press1992, From Wright Brothers to Top Gun: aviation nationalism and popular cinema Manchester:Manchester University Press 199564 Transcripts of these interviews are available on the AWM website, through the Rupert Murdochsound library. They were recorded 1989-1991, but little information is available of the origins behindthe project.65 ‘Pleasure culture of war’ is a term used by Graham Dawson in Soldier Heroes: British adventureEmpire and the imaginings of masculinity London: Routledge, 1990, and his analysis will be used laterin this thesis.17

The last source used is the interviews I have conducted with those survivors ofEATS. The youngest would now, in 2010, be eighty-six. Not one had the same storyand as I listened I developed the most unfathomable admiration for these men andtheir humility. I found this a most daunting part of my research. Although each of theinterviews had been arranged through personal contact, I was unsure of how eachinterview would proceed. These interviews were used not as evidence but as examplesof images to be analysed in search of individual responses to experiences of EATS.Although not agreeing with all his conclusions I modelled the interviews on thoseconducted by Alistair Thomson in Anzac memories. 66 Thomson argued that over timethe memories of veterans became interwoven with the public myth and changedovertime. What I ask in this thesis is how do the individuals who were involved inEATS, react when the collective image is negative, part of the ‘forgotten history.’Aviators of EATS have not been given the support of a public myth so they have beenforced to compose alternative ways of remembering to make sense of their past,renegotiating their memories and identities The interviews are a historical source, richin interpretation of events often personal and subjective. I learned to listen as theseelderly men related their recollections, often ignoring questions asked, intent to telltheir stories.Veterans revealed they were aware of the negative public image and fought togive an account of themselves, questioning what they thought were false claims. Theydeveloped what emerged as a counter image to the official version. This wasrepresented in the words of Don Charlwood, included at the start of this chapter, andhe was not alone in wanting to find public recognition for EATS. To listen to thesemen would counter any of the early criticisms of oral history being distorted byphysical deterioration or nostalgia.67Each was excited by the interest and they felt theywere in some way contributing to the preservation of the image of the Empire AirTraining Scheme.66 Alistair Thomson, Anzac memories: living with the legend Melbourne: Oxford University Press1994.67 Such were early criticisms against oral history reported in Alistair Thomson, ‘Making The Most ofMemories: the Empirical and Subjective Value of Oral History’. Transactions of the Royal HistoricalSociety 9, 1999, 291.18

Chapter OutlineThere are several themes in this thesis and I have tried to weave them throughthe chapters that advance chronologically. The first is the ongoing rapid change ofsociety and culture that reshaped national and individual response to conceptssurrounding EATS. Second and linked to change is the interaction between public andprivate responses to EATS and the reaction each had to surrounding culturalinfluences. The third, and also linked to change, is the selective nature of the identitieswe create, the stories we choose at particular times.Chapter 1 places the concept of the Empire Air Training Scheme within thecomplex cultural fascination held in the 1930s with the concept of flight. The miracleof the conquest of the air appeared to guarantee the coming of a New Age. 68 Yet theexperience endured by the aviators during World War II illustrated the gulf betweenhopes and realizations as dreams were shattered. The institution of EATS wassupported by the Australian visions and values of Empire and masculinity and each, inits own way, would be challenged by the rapid changes confronted during this period.The advances in aerial technology established important influences in three crucialareas that would have a subsequent impact on future images of EATS. First, was thedevelopment of new aerial power accompanied by strategies designed to maximizeeffectiveness that revolutionized the nature of combat in World War II. Second, thefailure of Britain to upgrade airpower necessitated urgent action when war began andthe result was the establishment of EATS. Third, the use of technology in aerial powerled directly to unique and horrific experiences for the individual aviator for whichthere had been no previous concept directly questioning the glory of war by adding anew perspective to the destructive power of war. For both the Australian nation andthe individual airman the impact of these experiences would create deep anxieties andcontradictions that would manipulate future images.68 Robert Wohl, A Passion for Wings: Aviation and the Western Imagination 1908-1919 New Haven,London: Yale University Press 1994, 1.19

The focus of Chapter 2 is the initial presentation and response to the formationof EATS, and the illusion of opportunities the image presented. This is presented intwo sections. First, the military and media institutions in constructing their recruitmentcampaign, concentrated on appealing to the love affair of the public with flight and theglamour of the dashing aviator. This was interwoven with masculine ideals of duty toserve, the glory of war, patriotic duties and loyalty to country and the Empire. It wouldprove to be an effective seduction campaign. The second part of the chapter turns tothe individuals and examines their conformity to the illusion presented in the publicimage. Responses of recruits came from reviewing letters and diaries of the men.Central to all was the dominant image of flight reflected in their excited accounts oftheir initial experiences. They were able to enact their boyhood dreams of the intrepidflyer that had featured in the surrounding culture. They were doing ‘a man’s job,’ asthe illusion suggested. Private papers indicated little awareness of the realities of airwar they would encounter or how their values would be challenged.The third chapter advances to the alarming disintegration of the imaginedexpectations as the aviator was confronted with aerial combat. Caught in a universe ofevents that they did not understand, the security of the trust they had placed in thesocial and cultural values was brought under question. The immediate reaction to theupheaval of previous beliefs reflected intense emotional shock; shock not in themedical sense but as a response to the collision between reality and illusion. Personalresponses of the airmen were recorded first in their diaries where they expressed theunexpected violence of air war, and a sense of disbelief as the glory of war and themasculine role were unmasked and a loss of control encompassed responses.Experiences were a direct challenge to the promises, which had seduced them andundermined their own self-image. Such discrepancies introduced a further challenge inthe arousal of new emotions and the need to discover a dialogue through which theycould be articulated. Diaries, poems, and novels created by the airmen as well ascommissioned artists provide the voice of ‘witness’ and illustrate the variousresponses and attempts to find immediate answers to their experiences. These variedbetween continuing to mythologise the poetic dream of the aviator warrior, and20

expressions of despair and disillusionment, ‘forced to face with sober senses the realcondition of their lives’. 69The principal subject of Chapter 4 is found in the decades immediatelyfollowing the end of World War II examining the reaction of the airmen and the nationto the institution of EATS. The images upon which the Empire Scheme was foundedhad been questioned during the war and in the following years the acceptance of thesevalues became more intermittent and then more blurred. The diminishing image waslinked to the changing of Australian cultural values and political alignments thatwould place Britain and the Empire as ‘increasingly marginal.’ Such change wouldrender the enthusiasm for an ‘Empire Scheme’ untenable, and unmentionable in theAustralian identity. In this aspect it becomes an example of ‘which’ history is chosento be told and identified as relevant to the present. 70 The actuality of thedestructiveness of air technology had also been witnessed compromising the promiseof a new age. Responses to the dislocation included the denial of the image of EATSfrom a place in Australian history exposing the illusions of the past.Chapter 5 covers the reconstruction of the collective image of EATS from the1980s to the present day and this includes recognising the absence of the institutionfrom the public discourse. In the post imperial age, Australia seemed intent to presenta new identity to the world and such self-renewal would carefully select images thatrepresented the ‘interests of the moment.’ This chapter also pursues the theme of theselection of which stories nations choose to tell and why they are chosen at theparticular time. The construction of national identities, which in this case meant theexclusion of EATS from the Australian national narrative, becomes even moreobvious by developing a comparison with representations in other Commonwealthnations who joined the Scheme. I have suggested that different relationships betweenCommonwealth countries and the Empire emerge, highlighting the formation ofnational identities, and collective memories are dependent on the selection of whatbecomes meaningful in the recreation of national identities, reconciling the69 Karl Marx, The Manifesto, cited in Marshall Berman, All that is Solid Melts into Air 95.70 Questions around these issues have been raised by recent historians see for example Joy Damousi‘History Matters: The Politics of Grief and Injury in Australian History,’ Australian Historical Studies118, 2002, 100.21

contradictions between illusion and tradition, as images lost in the upheaval of theaerial war are retrieved.The remaining three chapters, reflect the deep ambivalence and anxietiesencoded in the experience of the aviators and their visions of the future, as decadeslater they continued to struggle to make themselves at home in a constantly changingworld. 71 Responses of the individuals are not monolithic and reflect the changingpublic responses towards Empire, masculinity and the glamour of flight. Thememories that veterans built around their recollections to EATS involved negotiating apassage through the various elements that questioned their original values and beliefs.In Chapter 6, the responses of the individual to the questioning of the place ofEmpire within the collective narrative are examined. Australian veterans were awareof the change in national allegiance and struggled to explain their originalcommitment. To emphasise the temporal contradictions experienced in the accounts ofthe Australian veterans, I reviewed recorded interviews with Canadians where theinstitution is awarded a venerable position in the national narrative. While certainaspects of their memories related a sense of disillusionment, there was no attempt tooffer justification for their unity with Empire. Following the Canadian nationalnarrative they perceived themselves as part of a united Allied Air Force and did notsuffer the marginalization experienced by Australian airmen. While, in other ways, allairmen faced a comprehensive process of destruction not all were forced to experiencethe sense of dispossession.Not only were Empire loyalties challenged but also the concepts of masculinityand Chapter 7 follows the confrontation to masculine images that were encountered inaerial warfare. These had been unforeseen and involved in the following decadesnegotiating emotional responses of fear and guilt as veterans reconstructed theiridentities around a comfortable narrative. To further understand the memories ofveterans, this chapter places response to emotions within an historical context of71 Marshall Berman follows the ideas of the continual flux of modern living and adaption to this asnecessary for survival.22

changing cultural values. Once again in understanding the evolving images of EATS,veterans were forced to grapple with the ever-changing nature of the world.Chapter 8 details a return to the individual recognition of the destruction ofdreams of aerial warfare. Several veterans confronted the uncomfortable reality of thedestruction and darkness encountered in aerial war. Others returned to creating newdreams in their narratives, mythologizing aerial warfare and selecting details thatromanticize the image of the aviator; thus constructing a comfortable identity and theindividual ways of coping with experiences surrounding EATS, is considered centralin the interpretation of images of the individual veterans. The narratives of theveterans negotiate the complexities and contradictions to recreate themselves in themidst of constant change.The images surrounding EATS expose a sense of discontinuity, a rupturebetween past and present represented in the division and tensions between thecollective and individual memories of EATS. The purpose of this thesis is to chart thechange generated as Australian culture and society constantly redefined itself, and toinvestigate how the individual aviator has negotiated such shattered lines of identity. Itis through an exploration of these themes that an explanation for the deletion of eventsfrom history may be explained including the marginalization of EATS.23

CHAPTER 1Aerial War Comes of AgeWithin the advancing technology of the twentieth century were visions thatpromised paradoxically both hope of an inspiring new future yet the possibility of ruinand destruction for the world. While aviation was seen as the symbol of a new age italso contained a dark uncertain side of the impact it would have in war. Aerial warfarebegan in World War I, but World War II saw the concept attain devastating maturity. 1 Itis within the context of this age of technological transformation and the accompanyingmodern aspirations and anxieties that the origins of the institution of EATS must befirst viewed. The creation of EATS was a response to the age, and within the originsand organization of the institution can be found the tensions of creation anddestruction fixed in the modern age technology.An understanding of the technology of air warfare provides a necessarycontext before exploring the evolution of images attached to EATS. While the keypurpose of this chapter is to provide an explanation of the role of technology on theinstitution and the combat action of the aviators, it is important to recognize howtechnical advances also linked to the mentality of the age. The celebrated side ofaviation was as the ‘vanguard of the new conquering armies of the new age.’Technology had cultural and psychological dimensions, as Robert Wohl reminds us, inthat our century has been ‘a voracious consumer of ideals and a relentless shatterer.’ 3The spectacle of flight was a cultural inspiration encouraging a set of attitudes that inthe dynamics of war would open to transformation and contribute to changing attitudestowards EATS. The interwar period was one where flying was seen as a sacred and21 Jon Guttman, ‘Strategic Bombing Comes of Age’ World War II, 1998, 12, 7, 30.2 Le Corbusier, Air Craft New York: Universe 1985 6. Cited in Robert Wohl, The Spectacle of FlightAviation and the Western Imagination 1920-1950 Melbourne: University of Melbourne Press, 2005,277.3 Robert Wohl, ‘Republic of the Air’ The Wilson Quarterly, 17, 2,1993, 107.25

transcendent calling. 4 In the age that embraced the potential of modernity Wohl’sstated, ‘No other machine seemed to represent as fully, human kind’s determination toescape from age-old limitations, to defy the power of gravity, and to obliterate thetyranny of time and space.’ 5 The universal cultural response celebrating the technologyof flight was well established in Australia, as it offered solutions to communications inthe vast interiors and the position of isolation in the world. While the world celebratedthe achievements of Charles Lindbergh, Australia produced its own aviator heroes,Ross and Keith Smith, Bert Hinkler, Charles Kingsford Smith and Charles Ulm. Themedia portrayed each of these men and their aerial accomplishments as theembodiment of the idealised hero flourishing in the 1930s as Australia marched tonationhood. The spirit of flight, representing adventure, freedom and escape, wasepitomized by the MacRobertson Air Race, from England to Melbourne in 1934.When interviewing Boz Pasons he recalled how, with his school friends, they plottedevery step of the race and followed all other air expeditions. 6 Such representationswould give inspiration to young Australian men as they volunteered for EATSgrasping their chance to become knights of the air. While embracing the concepts offlight, society and the individual were unprepared for all the advances it brought toaerial war. The reality of using technology in war was far from the idealized images ofthe aviator warrior that young recruits held. As the far darker side of aerial war and itspotential became recognized this would end the romantic dream that flourished aroundflight. 7 The technological transformation created a new form of combat heralding theimportance of air power of World War II. It was the need for the co-ordination oftechnology on a vast scale that led to the creation of EATS. The new aerial technologyalso shaped the unique physical environment of combat that each aviator wouldexperience. The aura surrounding the belief in the dominance of airpower and as thesymbol of a new age, a means of liberation, would be shattered as the reality of the4 Robert Wohl, The Spectacle of Flight Aviation and the Western Imagination 1920-1950, 25 Robert Wohl, The Spectacle of Flight Aviation and the Western Imagination 1920-1950, 2.6 Interview Boz Parsons. Parsons remembered how he and his school friends plotted every part of therace, and followed all other air expeditions. He was to be a pilot with Bomber Command and wasawarded a D.F.C.7 Robert Wohl, The Spectacle of Flight Aviation and the Western Imagination 1920-1950, 213.26

destruction of aerial combat was witnessed. The experiences of the individual aviatorand the nation embedded in EATS would result in a loss of certainty, a newconsciousness of uncontrollable change, that would destroy the image of the 1930sestablishing the airplane as the foremost symbol of the twentieth century. The result ofsuch conflict would create enduring tensions that would impact on the images formedaround EATS in the Australian narrative and in the stories of the individual aviators.The technology of air combat, as organized in EATS and the subsequent operationalexperiences, was woven to the concepts of Empire and masculinity and wouldinfluence these concepts directly and indirectly.Aerial warfare comes of age. Machines and strategyWorld War I brought the recognition of the importance of air superiority butnot all powers acted with the same enthusiasm to encompass air power. DavidEdgerton in his essay on England and the aeroplane, despite arguing for the overallmilitancy of the nation claimed, ‘in the interwar years the liberal internationalism ofthe electorate and the politicians, the stinginess of the treasury and the technologicalconservatism of the Air Ministry ensured that by the 1930s England was peculiarlyweak in the air.’ 8 However, the development of air power was embraced by the fasciststates. 9 Using the images of flight as man dominating nature representing a new erawas seen as remarkably close to fascist ideals. 10 These countries were to use air poweras a weapon of terror and intimidation. 11 Peter Fritzsche noted of Germany, ‘nationalsurvival in the twentieth century seemed to be a matter of accepting the novel terms ofthe ‘air future’. This meant preparing for air war and fashioning an air mindedgeneration.’ 128 David Edgerton, England and the aeroplane: an essay on a militant and technological nationHoundmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Press in association with the Centre for the Historyof Science, Technology and Medicine, University of Manchester, 1992, xiii9 Colin Cook, ‘The Myth of the Aviator and the Flight to Fascism’ History Today, 53, 12, 2003, 36.Peter Fritzsche, ‘Machine Dreams: Air mindedness and the Reinvention of Germany,’ The AmericanHistorical Review 98, 3 1993, 685.10 Colin Cook, 89.11 Robert Wohl, The Spectacle of Flight Aviation and the Western Imagination 1920-1950, 228.12 Peter Fritzsche, ‘Machine Dreams,’ 685.27

The neglect of British politicians to develop air power persisted despiteconstant prompting from the military. The literature in Britain warning of the dangersof aerial war and the need to develop British aerial defence was substantial during the1920s and 30s. Air correspondent to The Times in 1922 Brigadier Groves proclaimedthe necessity of air power, predicting in Our Future in the Air, that air defence wasfundamental to national and imperial safety. Observing government actions to reducesquadrons, Groves was dismayed at the vulnerable situation this would create forBritish defence, realising the dangers of aerial attack on Britain and he pressured theBritish Government to take action. 13 A.O. Pollard had witnessed the devastation oftrench warfare and was convinced of the superiority of air power. 14 He extolled that ‘ina hundred ways the Royal Air Force had shown what it could do.’ 15 The air battles haddemonstrated British superiority over other forces. ‘New technological developments,’declared Pollard were essential to home defence ‘to protect us against air attack by thestrongest air force.’ 16 By the late 1930s proponents of air power were confronting theappeasement policies of the British government and its denial of German air powerand they were more impassioned in their pleas for action. In The Royal Air Force,written in 1937, Air Marshall Sir Leslie Gossage argued the vital necessity for airpower development. The task was difficult, he wrote, when many held the view thatthe production of aircraft material was ‘nothing but a disastrous and wastefulcompetition.’ 17 He argued there should be far more emphasis on air power for thedefence of the Empire. 18 Air Commodore L.E.O. Charlton published over a dozenbooks on the necessity for air defence, from 1927 to 1947, making him a majorlobbyist of the period. In 1935 in War From the Air he wrote vividly, ‘Flying startedits military career Cinderella-like, under the jealous scrutiny of its two gailycaparisoned sisters, the Army and the Navy. It had to gate-crash into favor and now it13 Groves was one of the first of a growing chorus to voice concern at the devastation of air attack. Themoral issue of legitimate targets was being discussed in world-wide conferences. Concern was alsoexpressed at the failure of governments to respond. See Paul Whitcombe Williams ‘Legitimate Targetsin Aerial Bombardment.’ The American Journal of International Law 23, 3, 1929.14 Ibid. 189.15 A.O. Pollard, The Royal Air Force: A Concise History London: Hutchinson & Co. 1934. 217.16 Ibid. 225.17 E.L. Gossage. The Royal Air Force London: William Hodge 1937, 15.18 Ibid. 9.28

ules the roost.’ 19 More than many other writers Charlton was insistent in hiscondemnation of the British Government and their failure to respond to what he saw asan aerial Armageddon. Surveying the situation he wrote, ‘Had affairs of any nation inthe world before been so mismanaged as the foreign policy of Britain?’ 20 Theincreasingly threatening international situation caused Charlton to become morepassionate, claiming air power would become like ‘the monarchies of ancient times,the transient sway of which shaped and reshaped human affairs over vast stretches ofearth.’ 21 The strategic use of air power and the terror it could inflict was alsoacknowledged. J.M. Spaight’s first book, Air Power and War Rights, published in1924, established the theme he would continue:The bombing of civilian objectives will be a primary operation of the warcarried out in an organized manner and with forces which will make theraids of 1914-1918 appear by comparison spasmodic and feeble…The22attacks on the towns will be the war.Spaight argued for air power, and the bomber especially, as the majorcontributor to winning any war. At a time when disarmament conferences were beingheld, Spaight maintained in Bombing Vindicated, that arguments against air power inthe House of Commons were based on a lack of understanding of the horrors of trenchwarfare. 23 In The Sky’s the Limit, he claimed air power was the source of nationalstrength and the duty of the Empire to aid in this quest. 24 Those with the benefit ofexperience and technical knowledge and a realistic appreciation of the potential of airpower continued to act as a lobby group for the development of air power in the hopeof influencing the British Government to take action. As international tensionsincreased, their recommendations for the development of air power became moreimpassioned, but their influence was minimal.The same failure to act on technological advances was reflected in Australia.Reliance on Britain for defence was accompanied by the complacency of the19 L.E.O. Charlton War From The Air London: Thomas Nelson 1935, 41.20 L.E.O.Charlton More Charlton London: Longmans & Co.1939 29521 Ibid. 8822 J.M.Spaight. Air Power and War Rights London:Harper Collins.1924.23 J.M.Spaight. Bombing Vindicated London: Geoffrey Bles.1940 724 J.M. Spaight. The Sky is the Limit London: Hodder and Stoughton 1940 1129

Australian government, reflected in failure in the 1930s to develop air defence despitethe loud advice of several influential Australians. Politician Billy Hughes, diplomatE.L. Piesse and industrialist Essington Lewis had all seen Australia’s vulnerability andrecommended the development of air power. In 1935, Hughes published Australia andWar Today in which he voiced his belief that air power had revolutionised war, and itwas vital that Australia develop effective air defence. 25 Essington Lewis, who wouldbecome director of munitions during World War II, had travelled extensively in Asiain the 1930s and realised the perilous position of Australia. In 1936 he began tonegotiate for the formation of the Commonwealth Aircraft Cooperation to buildWirraway aircraft at Fisherman’s Bend. This opened in 1939 and would form the basisof Australia’s aircraft manufacturing during the war. 26 In 1935 E.L. Piesse, writing as‘Albatross’, advanced warnings about Japan and favoured the development of airpower to build up Australian defences. 27 He recommended that Australia shouldincrease the spending on its air force. Despite such warnings little was done and inSeptember 1939 the Royal Australian Air Force was far from adequate lacking bothmachines and air power. Such was the situation of aerial defence when World War IIbegan.While technology advanced, new strategies attached to aerial warfare weredeveloped. The two main proponents of the new strategies were British Marshal of theRAF Sir Hugh Trenchard founder of the independent British RAF and Italian ColonelGiulio Douhet. In 1921 Douhet published Command of the Air in which he recognisedthe military potentially war-winning impact of aircraft. His theory was based on twoassumptions. The first was the aeroplane was an offensive weapon without equal. Thesecond was his belief that civilian morale would be shattered by aerial bombardmenton population centres; so wars could be won by aerial attacks on cities.28In thistreatise Douhet contended that modern airpower rendered armies and navies largelyobsolete. Aircraft could simply fly past them to strike at the heart of an enemy. Asdefence of the sky was all but impossible, once air superiority was established an25 W. Hughes, Australia and War Today Sydney: Angus and Robertson. 1935. Chapter Air Defence.26 The Age 27 January 1940, 3.27 E.L. Piesse Japan and the Defence of Australia Melbourne: Robertson and Mullins, 1935, 48.28 Guilio Douhet, The Command of the Air Translated by Dino Ferrari, New York: Coward McCann,INC, 1942, 30.30

enemy was doomed to suffer continual bombardment. Command of the air meantvictory. Douhet contended that the effects of sustained aerial bombardment on civilianpopulations would be so terrible that future wars would be short. 29 Trenchard was asruthless in his doctrine claiming, ‘Because the aeroplane was an offensive weapon ithad to be guided by a policy of relentless and incessant offensiveness: the deeperBritish planes flew into German territory the better, almost without regard for thelosses incurred or physical damage caused. He believed that the act of the offensivewas essential because it granted the attackers a ‘moral superiority.’ 30 Three mainbeliefs guided Trenchard’s doctrine. These were that air superiority was an essentialprerequisite to military success; airpower was an inherently offensive weapon; and thatalthough airpower's material effects were great, its psychological effects were fargreater. In a speech on 13 April 1923, he fleshed out these ideas: ‘In the next great warwith a European nation the forces engaged must first fight for aerial superiority andwhen that has been gained they will use their power to destroy the morale of theNation and vitally damage the organized armaments for supplies for the Armies andNavies… war was a contest between the “moral tenacity” of two countries, and if wecould bomb the enemy more intensely and more continually than he could bomb us theresult might be an early offer of peace.’ 31 Thanks largely to Trenchard and Douhet asthe 1930s approached, the idea of strategic bombing as a means of breaking civilianmorale was firmly entrenched into the military mindset.Advances in aeronautical technology changed the way war could be fought.The first witness to this was the German bombing of the Basque capital of Guernicaon April 26, 1937, during the Spanish Civil War. This was the first aerial attack inwhich terrorizing the population was the primary rather than secondary purpose.Japanese would soon make a common practice of such terror raids on Shanghai,Nanking and other Chinese cities. After being dismissed by Western observersthroughout the 1930s as a nation of second-rate imitators, Japan pursued an ambitious32The29 Ibid.30 Phillip Meilinger, ‘Trenchard and Morale Bombing: The Evolution of Royal Air Force DoctrineBefore World War II,’ The Journal of Military History 6, 2, 1996, 243.31 Sir Hugh Trenchard ‘Trenchard Speech, Buxton Speech 13 April 1923 Trenchard Papers AF HendonFil, II5/1- 57 cited in Meilinger, 243.32 Refer to James S. Corrum, ‘The Spanish Civil War: Lessons Learned and Not Learned by the GreatPowers,’ The Journal of Military History 62, 2, 1998.31

program to modernize its air components. Those achievements, and the threat theyrepresented, went largely unnoticed in the West, and the Allies would later pay dearlyfor their neglect. 33Formation of the Empire Air Training SchemeAs indicated, historians now agree that English aviation was underdeveloped inthe interwar years so when war broke out in August 1939 Britain was seriously underprepared. 34 Initially ignoring the advance of aviation technology Britain had failed tomatch German rearmament in the air. 35 Urgent action was needed to redress Britain’sapparent alarming vulnerability to German airpower. 36 The solution to the problem ofproviding men and machines and coordinating a large technical organisation wasfound in the creation of the Empire Air Training Scheme. 37 The solution was alsobased on the 1930s belief in reciprocal Empire cooperation between both theAustralian and British authorities. It was at this point the tradition of Empire unitedwith the development and management of technology, both combining in thesuccessful establishment of EATS. The blending of technology and Empire surfaced inseveral ways. The long-term reliance of Australia on Britain to guide her foreignpolicy and provide for her defence evoked the comment ‘that Australia’s desire tostand as one with the English speaking world, to accept the leadership and live underthe protection of Anglo Saxon patrons…has been the most obvious and commonly33 Jon Guttman, ‘Strategic Bombing Comes of Age’ World War II, 1998, 12, 7,34.34 David Edgerton 18.35 M.Kirby, R.Capey, ‘The Air defence of Great Britain 1920-1940’ The Journal of OperationalResearch Society, 27, 1997, 555.36 Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force, 60.37 The main signatories to the agreement were Great Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Thebroad agreement was to provide trained aircrews to serve with the Royal Air Force (RAF). The planwas vast in concept and organisation to provide trained aircrew ground staff and aeroplanes that couldmatch the German advances. Fifty elementary flying schools would be established in Australia, Canadaand New Zealand, and then air crew would receive advanced training in Canada, (some in Rhodesia)and proceed to Britain for service with the RAF. A conference was held at Ottawa, Canada in October1939, to discuss the proposal. After several weeks of bargaining, an agreement was signed on 17December 1939.The Australian Government agreed initially to provide 28,000 men to EATS over threeyears. This represented 36 per cent of the total of aircrews to be trained under the scheme in thatperiod.32

emarked on trait of Australian foreign policy.’ 38 While this had implications outsideEATS, the impact was felt keenly in Australia’s willing compliance with the scheme.Motivated by such reliance and unlike other Dominions within the Scheme, Australianairmen were placed directly under Britain. 39 The RAAF was the only service that theAustralian government completely surrendered to British control. 40 Britishexpectations on Dominion support were clear and the unquestioned belief in Empirewas a cornerstone to the formation of EATS. Sir Anthony Eden, Secretary of State forthe Dominions in 1939, voiced expectations in a cable to Sir Geoffrey Whiskard, theUK High Commissioner to Australia in September 8, 1939. 41 Outlining the mainweakness of the Allies in respect to air strength, Whiskard proclaimed the necessity ofdoing everything in their power to reduce this discrepancy, and for this ‘we look to thedominions to ensure this is achieved.’ He followed this with a secret cable onSeptember 26 1939. It is now abundantly clear that an overwhelming Air Force will beneeded in order to counter German air strength and, in combination with other military38 Neville Meaney, Australia and the World. A Documentary History from the 1870s to the 1970sMelbourne: Longman Cheshire, 1985,14.39 Dominion Government responses to EATS followed a similar pattern. South Africa declined to joinbut agreed to train pilots and contribute squadrons to the British War effort, thus maintaining completecontrol over her air force. The Canadian government under Mackenzie King emphasised their freedomand deliberation of choice. Canada’s entry into the war was not an automatic response to somemechanical organisation of Empire. Canada’s entry into the war was the deliberate decision of freepeople by their own representatives in a free Parliament. Canada agreed to be host for the majority ofthe training schools, but on her terms Prime Minister MacKenzie King fiercely defended Canadianindependence within the Scheme and the Canadians referred to the Scheme as the BritishCommonwealth Air Training Scheme. King fought furiously for Canadian autonomy and according toCanadian historians Peter Conrad and Fred Hatch, the Prime Minister saw air training as a means ofproviding assistance to the Mother Country without risking the threat of conscription for overseasservice. The air force was a voluntary service, and King imagined that RCAF members would remainon Canadian soil serving as instructors in the new air training schools. 39 The Canadian air forceremained responsible for their own crews. New Zealand acted with greater respect for the forms ofindependent nationhood independently declaring war on Germany, without any sense of automaticinvolvement. New Zealand also agreed to contribute, but one later New Zealand historian commentedthey found little fault with the scheme, perhaps identifying strongly with the RAF and being lessnationalistic in their approach.40 Joan Beaumont has summarised the complex Australian Government arrangement made inconsideration to the forces. The commitment to Imperial Defence gave practical aid to Britain with theRAN and AIF but the Australian Government supposedly retained the right to determine where theywould serve. The organisation of the RAAF became integrated with the RAF and Senior Officers wereall British. Later in the Pacific theatre Australian airmen would work under the U.S air force. JoanBeaumont, ed. Australia’s War 1939-45 St Leonards: Allen and Unwin1995, 4-6. Also refer to GHerman Gill, The Royal Australian Navy 1939-42 Canberra: Australian War Memorial 1957, 62-64.Gavin Long, The AIF vol. 1 To Beghazi, Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1961, 36-40.41 Eden to Whiskard, Cablegram, 191, R.G.Neale ed. Documents on Australian Foreign Policy 1937-49 vol.1 4433

measures and economic pressure, to bring ultimate victory…it is expected parts of theEmpire may well be able to play a decisive part.’ 42While it could be argued the expanse of the Scheme required centralcoordination, placing control of Australian airmen under the RAF, this would end inserious operational difficulties as the Scheme was put into operation resulting inunforeseen consequences. On this point John Robertson made the comment, ‘TheRAAF was the service most seriously affected by Australia’s uncertainty as to whetherit was primarily part of the British Empire or primarily an independent nation. Amongthose deciding the RAAF’s fate in 1939, a majority inclined to the former view,though the rival idea also had its champions during the war. The resulting tussle hadmanifold consequences, including an administrative nightmare.’ 43 Aware of thepossibility of compromise to Australian identity, Prime Minister Robert Menzies hadArticle XV inserted in the Ottawa Agreement, assuring that this would as ‘far aspossible preserve the Australian character and identity of any air force that wentabroad.’ 44 The vagueness of the term ‘as far as possible’ became obvious during thecourse of the war and under the pressure of the speed of technological developmentand strategic necessity Australians became spread around over 500 RAF squadrons,with practically every combat unit in the force containing one or more Australians atsome stage. 45Australian deference to British superiority also surfaced in the field of aerialtechnology and skill. Australian airmen had always gone to England for advancedtraining. 46 This reliance on British technical experience and a belief in administrativesuperiority was highlighted by the appointment of RAF officer Sir Charles Burnett asChief of the Australian Air Staff in January1940. The Argus reported the appointmentas ‘invaluable to the Commonwealth in organising and directing Australia’s part in the42 R.G.Neale ed. vol. II, 284.43 John Robertson Australia at War 1939-45 Melbourne: William Heineman 1981, 51.44 The terms of Article XV are produced in Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force, 63-64.TheOttawa Agreement was the official agreement signed outlining the contributions that each Dominionwould make.45 John Robertson, 54.46 Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force, 46-47.34

Empire Air Scheme.’ 47 While strong arguments can be found for the technicalsuperiority of Britain, historians interpret this action as a signal of the Australianpoliticians’ complete reliance on Britain. 48 Douglas Gillison one of the official warhistorians for the RAAF scathingly commented ‘in those days senior officers of theBritish Services evidently seemed to some Australian Ministers to possess a glamourthat their own senior officers lacked.’ 49 Alan Stephens went even further in hiscriticism. ‘Menzies was typical of many senior Australian officials of that era whoseemed to believe that British officers were almost by definition superior to theirAustralian counterparts…Other public figures who shared Menzies’ pretensions as apseudo-English gentleman and who abetted him in his mismanagement of the RAAFincluded his minister for Supply and Development, Richard Casey, and the Australianhigh commissioner in London, Stanley Bruce.’ 50The individual experience of aerial warfareThe conflict between euphoric images of the freedom found in flight, and itsdarker side, were experienced by all the airmen of EATS. Young men who soexcitedly volunteered to use the new aviation responded to images of Daedalus andIcarus as illustrations of the spirit of the Empire youth. 51 The socially constructedimage of the aviator had projected war air service as the epitome of idealisedmasculinity. The ultimate hero was the aviator and the air ace. 52 Past images ofwarriors represented stoic self-control and the ability to face death without flinching. 53The obsession with the development of flight and the conquest of the skies thatenveloped the international cultural scene in the 1930s also obsessed Australia. 54 This47 Argus January 6,1940, 1.48 Norman Ashworth How Not To Run An Air force Canberra: Air Power Studies Centre, 2000.49 Douglas Gillison, The Royal Australian Air Force 1939-42 75.50 Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force, 113.51 L. Charlton, Menace from the Clouds London: William Hodge, 1937, 27452 See George Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1990. Michael Paris, From the Wright Brothers to Top Gun: Aviation, Nationalismand Popular Cinema, 3.53 George Mosse has defined this image in detail, The Image of Man New York: Oxford UniversityPress 1996, Chapter 6.54 Frazer Andrewes, A Culture of Speed: the Dilemma of being Modern in Australia in the 1930s.Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Melbourne Library, 2003.35

was linked directly to the aviator hero the embodiment of masculine dominance. 55 Theadventure of flying, the conquest of speed and space, the technology, the loneliness ofthe pilot and the conquest of the sky, where the gods lived, had the makings of amyth. 56 The image of the airman was equated with that of the chivalric knight. Airmenpersonified the new idealised masculinity. 57 George Mosse has argued:the conquest of the skies was one important way in which the reality ofwar was masked and made bearable, though its implications reachedmuch further, to a way of looking at the nation and the world which, inturn, made confrontation with modern war that much easier. Wartime58aviation presented a climax of the myth of the war experience.Despite this, air warfare that ensued was new. There was no precedent onwhich to base expectations. Recruits carried with them images given in glorifiedaccounts such as those given by World War I official British historian WalterRaleigh. 59 He equated the pilot with a Greek sculpture in its rendering of ‘life andpurpose.’ 60 To Raleigh and others, air power introduced a new theatre to war, a ‘placeof vision, and speed and movement. A great highway for the traffic of peace.’ 61 ‘If themachines were good, the men in them were better. Was there ever such a company ofheroes as that Air Force of ours,’ were the seductive calls. 62 Yet lacking any precedentthe men were totally unprepared for the challenges of war found in the new technologyand it still remains almost impossible to recreate the physical and psychologicalconditions that were confronted by the challenges of air war that were so linked withtechnological advances of aerial war. The literature, capturing the individualexperiences of aerial combat is quite thin. The human dimension is given little focus.Histories of all aerial war relate to an analysis of the success of tactics, the importanceof aerial war to victory, specific battles, and stories of individual feats of daring. Theydo not relate the actual trials that were experienced by the airmen. Personal memoirs55 George Mosse, The Image of Man, (links of masculinity to nationalism, and image of the masculinebody).56 George Mosse, Fallen Soldiers, 120.57 Ibid. 122.58 George Mosse, ‘The Knights of the Sky and the Myth of the War Experience,’ in Robert A. Hinde,Helen E. Watson, ed. War: A Cruel Necessity. The Bases of Institutionalized Violence London: I. B.Travis Publishers 1995, 132.59 Walter Raleigh The War in the Air, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992.60 Ibid. 14.61 Ibid. 489.62 Ibid. 17.36

are also hesitant in confronting the actual horror becoming caricatured portraits of thechivalric aviator.While recognizing that all combatants face physical threats and death, the roleof the aviator in World War II, the use of complex technology, the pressure of highspeed and subjected to multiple dangers, distinguish the stress on airmen from theother fighting forces. In 1949 a wartime study on aerial operations in bombercommand was released that reveal the intensity of the experiences:They were like nothing else in the world. The air crew flew in darknessrelieved only by the dim orange glow of a lamp over the navigator’s tableand the faintly green luminosity of the pilots’ instruments, three or fourmiles high, through bitter cold over hundreds of miles of sea and hostileland with the thunderous roar of the engines shutting out all other soundsexcept when the crackling metallic voice of one member of the crewechoed in the earphones of the other’s earphones. For each man therewas a constant awareness of danger; danger from the enemy; fromsudden convergence of searchlights accompanied by heavy accurate andtorrential flak, from packs of night fighters; of danger of collision fromice in the cloud, from becoming lost or isolated or a chance hit on thepetrol tank forcing a forced descent into the sea…There was no singlemoment of security. 63Another account focused on the technical complexity:One look at the pilot’s cabin of a B-17 will convince you that its flight isactually an engineering operation demanding manual and mental skillsthat put the driving of an automobile into kiddy-car class Thecompartment is lined –front, sides, ceiling and part of the floor withcontrols, switches, levers, dials, and gauges. I once counted a hundredand thirty. The coordinated operations of all these gadgets would bedifficult in a swivel chair comfort of your office. But reduce your officeto a five-foot cube size, engulf it in the constant roar of engines, andincrease your height to around five miles… that will give you an idea ofthe conditions under which these men worked out the highermathematical relationships of engine revolutions, manifold and fuelpressures, aerodynamics, barometric pressure, altitude, wind drift,airspeed, ground speed position and direction. 6463 D Stafford-Clarke, ‘Morale and Flying Experience: Results of a wartime study.’ Journal of MentalScience Jan. 1949. 13.64 Major General David Grant, Surgeon General USAAF, A Day at the Office, quoted in Mark Wells,Courage and Air Warfare: Allied Air Crew Experience in the Second World War London: Frank Cass,1995, 29.37

Colonel Mark Wells, an experienced airman, offered a more detailed outlineof specific dangers. Wells outlined the dangers of flying as what ‘makes air combat asingular experience conducted in a dangerous environment.’ 65 Wells identifiednumerous areas of danger. First, was the equipment itself. Fast advances inaeronautical design needed better training and more intelligent operators. Higheraltitudes needed oxygen support equipment and heavier clothing. Long-range missionsrequired endurance. The weight of bombs, fuel loads, and defensive armaments madetake-off treacherous. Second, Wells identified the weather, covering dense fog,turbulence, ice, cross winds, restricted visibility, moonlight, frozen instruments.Weather conditions impacted on the human element reduced bombing accuracy, madeformation flying impossible, restricted visibility, meant instrument flying, whichneeded intense concentration, no visual reference and possible forms of spatialdisorientation. Such conditions resulted in pilot error ending in crashes. Above all theskills of the ground maintenance crew were essential for the safe functioning of theaircraft. The third element in aerial combat was the battlefield itself. Wells describesits three dimensional nature and the size of the battlefield meant physical exertionmissions over 10 hours where aviators had to remain vigilant for enemy threats fromall directions. The last element was the form of combat itself between fighter tofighter, fighter to bomber and then the constant pressure of flak or anti aircraft gunsable to destroy aircraft but inflicting damage of shrapnel wounds. All was carried outat high speed involving accuracy and maneuvering, involving the pilot’s mentalagility. It was a time of unrelenting confusion and chaos. These were the physicalconditions surrounding aerial war.The psychological stress was also a new phenomena directly linked to theconditions generated by the technical advances of air war. Men suddenly becameaware of the devastating violence of war. For many it meant fighting a personal battlebetween fear and duty.66There is evidence to support the contention that firing itselfrequired some preliminary psychological preparation largely because the target was65 Mark Wells, Courage and Air Warfare 28.66 Mark Wells, 60.38

not just an aircraft but also had a human crew. 67 Later this would extend to the field ofstrategic bombing. Wells argues that the airman was reacting to conflict between hisdesire to do his duty and thereby maintain self-respect and his instinct for selfpreservation.68 Many of the studies relate specifically to bomber crews. Fighter pilotswere more in a position to control their own destinies in any given situation. Theypreferred the solitude of single seat flying and the concentrated activity that took theirmind off their fears. They generally carried much less of a burden in the sense ofhaving others directly depend on them. It is suggested that fighter pilots experiencedfewer emotional problems. 69Martin Francis has offered a recent study on the cultural environment of theaviator in which he has confronted the individual anxiety and personal vulnerabilityexperienced by the airman. 70 The advanced technology which made the war timefighter or bomber the ultimate modern fighting machine also created the possibility ofa variety of terrifying and violent ways in which aircrew might meet their demise. 71 Itwas the capacity to carry out a continuous and sustained course of action that requiredthe highest degree of skill in the face of gross physical hardship. 72 Francis emphasizesthe strain of aerial war turning young fearless men into men who were old and tiredand knew fear. To study the war time flyer ‘tells us something about how theindividual personality accommodated itself to an age of catastrophe.’ 73 It was acatastrophe resulting from the advances of technology that had not been envisaged.The psychological responses of the individual to the horrors of aerial combatare less well documented and were unique and unexpected at the time of combat inWorld War II. Examining the memories of men may provide some explanation to thelack of literature in this area, but general exposure of the horror of aerial war has beenthwarted almost as a denial of the devastation that accompanied aerial war. An67 Mark Wells, 37. According to S.L.A. Marshall men had to overcome their inner and usually realizedresistance towards killing a fellow man See Marshall pp78-79 Men Against Fire New York, 1947.68 Mark Wells, 64. David Stafford Clark, ‘Morale and Flying Experience,’ 22.69 MarkWells, 67.70 Martin Francis, The Flyer: British Culture and the Royal Air Force 1939-1945 Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 2009, 106.71 Martin Francis, 107.72 Roland Winfield cited in Martin Francis, 128.73 Martin Francis, 130.39

examination of this theme emerges throughout this thesis as the response of men to thedisillusioning experience is examined. A dominant narrative is the adventure andcourage of the airmen of World War II returning to the romantic dream, such asMichael Veitch’s Fly. 74 However, in the last few years there have been severalattempts to expose the myth. Several books published have based the descriptions ofaerial combat on interviews with veterans. In the interviews that I conducted, onetheme that emerged was a willingness in later years to express the reality ofexperiences and this resource has been discovered and used in several recentaccounts. 75 The stories told reveal the sense of disempowerment and alienation in asurreal atmosphere, of filtered moonlight, confusion, streams of flak lights, with nightfighters and bombers crossing the sky in all directions, and the constant expectation ofattack as surrounding aircraft exploded. 76 The flyer ‘was simultaneously an emblem ofmodernity and a recollection of heroic conflicts from a distant past. The airman’scombat experience was inseperable from science and machinery: not merely theaircraft he flew, but the technology of radio, radar, navigational aids and ballistics withwhich it was associated.’ 77ConclusionThe creation of EATS was a response to the age, and within the origins andorganization of the institution can be found the tensions of creation and destruction ofmodern age technology. Woven into the evolution of technology were the concepts ofEmpire and masculinity and the power of flight. In three different ways the charge ofmilitary technology would impact upon Australian involvement in World War II, andchallenge the held values and beliefs, that contributed to the both public and privateidentities. First, was the change in the nature of warfare that became heavily dependenton aerial warfare. Second, was the reply to call of Empire, that to use a term oftenemployed, sacrificed ‘Australian boys’ to the causes of Empire without question.74 Michael Veitch, Fly Melbourne: Viking 2008.75 Kevin Wilson, Men of the Air, The Doomed Youth of Bomber Command London: Weidenfeld andNicolson, 2007, Patrick Bishop, Bomber Boys London: Harper Press, 2007, Martin Francis, The Flyer.76 See Kevin Wilson, 254-5.77 Martin Francis, 163.40

Third, was the human element. Seduced by the images of the chivalric knight of theair, young men raced to enlist for their chance to join in the glamour of flight. Nothingbefore had been experienced in combat that would have prepared the men for theconfrontation brought by aerial war, that challenged both their duty to Empire andtheir masculinity. The distinctive tensions and fragmentation on the level of self onthe aviator impacted upon the reconstructing of the narrative of self identity revealingthe constant struggle of man to come to terms with the past and constructing thefuture. 78 It is within this wider cultural context that the evolution of the personal andpublic images of EATS will be situated in this thesis.78This theme was proposed by Berman, Marshall. All that is solid Melts into Air: TheExperience of Modernity. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1982; reprint, with newpreface Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1988.41

CHAPTER 2This is a Man’s Job: Seduction and Production of theImageFrank Parsons was eighteen when he enlisted in the Empire Air TrainingScheme in 1942. In 2008 we met and after some time Frank pulled out his wartimediary and said ‘I want to read you something.’ In large letters he had marked THEGREAT EXPERIENCE. This was his account of first going solo. With tremblingvoice and misted eyes Frank read:My instructor climbed out of the cockpit ahead of me smiled and said‘OK, off you go and good luck!!’ I just sat there for a few momentstrying to look as if I was preparing myself, but in fact I was just dazed.Seeing him making himself comfortable sitting in the grass against afence post I thought he seemed comfortable enough so I had better betoo. After the most careful check of the cockpit I had ever done, off Iwent. How well I remember the beautiful little tiger moth rumbling alongthe field before quite quickly lifting off –and I was in the air ON MYOWN. I was flying over the big hangers seeing the surrounds of Benallatownship and fields and aerodrome so familiar from having done this somany times in the past couple of weeks but never before with no one inthe front cockpit. Wonderful, wonderful, wonderful. I knew that once Ihad done the first few turns of the circuit and was flying on the downward leg parallel with the drome I just sang at the top of my voicesomething like ‘There will always be an England.reading.Frank justified ‘we were all just so patriotic in those days.’ He continuedThe real test of landing was to come, but to my intense delight it wasprobably the best I had ever done. I was bubbling with excitement Itaxied back to my instructor to find him running towards the slowlymoving aeroplane. He thumped the fuselage beside my shoulder andyelled ‘A bloody greaser, a bloody greaser!’ Words I will never forget. 11 Frank Parsons, Interview, 6 July 2008. Parsons served flew Catlinas out of Darwin serving in theSouth West Pacific theatre.43

Frank was one who was delighted to talk admitting he was amazed that he hadanything of interest to record. In this admission he expressed how the role of EATShas diminished in importance within the identity of the individual veteran, as it alsohad become marginalised within the collective Australian narrative. The words of aneighty seven year old, reading the most valued memory of his experience in EATS,provides a starting point for the exploration of the complexity of the individual andcollective images that have evolved around EATS. First, Frank’s words from his diaryrevealed aspects of Australian identity that were used in the recruitment image ofEATS to appeal to the young recruit and were also an important part of individualidentity: the cultural values of masculinity, the glory of war, allegiance to Empire andthe empowerment of flying. Each of these influences was revealed in Frank’s account.He proved his masculinity, expressed in the words, ‘a bloody greaser,’ and hisallegiance to Empire, as he sang, ‘there will always be an England.’ His thrill inflying,’ wonderful, wonderful, wonderful,’ was what Frank and every other boy whoenlisted had wanted. 2 To fly. Second, the response recorded in his diary, was one ofexcitement, as he dutifully set off to the adventure of war unaware of anydisillusionment that would follow, as the initial values came under question. Third,Frank’s choice of the central event of the gallant aviator decades later provides apreview of the selective nature of memory as Frank reaffirmed the values of his youththat were central in individual and national commitment to EATS.The focus of this chapter is the initial response to the concept of EATS in theopening years of World War II first of the nation and then the individual. The firstsection follows the military and media institutions and the construction of theirrecruitment campaign, which concentrated on the appeal of flight with the public andthe glamour of the dashing aviator. This was interwoven with masculine ideals of theglory of war, patriotic duties and loyalty to country and the Empire. It would prove tobe an effective campaign. The second part of the chapter turns to the individual andexamines the acceptance of the illusion presented in the public image. The responses2 The novelty of the modernity of flight has been covered in several sources. Michael Paris in WingedWarfare, Manchester: Manchester University Press 1992, Warrior Nation London: Reaktion Books2000. The popularity of flying in Australia in the 1930s has been addressed by Frazer Andrewes, ACulture of Speed: the Dilemma of being Modern in Australia in the 1930s Unpublished PhD thesis,University of Melbourne Library 2003.44

of recruits came from reviewing letters and diaries of the men. Central to all was thedominant image of flight reflected in their excited accounts of their initial experiences.Personal records suggest the young recruits were conforming to role models that hadbeen projected through the collective image. Frank Parson’s diary had expressed manyof these sentiments, and such values and beliefs appear in letters and diaries of therecruits, confirming the impact of the public image on the development of selfconcepts.They were able to enact their boyhood dreams of the intrepid flyer that hadfeatured in the surrounding culture. They were doing ‘a man’s job,’ as the illusionsuggested. Private papers indicated little awareness of the realities of air war theywould encounter or how their values would be challenged.The Public Image in 1939It was to explain Australian allegiance to Empire in 1939 that Don Charlwoodwrote Marching as to War, outlining the overwhelming cultural surrounds, present inhis childhood, that linked Australia to Britain. Charlwood delved into the reasons whyso many Australians saw it as their duty to serve the Empire. 3 He recorded the oath ofloyalty recited in school every morning, ‘I love my country the British Empire. I saluteher flag the Union Jack,’ and the celebrations of Empire Day that expressedunwavering loyalty to the British Crown as they read, ‘The Empire expects every childthis day to do his duty. The Royal family and King George is beloved by his people inall parts of the world.’ 4 The king was represented on coins and postage stamps.Childrens’ magazines were from ‘home.’ Chums was a manly paper addressed ‘To theBoys of the Empire upon whom the sun never sets’. Schools appointed masters whocame out from England and put up with Australian life, like missionaries going toAfrica. 5 Thus, surrounded by the cultural centrality of Empire to the national identity,volunteers to EATS conformed to the expectation of delivering their loyalty. Inreading the letters and diaries of the men who enlisted in EATS, the dominantimpression is they believed themselves an integral part of a united British Empire.3 Don Charlwood, Marching as to War Hawthorn Vic: Hudson Publishing 1990.4 Ibid. 48.5 See Martin Crotty, Making the Australian Male: Middle class masculinity 1870-1920 Carlton:Melbourne University Press, 2001.45

The images constructed around EATS by media and military institutionsclearly emulated the ‘White Anglo-Saxon Imperialist,’ that formed part of theAustralian identity in the 1930s. 6 Melbourne Grammar School’s old boys’ associationsent out a letter to each of its members.Once again, and so soon. Old Melburnians find it necessary to enlist forActive Service Overseas in defence of all those principles that stand forChristian civilization, liberty, justice, mercy and truth. The council of theOld Melburnians today wishes in its turn to place on record itsappreciation of those who, while fully realizing the horrors of modernwarfare, are freely offering their services in defence of our great British7Empire.This was the position projected by the government of 1939, and believing inthe centrality of Empire, Prime Minister Menzies immediately agreed, withoutconsulting Cabinet or the Governor General, to join Britain in war, and committedAustralia unconditionally to the Empire Air Training Scheme placing control ofAustralian airmen under Britain. 8 In this, other politicians, including StanleyMelbourne Bruce, at this time High Commissioner in Britain and J.V. Fairbairn,appointed Minister for Air, who both saw Australia’s fortunes tied to the Empire,supported him. 9 Loyalty to the Empire was projected tacitly in the officialendorsement of the EATS. Conformity to the concept of Empire in the embracing ofEATS also meant that Australia was committing itself so unconditionally to Britainthat when Australia came under threat, it was radically under-prepared and underequippedwith air power. At the moment of compliance with the air training schemethere were few who voiced concern at Australia’s care for her own self defence. 10 Atthe time of outbreak of war in 1939 the stamp of the British Empire lay heavily on thelandscape of the new Commonwealth of Australia. 116 See Anne Curthoys, ‘Identity Crisis: Colonialism, Nation and Gender in Australian History,’ Genderand History, 5, 1993, 165.7 Cited in Don Charlwood, Marching as to War, 1938 John McCarthy discusses this point in Last Call of the Empire 1.9 John Robertson, Australia at War 1939-1945, 52-53.10 The Bulletin voiced concern that Australia should not overcommit itself. John Curtin whilesupporting the scheme also expressed concern for Australia’s own defence. The Bulletin, November 291939 8.11 John Arnold, Peter Spearritt, David Walker. Out of Empire The British Dominion of Australia PortMelbourne: Mandarin Australia, 1993 1.46

MasculinityRepresentations of masculinity in 1939 form a second theme in the initialseduction surrounding EATS. Images of masculinity dominated the Australian identityand the nationalist mythology generated a belief in the necessity to prove manhood,following the role model of those who ‘gave birth to the nation.’ 12 White Europeanculture had established the image of masculinity centered on imperialism and thestrong nation-state based on military prowess. 13 Attitudes in Australia in 1939provided a fertile ground for boys to seize the opportunity to become men by joiningEATS. 14 EATS offered the opportunity to ‘be a man’ by serving the Empire but itadded a further dimension to the attainment of military masculinity. It has beensuggested, the reaction to the horror of trench warfare of World War I had produced atempered response that acted against such devastation and its aggressive andbelligerent imagery. 15 The airman offered a valiant alternative to the squalid andanonymous war in the trenches. Aviation offered a way to serve in war following anew ideal of chivalry and manly behaviour, and the public image was constructedaround this central theme.The ideal of attainment of masculinity was also fuelled by escapist fantasies.The appeal of a chance for adventure was intensified by the onset of the 1930sDepression, which had depleted the male role of the traditional provider as massunemployment undermined masculine identity.16Humphrey McQueen’s commentperhaps sums up the atmosphere of the 1930s in Australia, ‘Poverty, lost chances,12 This term was used by Marilyn Lake, ‘Mission Impossible: How Men Gave Birth to the Nation-Nationalism, Gender, and other Seminal Acts. Gender and History .4, 3, 1992, 305-322.13 R. W. Connell, ‘The Big Picture: Masculinities in Recent World History,’ Theory and Society, 221993, 597-623.In this article Connell has traced the historical development of the masculine image.14 Many scholars have recognised the importance of war to Australian identity. See Joy Damousi andMarilyn Lake Gender and War: Australians at war in the twentieth Century Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1995.15 Sonya Rose, ‘Temperate Heroes: Concepts of masculinity in Second World War Britain,’ 177 in S.Dudink, K. Haggerman, J. Tosh, Masculinities in Politics and War Manchester: Manchester UniversityPress, 2004.16 Martin Francis, ‘The Domestication of the Male. Recent Research on Nineteenth and Twentieth-Century British Masculinity,’ The Historical Journal, 45 3 2002, 640.47

anger and lack of hope persisted.’ 17 Unremitting hardships had been endured and inmany of the stories recounted in later memoirs, of those who had been in EATS,education had been sacrificed in the need to supplement family income. Bound byeconomic constraints and taunted by the romantic images of what it meant to become aman, the seduction of the opportunity offered by the Empire Air Training Scheme wasa way to escape, not just to travel and experience adventure, but to fly.Seduction of FlightThe seduction of flight represents the third element in the attraction of imagesof EATS in the late 1930s.While the wider theme of the fascination and destructioncontained within the power of flight has been developed in the first chapter here Iplace it firmly in the Australian context of EATS. The embodiment of the dominantmale aviator was the seductive image presented in the recruitment images; images ofmodernity in civil aviation that would project Australia as an active member of themodern word. The RAAF also took every opportunity to polish their public imagethrough bushfire patrols, aerial dusting, survey and meteorological flights, epic flightsand all received extensive press coverage. 18 They also pursued high profileappearances at special ceremonial occasions and air displays. The largest of these wasin 1938 at Flemington racecourse in Melbourne. Eighty aircraft took part in a fourhourdisplay that was hailed in press reports. 19 The image of new technology of theinterwar years reached its pinnacle in flight. Flying was regarded as a sport and a sportfor the wealthy. Emerging from the depression the cost of learning to fly wasprohibitive for most and men recorded in letters and diaries, EATS would not onlyteach you to fly it would ‘pay you’ to fly. 20 Not only would the Scheme pay for you to17 Humphrey McQueen, Social Sketches of Australia 1888-2000, Brisbane: University of QueenslandPress, 2004, 139.18 See C.D.Coulhard-Clark, The Third Brother The Royal Australian Air Force 1921-39 Sydney: Allenand Unwin1991, Chapter 13.19 Argus April 22 1938, 8.20 Information about the cost of private flying lessons is ‘rubbery’. It depended on the instructor, theaircraft and how long it took. It is recorded Nancy Bird Walton saved 200 pounds for her flying lessonsin 1933. The basic wage set in 1937 and unchanged for several years due to the war varied in eachstate. In Melbourne it was 3 pounds 15 shillings a week. Commonwealth Arbitration Reports, 37, 1937,583.48

fly it would pay you to travel to places that were tantalisingly represented in the newtechnology of the cinema. It also offered the opportunity of the thrill of adventure in anew form of combat, aerial battle that projected the image of chivalrous knights of theair. 21 The sensation of risk taking forms a part of the attraction offered by flight and ithas been suggested that physical risk taking allays anxieties about masculineinadequacies. 22 The thrill of risk taking emerges as an attraction in the diaries andletters of the recruits.Sporting heroes, including the new daring sport of flight, provided an avenueof relief. The well recorded event was the 1934 MacRobertson air race from London toMelbourne, which received extensive coverage in both the press and Movietonenewsreels. Aviators were represented as the new heroes, as conquerors of speed andsky. One that appealed especially to Australian interests was Charles Kingsford-Smith.Figure 1 Postcard Kingsford-Smith and Ulm 2321 This image had been cultivated in adolescent literature such as the W. E. Johns, Biggles series and inKorda’s films such as Conquest of the Air. Both had a wide audience in Australia. Juvenile influenceswere referred to in memoirs and interviews.22 Elissa Slanger, Kjell Erik Rudestam, ‘Motivation and Disinhibition in High Risk Sports: SensationSeeking and Self-Efficacy,’ Journal of Research in Personality, 31, 1997, 355.23 Charles Ulm and Charles Kingsford Smith setting out from America to Australia. State Library ofVictoria. Image AO4566.49

Although he did not complete in the race, Kingsford-Smith’s air adventuresfascinated the Australian public and his images were used on postage stamps, cigarettecards as well as in the press. These were the heroes of the day and provided a rolemodel for the youth of Australia. The cumulative result of all of these elementsembodied in the concept of EATS was the achievement of an enhanced image ofmasculinity, placing Australia in the modern world. In this period the 'superman of theskies' took hold of the popular imagination and reinforced the idea of air war as uniqueand of the airman as courageous, highly trained and resourceful who could succeedwhere the soldier failed. 24 The rise of air force elitism has been charted throughout theinter-war years and most of the public thought of the air service as an elite: a highlytrained, high technology force of heroic young men who would decide the outcome offuture wars virtually unaided by the older services. 25 They were regarded as thesuperior of the fighting forces representing old-style, public school, visions ofchivalric masculinity as represented in Richard Hillary's classic The Last Enemy. 26It is the aspect of elitism that, I argue, becomes important in the developmentof the image of the airman in the Australian narrative. The technical advancement ofair power that aligned itself with a belief that the ‘men who conquered the skybelonged to a special breed.’ 27 Entry to the air force depended on a physicalexamination and a basic intelligence quotient of 110. 28 Following acceptance therewere rigorous courses in academic and technical skills including examinations, and themen became aware ‘they were part of a select group.’ 29 One woman whom Iinterviewed, now well into her eighties, was engaged to one airman and then marriedto another, added a realistic social observation claiming, coming out of the depressionyears, so many joined the air force as ‘it was a way to get a head.’ 3024 Michael Paris, ‘The Rise of the Airmen: The Origins of Air Force Elitism, 1890-1918,’ Journal ofContemporary History, 28, 1, 1993, 124.25 Michael Paris, ‘The Rise of the Airmen: The Origins of Air Force Elitism, 1890-1918,’ 125.26 Richard Hillary, The Last Enemy London: Macmillan and Co. 1942 194.27 Michael Paris, ‘The Rise of the Airmen: The Origins of Air Force Elitism, c. 1890-1918,124.28 Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force, 68.29 Hank Nelson, Chased by the Sun, vii.30 Interview with Yvonne Oezer, 4 May 2008.50

Production of the ImageMilitary institutions were quick to utilise the socially constructed image ofmasculinity, and combine it with the images of the daring aviator of the 1930s.Recruitment posters for the Air Force projected the public image reflecting themessage that enlistment in EATS provided the path to masculinity in serving nationand Empire. The poster ‘This is a Man’s Job’ produced in 1940, was built on theconcept of masculinity in war. 31 The pilot was represented as the embodiment ofphysical and emotional stoicism. Ready for take-off with a look of steely resolve he isportrayed as physically and morally able to meet all challenges. The image embodiesbravery, honor, and social responsibility, all qualities valued by society to seduce theyoung aviator recruit. Three fighter aircraft are pictured overhead in formation, usingthe enhancement of technology in the aircraft, as well as the pilot’s equipment, to themasculine role. The image exemplified modernity, speed and technology of the newworld. There are several other interesting points. While the red white and blue roundelis that of the RAF, (used since the formation of the RAAF in 1921, and after WorldWar II changed to a red kangaroo with a blue circle, an interesting aside that providesvisual evidence of Australia asserting independence in later years,) the letters RAAFare used reflecting the duality of identity.Figure 2 This is a man’s job 3231 AWM, ARTVO 04283.32 Ibid.51

The ethos of the glamour of serving in the Air Force was reinforced by themedia. Headlining a column, ‘A League of Eagles’, the Argus wrote of the inspirationto the imagination of man’s ‘spectacular conquest of the air,’ and ‘the type of air forcethat could be built out of the resources of the cooperative efforts of the Empire beggarsthe imagination.’ 33 Media continued to glamourise the pilot one of a distinct race ofmen where the ‘smooth precision of the machinery which he commands sets thestandard of his behavior in the air and his body is trained as rigidly as the componentsof his machinery.’ Going to war in an aeroplane, ‘carried an appeal that the olderservices could never match. Aviation was only a generation old and flying glowedwith glamour and modernity.’ 34 The Age announced ‘26,000 Australian airmen to betrained. The Empire Air Scheme will afford a remarkable example of the strength ofGreat Britain and the Dominions working together. 35 The Argus reported, ‘How to jointhe Empire Air Armada.’ 36This question has been on the lips of thousands of eager young men sincehearing the broadcast announcement of the Prime Minister onWednesday of a plan to create an air armada of unprecedented strength.Thousands were wanted and for the most romantic and adventurous ofthe fighting services. No wonder that the virile youths in a thousandhomes have been agog for information since the stirring news of this newwinged force came winging over the air.In a national broadcast, Prime Minister Menzies had again emphasized hisconviction that priority must be given to air force planning. He declared that theBritish Government was not asking Australia to send a large military force abroad:‘I believe,’ he said, ‘and my belief is pretty well founded, that thecooperation of the Dominions with Great Britain in the provision oftrained airmen, and in the case of some Dominions, in the provision ofaircraft, will be of growing and vital importance. It may be that in ourhours of greatest difficulty—and we are going to have some—the MotherCountry will be asking more insistently for help in the air than for helpon the land or the sea.’ 3733 Argus, 12 October 1939, 5.34 Patrick Bishop, Bomber Boys London: Harper Collins, 2007, 33.35 Age, 16 December 1939, 1.36 Argus, 14 November 1939, 5.37 Sydney Morning Herald, 28 September, 1939.52

The media hailed the announcement of EATS as ‘a proud day in our history’ asAustralian men were now prepared to assist ‘the magnificent men of the RAF.’ 38 Thefirst Australian airmen to arrive in Britain, it was reported, were welcomedrapturously. ‘A tumult of cheers broke out as the transport berthed and the sun brokethrough a haze as the airmen landed.’ 39 While public emphasis is clearly on Empire,the importance of air power the air force and the men who flew increasingly assumedthe image of the new super elite.Figure 3 Publicity image for recruits 40The Argus produced a file of publicity photos for the Empire Air TrainingScheme, between 1940-44. They are held in the collection of The State Library ofVictoria. These are sophisticated compositions to appeal to flight, technology,adventure and masculinity. The images represent the attraction of the uniform with theaddition of ‘high-tech paraphernalia’ – the parachute, goggles and radio contactearphones indicating the image of a man in control of the aircraft. 41 Many recruits, indiary entries, spoke of the uniforms they were given and, just emerging from thehardship of the depression, this would have an extra attraction. Studies have examinedthe presentation of the body as a form of exalted masculinity and in this image theuniform played an important symbolic role. 42 The powerful physicality and fitness of38 Argus, 27, September, 1940, 1.39 Argus, 27, December, 1940, 140 State Library of Victoria, Image Number AN01047941 Argus File, State Library of Victoria, AN 10478. This is a series of 20 photographs promoting theEmpire Air Training Scheme.42 Corinna Peniston Bird, ‘Classifying the Body in the Second World War: British Men in and Out ofUniform.’ Body and Society 9 1993 32.53

the male body for service as an essential part of the image constructed, reflected bothprowess of the state and was linked to the individual’s sense of self-worth. Theuniform was indistinguishable from his character and his role, and importantly absenceof uniform denied him physical masculinity. 43 In all services emphasis on thetransformation of the body in order to ensure it was fighting fit, was cast as a moralobligation, not merely as more efficient, providing evidence of active citizenship. 44 Inthese recruitment images of the Argus, the emphasis is on physical fitness suggestingthe suitability of the body for combat and including masculine qualities ofcompetitiveness and camaraderie.Figure 4 Men embarking for further Training with EATS 45The image of a group of recruits setting off for Canada epitomizes themasculine appeal of EATS. It promises adventure, travel and mateship. Waving,cheering and laughing, many of these boys were off on their first adventure away fromhome. The photo creates the illusion of youthful enthusiasm that formed part of the43 Ibid. 42.44 Ibid. 43.45 State Library of Victoria, Image No. AN00197.54

official campaign to recruit prospective airmen for a war to defend the Empire. Theserecruits were seen as the guardians of the Empire and in this heroic form the imagepromised EATS would fulfill their desire for adventure travel and flight. What is notshown is although they will fly, they will fight, often waging a war of aggressionwhere they would be required to kill. The horror of war is far from the scene. Theyrepresented the popular conception of what the hero should be, almost as a cultdevotion of those who followed Lindbergh and Kingsford Smith, who had bothacquired legendary status.Figure 5 Charles Kingsford Smith 46In the publicity photograph created by the Argus for EATS, the similaritieswith the image of Charles Kingsford Smith are clear, especially the joining of man andmachine. 47 In studies of the aviator hero, scholars have recognised the air ‘ace’ and the‘ultimate hero’ providing a source of unending propaganda, which most nations werenot unwilling to exploit. 48 The airman represented sportsmanship, chivalry. Theexpressions of one image, reflects similarities with those of Kingsford Smith,46 National Library of Australia, AN3930781; Smaller portrait Argus publicity for EATS State Libraryof Victoria H.99.206/245747 Argus, file State Library of Victoria, H99.206/2457.48 Michael Paris, From the Wright Brothers to Top Gun: Aviation nationalism and popular cinemaManchester: Manchester University Press, 1995, 3.55

promoting the thrill of conquest and adventure. The physical presence of powerfultechnology was represented in the propeller of a plane, and while it dwarfed theairman is suggested he would soon be in control. The glance of the aviator wastowards the sky in almost prayer like reverence. He too would soon be in this heavenlysphere as one of Menzies’ ‘boys in blue’. The image was built upon the idealised herothat had been manifest in the media by early conquerors of the air.The images produced by the Argus share one feature in the portrayal of heroes:they were young good-looking with an innate good nature and sense of fun andadventure, keen sportsmen and all of them were white. Australia in the 1930s stillembraced the image of the superior white Anglo-Saxon. In outlining prerequisitequalities for pilots in aerial warfare, it was recorded ‘both parents of every boy shall beof pure European descent and shall be British subjects. These lads represent thearistocracy.’ 49 It was decided by the Defence Committee in 1940 that the enlistment ofIndigenous Australians was ‘neither necessary nor desirable,’ partly because WhiteAustralians would object to serving with them. 50 Kay Saunders in exploring this aspectof the Australian values of the 1930s, claimed ‘Despite the rhetoric of fighting topreserve freedom, liberty and justice against a ruthless and totalitarian foe, it was afreedom only for Anglo-Australians at the expense of Europeans of enemy alienextraction, Japanese origin residents and most notably indigenes. Britishness wastherefore more clearly refined and articulated. 51However, there is one example where skill in sport and physical prowess,triumphed over the rigid British racial clauses. This was the case of Leonard Waters.With the emerging threat of the Japanese assault, restrictions were relaxed and oneindigenous Australian, Leonard Waters, was allowed to enlist in EATS. 52 What israrely spoken of is Waters’ skill as a boxer. In an interview Waters admitted hebelieved this skill might have helped in his recruitment to fly and in his squadron he49 Colston Shepherd, The Air Force Today London: Blackie and Son, 1939, 157.50 Peter Londy, Australian Indigenous Servicemenwww.awm.au/encyclopedia/aborigines/indigenous.asp [2 September 2008].51 Anne McGrath and Saunders, Kay, with Jackie Huggins, Aboriginal WorkersSydney: Australian society for the Study of Labour History 1995.52 The interview recorded by the AWM suggests he was a world-class boxer and his sporting abilitieswere of help in his enlistment. AWM, SO165256

was often enlisted in bouts against the African Americans in the South East Pacificand was usually successful. 53 Waters won the RAAF's middleweight boxing title.Figure 6 Leonard WatersThis photo of Leonard Waters indicates his embracing of the image of theaviator in the Empire Air Training Scheme. 54 He adopted the flying helmet, thegoggles, the silk scarf, and the symbol of power in the wings is clear. As with allAustralian boys he completely conformed to the cultural codes of the aviator.Following in its tradition of contributing to Australian nationalism, theBulletin emphasised the contribution that Australians and Canadians could make to thewar effort in Europe and the defeat of Hitler. The essentially nationalistic graphicrepresented an over-inflated view of the contribution the editors envisaged wasAustralia making through the EATS.55The national symbols of the Australiankangaroo and Canadian moose, both sporting wings, are shown towering over thecowering Prussian eagle. The idealistic political message, the ethical reason forfighting and the magnification of Australia’s role epitomise the official seduction forEATS53 Ibid.54 Leonard Waters, AWM PO1757.007; this image was also used by Australia Post in 1995.55 ‘Wings Over Europe’, The Bulletin, December 27, 1939, 7.57

Figure 7 Wings over Europe 56Public images were supported in many ways including bard like poetrysupporting themes used to entice enlistment. 57 Sky Saga became a popular reading onthe ABC and the BBC, glorifying the young aviator, praising them for:Shirking no hazard your young lives stakingIn swift encounter through the trackless nightShow you as men of knightly makingStrong in your skill and righteous in your fight.In these ways the media enhanced the public image of the aviator, young,chivalrous, strong, righteous, all proving his masculinity. The role of Empire was56 Ibid.57 T.W.White, Sky Saga Melbourne: Hutchinson, 1943. White had also served as Minister for Tradeand Customs 1933-1938, and this work presents the official image of the pilot in war. He was later tobecome Minister for Air and then High Commissioner in London.58

strong in White’s representation as a pilot is consumed with the conscious thrill ofEnglish soil, sensing the ‘stored heritage’, a ‘legacy of pride, toil and tears.’The cultural aura around flying was well established in Australia at theoutbreak of World War II, providing the perfect infrastructure for institutions to attractyoung men as witnessed in the response to enlist. On the day Menzies announced theScheme, 2000 men crowded to the Melbourne recruiting depot, anxious to volunteer.According to a newspaper report 1,000 applications were dealt with and the remainderof the men were sent away after being told to apply in writing. 58 A situation wasreached in which the air force was unable to absorb anything like the number of menoffering. The men enlisting were placed on a call-up list and, to maintain interest andpublic acclaim, given a special badge to wear. By March 1940 11,500 men had beenaccepted. 59 The collective image had succeeded in its seduction.Conformity to the ImageFor King, Empire and the Thrill of itIn examining the letters and diaries of recruits it becomes possible to assess thecommitment, acceptance and conformity of the recruits to the projected cultural codes,and discover the aspects of their identity that appeared from values embedded insociety. Yet in accepting the constructed image surrounding Empire and masculinity,and the freedom and romance promised by flight, they were committing themselves tovalues and beliefs that contained the seeds of future disillusionment, that wouldundermine the concepts of the self, and fidelity that was recognized by Erikson. ErikErikson recognized the importance of establishing a culturally acceptable identity. Healso described a central disturbance among some returning Second World Warveterans and this influenced his definition of ego identity. 60 Erikson used thisobservation to examine earlier stages of development related to his theory of identityformation, in which the period of adolescence or transition to adulthood provided animportant period. It must be remembered that the recruits for EATS were young, many58 Douglas Gillison, Australia in the War 1939-45 Canberra: A.W.M. 1964 ed. 59.59 Ibid. 7060 Erik Erikson, Childhood and Society, New York: W. W. Norton 1963, 42.59

only 18 and the concept of the self often represented a form of role of playing heroicaviators. Erikson suggests fidelity was the essence of identity; to become faithful andcommitted to some ideological world-view reflecting basic values and one that is alsoaffirmed by the existing social order. Erikson’s theories of identity provide a suitableframework to define the process that was experienced by the recruits who volunteeredfor EATS. Recruits to EATS began compliant with the collective image presented tothem in fulfilling culturally defined masculine roles.This chapter covers only the period of the enlistment and training of EATSrecruits while they were still under the illusion of the thrill that EATS offered.Motivation for enlistment encompassed the quest for adventure, and the desire toexperience something different. The opportunity to fly, to travel and to join in theculture of war all emerge as themes, but they are not as straight forward as theyinitially appear. The individual sources also reveal the intimate interiority, and selfconceptindividuals held of themselves. The more abstract motivations of emotionemerge from these sources indicating a divergence between the public life ofadventure and the mind of the individual, disclosing undercurrents of fear andapprehension of the unknown. The ideological motivation, fighting for a cause, is notdefined as a major influence but emerges more as a post war theory of justification, aslater images are examined. Unspoken was the presence of the social pressure to enlist.In later interviews, recruits maintained there was no question of not volunteering. 61The social attitude has been assessed suggesting ‘men who refused to, or wereincapable of, fighting were not deemed to be worthy of active membership in thewider body-politic.’ 62 The same social attitude was present in Australia and emerges inthe records and later narratives of the men. These collective images and thus selfconcepts would be shattered as they experienced combat and they began a tormentedjourney in search for new identities.61 In interviews I conducted and in the AWM archives most stated there was no question of not joiningup and the air force was the preferred force.62 Joanna Bourke, Dismembering the Male. Men’s Bodies, Britain and the Great War London:Reaktion Books. 1996. 77.60

Diaries and LettersThe letters and diaries, the intimate sources written by recruits, provide anextraordinary record of their initial expectations and the response to the followingimpact of combat on their private lives. While there are many collections of letters ofthose who enlisted in EATS, they generally do not provide the same insight as diaries.The letter is a semi-public form of expression. Heavy official censorship restrictedcomments on flying, and most were written to parents or wives, thus content presenteda positive experience, concentrating on daily routines, sports matches, concerns of adomestic nature and the obvious thrill of sightseeing. 63 The diary provides a moresubjective account, both spontaneous and reflective, a balance between selfhood andevents. In the extreme environment of approaching combat the diary also became away for a man to empower himself, providing an imaginary space in which to modelhimself on the hegemonic warrior, and ‘steeling his resolve.’ Empowerment revolvedaround several themes. First, the longing for adventure and travel, second theopportunity to fly, both enhancing the achievement of a masculine image. These werethe attractions experienced by Frank Parsons in his first solo flight. Such motivationswere paramount in the early entries of the diaries.Often the early entries of diaries were filled with the ordinary details of dailylife. One extract written in transit to Britain recorded, ‘Germans are within seventymiles from Alexandria. Broke into Mal’s drawer as it had jammed with our bananas init. Had a jolly good feed of them.’64This comment is an indication of how the realityof war was as yet so far from their lives. The early accounts in diaries, while airmenwere still in training, express a surface image of the extreme nonchalance of youth.The language and image of ‘Public Man,’ was generally maintained even in theprivacy of their diaries as entries followed a well-known, well-scripted dialogue. Thisis what R.W. Connell refers to as ‘complicit masculinity’, as the new recruits assumed63 William Weatherly, Private papers State Library of Victoria. MS9683. These letters provide acomplete record of the experiences of William Weatherly addressed to his parents. There is littlemention of the war. It was a way of maintaining contact with the normality of life thus providing someexplanation for the experiences he was enduring. Weatherly served in 459 Squadron flying in theMediterranean theatre.64 Leonard Pike, Private Papers. AWM, PR01424, 1942.61

the masculine role. 65 The real value of diaries as psychological source becomes fullyevident once we accept the emotional states are not wholly conscious and take intoaccount what is hinted at, unspoken or unspeakable. It is the retrospective accountsthat are generally more reflective about the emotional experience of war than the letteror the diary. Time was needed before a coherent narrative could be constructed. 66Later, as they faced combat the tone and focus of their diaries would change as nowell-formed scripts existed that would cover the experience. Despite the surfacebravado of the personae of the ‘Public Man’, hints can be discovered of expressions offear, an awareness of death and the need for familiarity and affection that were not partof the accepted role model of masculinity.The diary also provided men with a form of familiarity and helped in theaffirmation of the self. In recording their lives it would provide a sense ofunderstanding and even power over events. Don Charlwood wrote, ‘In this life, I need67affection.’ He was to meet a Canadian girl, Nellie, who provided the affection heneeded and his diary became part of their love story. Eventually they were to marry. Inthe harsh environment of training for war many men recorded in their diaries the needfor some softer compassionate link to reality. Robert Pittaway was to address his diaryto his wife and searching to define his life he wrote, ‘I realize what a good year it hasbeen for me in many respects. First of all I am still alive and when you look back andthink of all those who have lost their life it is a lot and then I think of all the sufferingand starvation in the world today and contrast my position. But through it all I haveloved you darling. I still want to get into the action.’ 68 His last line is a sign ofambivalence that came to exist within many of the men caught in the journey to war.65 R.W.Connell proposed a social theory of gender discussing the concepts of hegemonic, complicit,subordinate and marginalised masculinities, their interaction and how they relate to each other in men’severyday lives. Complicit masculinity is embodied by the many men in society who do not themselveslive up to the ideal of hegemonic masculinity yet benefit from its dominant position in the patriarchalorder. Refer to R.W.Connell, Masculinities St Leonards Australia: Allen and Unwin, 1995. RWConnell and J.W. Messerschmidt, ‘Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the concept.’ Gender andSociety 19,( 2005): 829-59.66 Michael Roper, The Secret Battle. Emotional Survival in the Great War Manchester: ManchesterUniversity Press, 2009, 21.67 Don Charlwood, Diary entry, 2 February 1941.68 Robert Pittaway, Private Papers, AWM, PR01195 28 /12/ 194362

The diary also provided a place for personal reflection. While recruits were stilltraining and involved in travelling to their destinations, the prospect of war was mostlyin the distance. The initial period of training often stretched over a year and eachindividual was allocated a different path scattered over all theatres of war. Trainingwas completed in the different schools established throughout Australia and then pathsseparated as some were sent to the Middle East, some to Rhodesia, Canada, orMalaysia, and others direct to England. 69 Despite these different locations and trainingregimes, all were involved in EATS, and were training in the skills of aerial war.Ideological SeductionWhile not often mentioned in the diaries and letters, several did contemplateon the concept of the duty to serve with interesting reflections. Dereck Frenchpresented himself in his diary and letters as the epitome of the masculine role model,fulfilling the socially accepted masculine image in Australia during the Second WorldWar. He had joined the RAAF in 1937, aged 21, after several abortive attempts tosecure work. 70 He transferred to the RAF for further training, a course followed bymany young Australians in the RAAF as a way of advancement. When World War IIbroke out, he was immediately absorbed into the allied effort, as organisationswallowed all existing aircrew. As an officer, he was in a position to reflect on thesuccess of the Scheme and its growing strength. The motivation to join, he concluded,was usually assumed to be patriotism but this he continued could only be applied to afew ‘odd chaps.’ Most, he decided were simply victims ‘of the notion my neighbour isaircrew, I shall become aircrew.’ He continued his personal musings on ‘colonials.’‘They are ‘different in that most of them primarily have a love of adventure, andservice life is a way of achieving this.’ Perceptively he observed, ‘They would seldomadmit to this being their reason for enlisting but would give the excuse of love of69 Training schools were established in every state in Australia. There were 34 schools in all. AfterInitial Training Schools recruits were divided on ability for example pilot, navigator, and wirelessoperator and sent to more advanced training schools including those in Canada and Rhodesia. Thelength of training varied but to become an operational pilot averaged around nine months.70 Dereck French. This was related in his unpublished autobiography among his papers at the StateLibrary of Victoria. PA01/32.63

country, defence of Empire.’ 71 Also commenting on enlistment was Richard Hillary,whose love of adventure and flight had inspired him to enlist. Hillary wrote ‘we werenot patriotic.’ He was one to show the questioning of youth as he continued in hiscontemplation, ‘we were convinced that we had been needlessly led into the worldcrisis, by the bungling of a crowd of incompetent old fools.’ 72 Charlwood alsopondered on war, ‘I must admit to myself there are good reasons why we fight andadequate reasons that many of us should die. But it is in an insane world that suchreasons arise…Somehow I feel this war has a course to run and that no earthly powerwill stop till its natural, and I don’t mean predetermined, end comes.’ 73 Otherscontinued to express faith in the Empire cause. French again reflected on his belief inthe Empire as he wrote, ‘the crisis I am afraid is rather serious but one cannot forgetthat what must be realised is that any action the British Government take will be a stepfor the preservation of the British Empire.’ 74 French was told of the outbreak of war bya retiring Indian army colonel who pompously ‘gave us a pep talk that Englandexpects all officers to do their duty- real Lord Nelson stuff.’ 75 His entry reveals thecomplex responses to the ‘official’ call to duty.Seduction of TravelImportant to most recruits in EATS was the seduction of the glamour of travel. Theconcept of travel had always promised the rewards of adventure and produced imagesof heroic figures. French clearly stated his reasons in a letter to his parents: ‘Theproposition appeals to me and offers a free first class trip to and from England and achance to travel. It will mean flying up-to-date aircraft and should be a goodbroadening experience.’ 76 The Great Depression had shaken Australia to itsfoundations. In this environment, it was only the very wealthy and leisured classeswho could afford to travel from Australia. It was a privilege enjoyed by few. Thisperiod had also seen the development of visual technology and ‘had created afamiliarity with locations previously barely imaginable.’ 77 Each diary provides a71 Dereck French, Diaries 6 November 1940, State Library of Victoria PA 01/32.72 Richard Hillary, The Last Enemy 16.73 Don Charlwood, Diary entry. 29 November 194174 Dereck French, Diary entry 29 August 1939.75 Dereck French, Diary entry 4 September 1939.76 Dereck French, letter, Papers.77 Charles Burdell, Dereck Duncan, Cultural Encounters New York: Berghan Books, 2002, 664

wealth of information and observation of the travel experience of the recruits. Theywere seeing sights that they had never imagined would be available to them from theoverwhelming glamour and night life of New York and the heritage of familiarity ofsights in Britain. The experiences of more exotic locations of the Middle East to thetropical destinations of South East Asia were recorded as a series of wondroussensations. The allure of travel was captured by recruitment posters.Figure 8 Poster for the Recruitment Campaign 78Geoffrey Berglund was just eighteen when he enlisted in the Empire AirScheme in 1942 and, like many he began a diary to record the adventures that wereabout to unfold. The early entries express some boredom and concern with the food onthe troop ship that sailed via the United States, but he was to be quickly over-awed byGolden Gate Bridge, Alcatraz, then amazed at snow as they crossed the US by train toNiagara Falls, then New York, where he recorded, ‘they say a day of greatwonderment is before me.’ 79 ‘Life here at midnight is just beginning. Everything has ablaze of glory.’ ‘Radio Hall has a gold leaf ceiling and mirrors.’ And so to Edinburghwhere ‘the castle was covered in mist,’ and finally to Brighton and a mixed crew,composed of airmen from Britain and the Dominions, under the command of the78 AWM ARTV 04296 1943. Page79 Geoffrey Berglund, AWM Private Record PR00402, entries Dec1942 to June 1943.65

RAF. 80 Here the entries are obsessed with food and meal times, cards, dances, wherehe found ‘the biggest mob of trolls,’ and movies. 81The diary of Robert Pittaway began on embarkation for Britain with the firstprospect San Francisco, which was underlined with an excited exclamation. Robertwas twenty-six, one of the oldest, and married when he enlisted but the lure ofadventure was present. The first sight of ‘The Golden Gate Bridge caused a ‘frenzy ofdelight.’ 82 On the train trip across the United States, he spoke of the scenery being likethat he and his wife had seen in the Western movies.’ Throughout his entries, Pittawaycontinued to crave for adventure. He was fascinated with the exotic history, way of lifeand culture of the Middle East describing Jerusalem in detail, ‘Where the women weretotally clothed in black.’ At the end of his first year Pittaway concluded. ‘I havetravelled over a large part of this earth’s surface, both land and sea, seen sights that inthe ordinary course of events have been beyond films, experienced bombing inEngland and the Med., seen how the people of America and England and nowPalestine live.’ 83Excitement of WarThe concluding words of one ninety-seven year old whom I interviewed stillecho. ‘Let’s face it,’ he said, ‘If it weren’t for the killing, war would be great fun.’ 84The sense of adventure and excitement provided inspiration for enlistment as Mosseclaimed ‘masking the reality of war.’ 85 The image of war and the military hero hadgrown in status since the emergence of strong centralised states based on militarism. 86The development of air power as a way of fighting added a new dimension to theimage of the masculine role. This was clearly expressed by a young Australian pilot as80 ‘mixed crew’ refers to the crewing up of men from Britain and the Dominions. Men were placedwhere they were needed.81 Geoffrey Bergland, Diary 30 th June 1943 Entries November 1943- February 1946.82 Robert Pittaway, Diaries. AWM, PR01195 Entries 26 June 1943- 3 November 1943.83 Robert Pittaway, 28December 1943.84 Interview George Hannon 26 July 2007.85 George Mosse, ‘Knights of the Sky,’ 132.86 Refer to earlier reference of the development of masculinity supported by R.W. Connell and GeorgeMosse.66

he reflected on the role of the air war. ‘In a fighter plane I believe, we have found away to return to war as it ought to be; war which is individual combat between twopeople in which one either kills or is killed. It’s exciting, it’s individual and it’sdisinterested.’ 87 In each diary, expressions of excited anticipation of action were to befound. Each sought the thrill of action. In his study of Soldier Heroes, GrahamDawson explored the gendered meanings encoded in cultural beliefs, social practicesand political structures and the projection, by the state, of the qualities of aggression,strength, courage and endurance as the preferred form of masculinity.’ 88 In exploringwhat he termed the ‘pleasure culture’ of war, a real man was one who was prepared tofight. While the cultural image presented the illusion of the dominant male, with theairman as the elite, it was the appeal to perform acts of heroism in fast machines thatseduced the men of EATS. Diary entries reflect the pursuit of such heroism.After what he described as a monotonous voyage, Robert Pittaway confessed ‘I89am not frightened, just longing to get into it.’ In the Mediterranean he claimed tohave his ‘Baptism of fire.’ 90 An air battle began above the troop ship and immediatelyRobert Pittaway’s thrill with action, if only from a distance, was obvious. Hedescribed with awe the ‘desperate battle,’ the ‘display of fireworks,’ ‘the tracer bulletswizzing-by,’ the pilot shot down who, ‘didn’t have a chance,’ and ‘believe me Ienjoyed it,’ he recorded. The attitude here is the belief that action would be ‘fun.’ Thereality of combat was still to come.Expectation of action was recorded differently by Jack Woodward. All hisentries are approached with the fun of a larrikin, perhaps a way of disguisingapprehension. He was to write in verse referring to the stringent training that had to beundertaken by aviators:The way we have to swot to fight the Huns.Now who would have thought when signing upIn this God forsaken show87 Richard Hillary, The Last Enemy, 7.88 Graham Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British adventure empire and the imagining of masculinity 1.89 Robert Pittaway, Diary Entry, 6 July 1943.90 Ibid. 29 November 1943.67

Of all the days and nights of swotAt things we ought to knowI often think with all this swotWe’ll never see the brawl…There’s little doubt of this by goshWe’ll never see the ruddy bosch.As Woodward watched the Japanese slowly advancing, he recorded ‘Everyoneincluding myself is looking forward to the future and a bit of a scrap, but somehow Idon’t think the little yellow bastards will fight.’ 91 French recorded in his diary, ‘Ourattitude to war was unreal and stiff. Yet aboard the Corfu we aircrew were mostanxious to get back to our unit before the war was over fearing we would miss out onthe fun.’ 92Seduction of FlyingThe ultimate lure for all those who enlisted was the chance to fly, which hadpreviously remained in the realm of the wealthy. 93 In EATS, there was a chance tomodel yourself on the aviator hero, who was not only daring and courageous but hadthe ability to conquer the skies by the use of skill in dominating technology. Thereappears to be a further attraction to both flying and the thrill of aerial combat and thatis what Freud describes as the inherent death instinct that resides within allorganisms. 94 The extracts used in this chapter were recorded during training when thethrills of the adrenalin rush could be achieved in dangerous flying. The impetus behindthe masculine love of ruthlessness and risk-taking that provided the attraction for theseaviators has as yet not been clearly explained. Connell has associated it with theviolence within men and believes it is the institution that has produced the narrowly91 Jack Woodward, Diary Entry 1 December, 1940.92 Ibid. 10 September, 1941.93 John Gunn, The Defeat of Distance: Qantas 1919-1939, St.Lucia: University of Queensland Press,1985, 48. Mathew Williams, Australia We Remember: The 1920s and 30s, Sydney: TrocoderaPublishers 1985, 75. The earliest passenger flight in Australia was between Sydney and Brisbane in1930. It took five to six hours. The cost was nine pounds thirteen shillings. These were unaffordable tothe majority of Australians especially in the Depression, and when the average weekly wage wasaround ninety-three shillings. Commonwealth Year Book 1933.94 Sigmund Freud, Beyond the Pleasure Principle, New York: W.W.Norton and Co. 1989 ed. 56.68

defined hegemonic male. 95 This does not seem to provide an adequate explanation ofthe sense of thrill that provided an attraction to these boys, but it provides an essentialpart of the adventure of flying. It is Freud who best gives an explanation for thepursuit of risk and danger that empowers man with a death instinct.Jack Woodward enlisted in January 1941 and was sent to Malaya under RAFcommand where he observed the advance of the Japanese. He recorded all hisexperiences with a rush of adventure. His love of the sensation of flying was described‘the very steep turns which threw us all over the plane and a thrill at the end by diving96from 7000 feet and pulling out at 1000.’ Still searching for thrills he recorded, ‘youget a real kick out of flying with the diving down towards the ground and just when itseems the ground is just rushing up to engulf you, you just swoop away out of its graspand cheat it of another victim.’ 97 French wrote to his parents. ‘Aviation in England isA1. We have nearly as many aircraft at our station as there were at Hendon AirPageant in 5 years. Super aircraft just roar over my quarters. 98 He described in glowingterms all the aircraft he flew and his boyish sense of fun is best seen in his descriptionof target practice. ‘Our job here is shooting at targets on the ground from the air Thisis great fun and two chaps fire at once to distinguish between the two. One dips hisbullets in red paint, which shows up nicely. The rest is bombing and it’s great fun tofly over a target get it in your sights and let a lever go with a bang and watch the bombfalling but not so good when it falls a long way from the target.’ 99 He added a furtheraspect of excitement, ‘Rather a thrill to be entrusted with 30,000 pounds worth ofbrand new plane.’ 100In a letter to his parents, Frank Parsons declared, ‘I’ve indulged in a bit of lowflying and shooting up. Personally I said good-bye to this life several times I guessabout six of my nine lives have gone. We just missed trees houses hills and manyother various items of man and nature just tearing towards them and pulling up at the95 R.W.Connell, The Men and the Boys St Leonards NSW: Allen and Unwin, 2000, 214.96 Jack Woodward, Diary Personal Papers, AWM. PR00158, 5 November 1941.97 Ibid. 7 November 1941.98 Dereck French, Personal Papers, 17 March 1938.99 Frank Parsons, letter to his parents 18 July 1940, private collection. When I interviewed Frank hegave access to all his private papers.100 Dereck French, letter to his parents, 2 April 1940.69

very last moment. When I got back I found my watch had stopped. It must have passedout with the continuous shocks and reliefs as we wiped off yet another life Gosh thatonly gives me three more chances to play around with. But really it was a veryexciting trip. I enjoyed it immensely.’ 101 At this time Frank had not looked to thepossible reality of death. It was removed in his account.In one of the most horrific of aircrew positions, Geoff Bergland was finallycrewed up in bomber command as a rear gunner.102The rear turret is a rather peculiar feeling. You feel as if you aresuspended in mid-air you are isolated from the rest of the crew, you heartheir intercom otherwise you are by yourself suspended at the end of thefuselage. You rotate the turret to beam. You want to hold ontosomething. You might blow away. A queer but nice sensation. One Iwouldn’t swap for the world.While still in training, Bergland expressed his delight in the thrill of nightflying with his crew ‘We flew again at night. Gee did we fly. Went up top at times andthere were Gerries flying around too. Searchlights galore. Got to bed by 0600 hrs.’ 103Others described the thrill of doing spins until they passed out. 104It was not only the thrill of aerobics but the beauty and wonder of flying thatentered into the diaries of so many. These descriptions evoked another response, theintoxication of beauty that could be viewed. Ted Dupleix joined EATS in 1940 and hisdiary records the voice of a man passionately involved in flying:Coming home this morning I got above the broken clouds and playedabout, dipping one wing into them doing turns around the knobbly bitsand occasionally smashing right through one. Flying is great fun. A planeis more to us than a good horse is to many riders. It must answer to more,take a good beating and then grind away for hours and hours. It’s a friendin danger and all we rely on. Heck I still can’t put it into words but aplane is still – well it gets to you. 105101 Frank Parsons, letter to his parents 18 July, 1943.102 Geoffrey Berglund, Diary entry, 30 January1944.103 Ibid. 21 February 1944104 Herbert James Thomson, Private Papers. State Library of Victoria Manuscript Msl2006.Letterswritten 18 March 1941.105 Ted Dupleix, Private papers held in family collection.70

A final comment highlights the ambivalence many must have felt. ‘Did ourfinal flight today makes the horror of war all the more distressing. The beauty of theworld is mocking.’ 106 Slowly, it was to emerge in the conscience of these traineeaviators that their love of flying was firmly placed in a context that made this possible.That was war. They were being trained to fly and to kill.Recognition of RealityYet, despite the sense of adventure and fulfilling roles of the masculine idealand the prescribed form of behavior that was voiced, in many diaries and letters, therewas an undertone of fear of the unknown. The model of masculinity represented tothese men was that emotional life had been regarded as a sign of weakness to berepressed. 107 There was no recognized, socially constructed model for fear andapprehension. These emotions represent the non–violent, sensitive areas of man andwere marginalised by images, as a sign of weakness, making it all the more difficultfor men to admit to such feelings. The public illusion had disguised the prospect ofdeath and violence that was part of war. At this time in their training, they perhapsknew this was to come but it was against the code to voice apprehension. This wasanalysed in many studies of masculinity as, ‘the concept of sex role identity preventsindividuals who violate the traditional role for their sex from challenging it; instead,they feel personally inadequate and insecure.’ 108 In their diaries, it is clear menstruggled with emotions such as fear of death and were too fearful to publicly admittheir vulnerability.Even while concealing inner fears, in their diaries there was a realisation of thehorror that could be encountered. Often, this is recorded in a jocular tone as in ‘thisdiary commences from the time I left Australia till the time I return; I hope.’109A latercomment recorded ‘full operational flight tonight we are excited. We are remaking our106 Don Charlwood, Diary entry, 8 March 1941.107 R.W.Connell has examined the binary relationship between the masculine and feminine roles inMasculinities second edition Cambridge: Polity Press 2005. He examined Freud’s claim that femininityis always part of a man’s character. 23.108J. Pleck, The Myth of Masculinity Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. 1981,160.109 Geoffrey Berglund, Diary entry. 3 November 1943. AWM PR00402.71

wills giving every thing to our mates. Just in jest. At last it looks as if I’m a real airgunner. Not just an image of one. It’s hard to express my feelings at a time like thisbut I hope to write some more later, if we get back.’ 110 Another began his diary ‘as arunning commentary of my journey dedicated to my wife, the girl I love with everyatom of my being. So my darling wife if by chance that I shouldn’t return to you andthis should fall into your hands, as I trust it will, you will know that always you werewith me. So to the task-.’ 111 ‘Again Pittaway was to address his diary, ‘Anne everynight I pray for you and my boys and mother, and many nights I lay in bed with myheart heavy not only from being away but from the fear that I won’t get back to you.You know all I want from life is to be near you.’ 112 Sometimes the closeness to deathwas remembered with humour. Woodward wrote one lad ‘was leaning on the doorlooking out getting a reco when the door suddenly opened and he nearly fell out. Hedidn’t have his parachute on but one of his companions ensured him that he wouldhave thrown the “chute” out after him so he could catch it after he hit the ground.’ 113More than any other, Don Charlwood had the strength to record his fears. Hiswords infer the horror that was to come when he wrote, ‘Today we heard of theAustralians who were here this time last year only two are now left in action the resteither being dead or prisoners of war. My reaction to that news is annoyance that weshould be living such utterly insane lives. Once again asked myself why should wefight? Why should we become mere leaves on a flood?’ 114 He too had arranged withhis mate ‘about the disposal of each other’s personal effects.’ 115 Further, hecontemplated ‘Damn my fears Yet to face the truth is surely more reasonable than toBritishly look back on past victories and past methods I assume from them that wecan’t be beaten. That attitude has lost us the war so far. Giving up years of our ownlives would not be so bad if they were used to maximise effect.’ 116 While still intraining in Canada, Charlwood was beginning to ask for reasons and explanations and110 Geoffrey Berglund, Diary entry, 7 March, 1944.111 R.S.Pittaway introduction page to his diary which began on his embarkation for Britain in 26 May,1943, AWM PR 01195.112 Ibid.113 Jack Woodward, Diary entry, 11 April 1941.114 Don Charlwood, Diary entry 29 November 1941.115 Ibid. 1 February 1941.116 Ibid. 16 March 1941.72

to question the authorities in their administration of air warfare. Finally, he recorded:‘A number of the boys are starting to wake up to the fact that we will soon be facingwar and a sticky end. I am not sorry that I realised that fact as soon as we left homeand I have fought a lot of my fears in my imagination I still have plenty though and Ihave lived fully because of my imagination.’ 117ConclusionIn this chapter I have argued that the collective image of EATS wasconstructed around elements of identity found within Australian society and culture ofthe 1930s. The collective image seduced young recruits with the illusion that war wasa glorious way to manhood, that they had a duty to serve, and the Empire wouldalways be there to protect them. Flying was a way to enhance these and experience thethrill and adventure of flight. Young recruits had absorbed these values and beliefsinto their own identities living out the role model of ‘knights of the sky.’ Once combatbegan, and on their return to civilian life, these images were destroyed, and thus thebasis of their identity reflected, as Erikson observed that they ‘no longer hungtogether, and never would again’. Cultural forces that had guided their lives would inmany ways be annihilated, and both the nation and the individual aviator would beforced to grapple with the discontinuity of the past and construct a new identity aroundtheir experiences with EATS to establish a place for themselves within the socialcontext.It is the horror of action in the air that the next chapter will examine. Onceseduced by the image of the glamour of flying and responding with boyish enthusiasm,this illusion was to be shattered as they plunged into air war. Entries would allow thefears to surface as the fun of flying gave way to the violence of killing. There was noprescribed script to perform in the extreme environment of combat and the nominativerole of the aviator warrior was brought under question. A search for a new image ofexplanation would emerge to replace the transparency of the image of seduction thathad drawn these men to the Empire Air Training Scheme.117 Ibid. 21 April 1941.73

CHAPTER 3This is Really It. The Image Under FireThe whole target area was ablaze with searchlights with thousands ofcursed red stars being fired everywhere. Just before turning to leave thetarget a Lancaster flew under us. It was one of the most horrible sightsI’ve yet seen in the air. It was coned by searchlights and in the light Icould see the whole side had been shot out. There was a fighteralongside and as they passed he fired a multi red cartridge in my facequite blindingly. The Lanc flew right across the target, still coned andthe fighter never fired a shot. On the northern side of the target it burstinto flames and the fighter then blew it up like a cannon. I rather thinkthe fighter was giving the crew a chance to bail out as he could haveshot it down but he waited till it commenced burning. Perhaps there is alittle chivalry left in the sky. I wonder? 1Such was the reality that confronted aviators as they faced the action of aerialcombat. Even within the horror of this sight the aviator clung to a belief that seducedhim; perhaps chivalry existed. Confrontation with the brutality of air warfare broughtwith it a challenge to accepted values. When enlisting, the glory of war as a path tomasculinity, faith in the protection of Empire, and the glamour of flight, were assumedas central in the identity of young recruits. With trust in these established principles ofidentity undermined, as they faced killing and being killed, airmen in despairarticulated the hope of retaining elements that would give explanation to theirexperiences.1 Keith Cook, Diary. This was among the papers of Don Charlwood’s private collection to which I wasgiven access. Don placed it in context saying, ‘So wrote Keith Cook on his forty seventh air operation.He was killed on his fifty-second operation the day before his twenty-second birthday.’ Interview 18July, 200874

This chapter examines the reactions to combat, and the alarming disintegrationof the imagined expectations of the aviators that can be referred to as one of disbeliefand bewilderment in the collision between reality and illusion. The intrusion of eventson their trust in pre existing cultural values created responses reflecting powerlessness.While initial responses were not uniform in the resilience shown to the immediatestress, each grasped a way to cope with a threatening situation. Contributing todistinctiveness in these images and complicating articulation was the combination ofthree fundamental components all linked to new experiences for the uninitiatedindividual aviator. The first was the experience of aerial combat on the scaleencountered in World War II, which was without precedent. Expectations anddemands were new and posed the problem of where paradigms could be found inexpressing experiences. The second problem was the dilemma of redefining identity asprevious images began disintegrating. The third problem that emerged from combatexperiences was the emotionally charged situations that necessitated exploration ofpreviously unrecognized emotions of pain, sense of failure, inferiority, and fear. Allrequired the search for a new voice that would begin to reconstruct identities aroundthese challenges. It has been observed, the sensations of initial responses wererelatively undigested and often opaque where men were not fully conscious of theimpact of war especially on emotions. 2A New way of fightingThere was no precedent for the experience that would be encountered in aerialaction. The charge of technology changed the whole concept of war and unwittinglythe young volunteers to EATS were to be the initiators of the new techniques. Theseaviators became identified between the years 1939 and 1945 in Europe and Asia, ‘withdeath-dealing explosives raining from the sky, gutted buildings, shrieking children andcrowded air raid shelters in which families huddled together.’ 3 While represented asperpetrators, the merciless bombardiers who threatened to end civilization, they werealso victims. Those involved in the new form of aerial war sought many different ways2 Michael Roper, The Secret Battle. Emotional Survival in the Great War Manchester: ManchesterUniversity Press, 2009, 21.3 Robert Wohl, ‘Republic of the Air,’ The Wilson Quarterly 17. 2. 1993,108.75

to interpret experiences once they saw action. Caught by the seduction of the imagethat promised the opportunity to fly, young men were now required to fight in aviolent theatre of war that owned no prescriptive script.Redefining identityAlso influencing the expression of experiences was the sense of bewildermentas belief in established role models was shredded. Erikson, in observing the WorldWar II veterans, recognized the challenges to the individual identity. He wrote, ‘Theyknew who they were; they had a personal identity. But it was as if, subjectively, theirlives no longer hung together—and never would again.’ 4 Erikson defined identityformation of late adolescence as a time of exploration and commitment, providing asecure sense of self-definition. 5 The majority of those who enlisted in EATS were inthis period of transition and had constructed, both consciously and unconsciously,identities from role models experienced in childhood, of masculinity defined by theexperience of the glory of war, and the central role of Empire. Until the period ofcombat the identity formation had been one of construction. The confrontation ofcombat produced what psychologists have recognized as successive disequilibrationsof existing identity structures. Each stage involved a re-formulation of identity. 6 Theexperience of battle caused periods of diffusion and confusion, and this is what isreflected in the initial images created by the airmen to explain their experiences.EmotionsThere was, and is, little reflection on the emotional disillusionment that theindividual airmen experienced by contending with an entirely new theory of war. It isthis aspect that forms one of the themes of this thesis: the initial emotional reaction ofaviators to air combat and their later reflections. Responses to aerial combat involvedintense emotions not previously encountered. The expression of emotion was first4 Erik Erikson, Childhood and Society,’ 425 Ibid.6 James E. Marcia, ‘Identity and Psychosocial Development in Adulthood’ Identity: An InternationalJournal Of Theory And Research, 2, 1 2002, 8.76

governed by public codes of conduct of the age that men must deny emotion. KeithDouglas, an English pilot with the Empire Scheme, and a poet reflected on this issue.‘To be sentimental or emotional now is dangerous to oneself and to others. To trustanyone or to admit any hope of a better world is criminally foolish, as foolish as it is tostop working for it. It sounds silly to say work without hope, but it can be done; it’sonly a form of insurance; it doesn’t mean work hopelessly.’ 7 The words of Douglasreflected the Edwardian view surrounding the place of emotions within masculinitythat dominated cultural expectations during this period. These were characterized byemotional control and a lack of vulnerability. Men were not expected to hurt andemphasis was on the strong and silent. The second complexity in expressing initialemotional responses is the problem of translating raw impulses into words. MichaelRoper, in his study of emotions in the Great War, observed of men in combat, ‘the gapbetween emotional experience and what was actually conscious to them let alone whatthey felt they ought to communicate …was huge.’ 8 He continued, ‘many of theirdeepest emotions would not have been evident to them at the time, or to us now ashistorians.’ 9The concept of emotional experience is one that will recur throughout thisthesis, as recognizing emotions contributes to an insight of how the war wasremembered many decades later. While there is no shortage of histories of men in thepublic spheres of war, attention to the subject of emotions, and especially the linkbetween masculinity and war, has been a relatively recent historiographical departure,and more work needs to be done on this. 10 Michael Roper maintains the influence ofsocial and cultural construction has been compounded by the reluctance to admit tothe influence of subjective and psychic influences in studies of masculinity. 11 Henoted the difficulty was that both social and cultural approaches tended to conceive ofmasculinity only in terms of external codes and structures. Masculinity, Ropermaintained, has been viewed primarily in terms of ideological codes, which are7 Keith Douglas, Collected Poems, London: Faber and Faber, 1966. 150.8 Michael Roper, The Secret Battle. Emotional Survival in the Great War, 20.9 Ibid.10 In recent literature Michael Roper and Martin Francis maintain there has been a reticence to addressemotions in war. In this sphere the work of Joanna Bourke on masculinity emotions and war, needs tobe recognised11 Michael Roper, ‘Slipping out of View: Subjectivity and Emotion in Gender,’ History WorkshopJournal, 59, 2005, 58.77

studied through representations such as political tracts, enlightenment philosophy, art,conduct, books, poetry, religious discourse, and propaganda. Such an emphasis leavesopen, and untheorized, the question of what the relationship of the codes ofmasculinity is to actual men, to existential matters, to persons and to their psychicmake-up.’ 12 Within the Australian context containment of masculine emotions wascompounded by the already emerging Australian identity, which implicitly impliedthe stoicism of emotions within masculinity. That the paucity of emotion within theAustralian context claiming emotional literacy was distinctly un-Australian has beenrecognized. 13 Despite the work to reform concepts of masculinity, it appears theproblem remains just as true today. 14Confronting a new form of combat that challenged their identity and plungedthem into a world of emotional chaos, airmen struggled to discover a form ofexpression that reflected the confusion of emotions, a loss of identity and theambiguity of their situation. In the initial responses, emotions remain nebulous as ifthey were in a state of shock. In searching to articulate reactions to combat experience,airmen found refuge in several alternative forms of narrative. The first was to continuethe illusion and adopt the discourse of mythologizing the aviator hero. The second wasto face the reality of the dark side of war, but, in doing so, to maintain the role modelsof masculinity that had been embedded in their identity through the collective imagesof society, incorporating the values associated with hegemonic masculinity. Whileresponses were not uniform, they enabled aviators to overcome a sense ofpowerlessness and re-establish control in continuing the process of identityconstruction in the form termed recovery narratives. 15 All the images used in thischapter record immediate reaction and were produced either during the war orimmediately after. Each source provides an interpretation of experiences in attempts tooffer explanations and redefine identities. These sources, diaries, poems, novels andart created by airmen, as well as commissioned artists, provide the voice of ‘witness’12 Ibid. 59.13 See, Joy Damousi, ‘History Matters: The Politics of Grief and Injury in Australian History,’Australian Historical Studies 118, 2002.14 Note especially R.W.Connell, Masculinities Berkley: University of California Press, 1995, 185-195.15 Carol Emslie, Damien Ridge, Sue Ziebland, Kate Hunt, ‘Men’s accounts of depression:Reconstructing or resisting hegemonic masculinity?’ Social Science & Medicine, 62, 2006, 2251.78

and illustrate the various responses attempting to form an understanding. Found withinthese images is the emergence of new identities of the individuals that wouldselectively adjust the position of EATS in the presentation of the self. The impact ofair action dislocated the perception of the aviator hero, questioning masculinity andEmpire allegiances.The diaries record the immediate experience of shock, some with horrificdetail, while in others silences disclose the inability to record the experiences in awritten form. In the immediacy of the form, there appeared no attempt to interpretevents. Although created during the war period sources other than diaries were onestep removed from the immediate experience and introduced a more reflectiveperspective, as they sought for a way to manage the war emotion. The materialsexamined in this chapter are not exhaustive; they represent a broad cross section ofwhat was created and are part of the dialogue that contributed to the evolution of anew image of the EATS.In reading the diaries and letters of those Australians who enlisted in EATS,one notes that the onset of action introduced a complete change of tone. In earlyletters, all addressed to a Mrs. Shier of Greenview, Rochester, Victoria, HerbertThomson recorded his boyish enthusiasm of delighting in the chance to fly claiming itwas ‘hard to describe the thrill.’ Faced with action in the RAF flying over Europe hewrote, ‘You say that you could feel a more serious note in my letters. There are lots ofthings you can’t laugh off.’ 16 He explained what had ‘put me in this mood is probablythe fact that we had bad news about two of our friends today.’ Flying with BomberCommand, Thomson pondered, ‘it is too much to expect that all could get backwithout being hurt at all.’ Perhaps his mental anguish was caused by the ethicalquestions of air war, or just the fact of being so close to death and the reality ofcombat. Two weeks later he was shot down at just twenty. His death notice wasrecorded with his letters in the State Library of Victoria. It stated simply, ‘Affectionatememories of P/O H.J. (Bert) Thomson who was lost over Germany. September 916 Herbert Thomson, Personal Papers, letter to Mrs Schier 18 July 1942, State Library of Victoria, MS12006. There is a complete sense of mystery surrounding the relationship between Thomson and MrsShier.79

1942. One of the Valiant. Till then.’ The signature was ‘Greenview,’ the address ofMrs. ShierA sense of disbeliefThe initial impact of aerial combat on the men may be termed one of disbeliefor shock. ‘Shock’ as used here does not imply the extreme debilitating nature of shellshock or as it was referred to in the air force, ‘lack of moral fibre.’ It was a reaction tofacing extremely terrifying events and each individual responded differently. Early lifeexperiences had developed beliefs in the glory and honour of war. While experiencingcontinuous assaults on these values, events were described, but reference to internalpsychological reactions was minimal, perhaps explained by the reticence to admitemotion or ‘weakness,’ or of being out of control. Reactions displayed a variety ofsymptoms in dramatic and unexpected ways. The diaries examined here are acontinuation of those examined in the previous chapter and each offered a differentinterpretation of the aerial combat of EATS. The sudden entry into combat evokeddifferent strategies from individuals, including omissions and displacement in thenarrative, as they attempted to relate sights and actions outside normal experiences.For some, there was no expression of disbelief in recording their ‘ops.’ Theychose to represent the excitement. The contradictory nature of such emotions, fear andfascination in combat has been documented, and the revealing of men’s innatecapacity for violence, offered as a reason for the reluctance to detail the emotionalresponse to combat. 17 The assumed role of the stoic aggressive warrior was found inthe recorded word of some aviators. Cliff Randall admitted: ‘That was my firstexperience with a Hun fighter and I must admit I was far too excited to be scared.’ 18There may have been an initial rush of adrenalin in the first moments of battle butRandall continued to record each ‘op’ with cold detachment. He observed hissquadron leader shot down with two others, then, ‘Our turn next, so in we went, I sawsome lovely targets, gunners running to their posts, and gun positions spitting up at17 Joanna Bourke, An Intimate History of Killing: Face to Face Killing in Twentieth Century WarfareLondon: Granta 1999, Chapter 2 The Warrior Myth.18 Clifford Randall, Diary, Seventh Op, 3 September 1943 AWM PR01394.80

us.’ 19 Another horrifically confronting episode was described ‘chaps who had got outwere blown to bits by the explosion, entire crew lost, could only find small bits ofthem… The other poor chap was trapped in the front so roasted in the fire.’ Indropping his bombs he observed, ‘Created a beautiful pattern and should havesmashed anything that was in that area. Very satisfying to see something go up insmoke.’ 20 This entry was brutal in its confrontation of the visual scene. For this pilotthe recording of such detail may have helped establish a sense of control in his life.There is no sense of compassion for any human being who may have been in the targetarea as Randall continued, ‘And so to another exciting do.’ 21 In his diary, entries wererecorded by operations like a countdown. In one tour, thirty operations would becompleted and the likelihood of this being completed was poor. 22 The unemotionalcountdown was one man’s way of dealing with the experience, perhaps tinged with thefascination of the closeness of death and as posited by Freud, the ‘death instinct.’ 23Other records incorporate the war into the very familiar daily entries of theirdiaries as a construction of their world and could be seen as an attempt to give order tothe insanity, and continue to establish identity. It seems they were stunned by theviolence, unable to grieve and were reticent with any emotional expression. Entriessuch as, ‘Hopkins crashed at 10 this morning. Soon burning fiercely. GeorgeHutchinson, Bob Clarke also killed. It was Hopies 21 st and Clarke’s weddinganniversary. Another briefing at 1800.’ 24 In these few words the lives of those twomen were briefly imagined and then dismissed as if anaesthetised. There was no timeor ability to mourn. Air operations were briefly recorded, ‘flew with another crew thismorning, a big drop. Went to the pictures.’ 25 In short staccato sentences, life wasrecorded without emotion. ‘Fighting day today.’ 26 ‘Flying in morning, sports meeting19 Clifford Randall, Diary, Thirteenth Op, 22 October 1943.20 Clifford Randall, Diary, Twentieth Op.21 Clifford Randall, Fifty Second Op, 9 August 1944.22 5,400 were lost in operations, 3,500 as members of bomber command. Joan Beaumont AustralianDefence Sources and Statistics Melbourne: OUP, 2001, 306. G. Long, The six year war: a concisehistory of Australia in 1939-45. Canberra: AWM, 1973, 474.23 Sigmund Freud, Beyond the Pleasure Principle, London: W.W. Norton & Company 1961, 46-49.24 J. Fewster, AWM Private Records, 3DRL/7405, 8 July 1943.25 J. Fewster Diary, 27 September 1943.26 Ibid. 24 October 1943.81

in afternoon and dance in camp. Eleven killed in flight tonight. 27 ‘Hell of a trip lastnight everything went wrong.’ 28 ‘Briefing this afternoon for this evening, the wholetrip was wonderful experience, plenty of fighter cover, little flak.’ 29 Such entriesreflect the layers of ambivalent emotions in the lives of crews and in their diaries theystruggled to keep control of their lives.Jack Woodward grasped every encounter and related them in a way that has30been described as ‘big noting.’ Seeing a convoy of ships he went to investigate. Hisdiary recorded, ‘They gave us a pretty hot reception and let go a decent barrage of ackack at us. Will look forward to tomorrow and see what happens. 31 Again he recorded,‘Wham! What a day ending with a crash-landing on Java.’ The admiration for theflying skills of the CO, were recorded as a tribute to masculine courage. ToWoodward, he was ‘more daring and went down low, machine gunning them andcreating havoc.’ Death became part of the action. ‘The gunner, Alan Oliver, copped abullet through his pelvis and died later on in the day.’ The carnage continued. ‘The COhad to make a crash-landing and quite a good landing it was too. 32 The emphasis wason the skill of the pilot as he controlled his aircraft. On shooting down an attackingfighter, Jack described ‘the satisfaction of seeing him get into an inverted spin and ‘hewas still spinning at 500 feet when we lost sight of him to deal with another fightercoming in at us.’ The records in this diary are in the voice of the masculine hero. Thequalities of strength and courage are emphasised and it could be assumed that Jackthought of his flying experiences as one big adventure. However, this is not sustainedthroughout the entire diary. The last line of his diary contradicts this, ‘the human racecan now wipe itself off the face of the earth I should be happy but my mind is one big? [question mark] What lies in the future?’ 33 These words suggest the doubts, despairand questioning when dealing with the contradictory experiences, both causing andsuffering pain, in the EATS.27 Ibid. 24 April 1944.28 Ibid. 5 June 1944.29 Ibid. 6 June 1944. ‘Flak’ is the German abbreviation for Fliegerabwehrkanone, Aircraft defensecanon.30 Robin Gerster has used this term in describing the writings of Australia in World War I. Big Noting:The heroic theme in Australian war writing Carlton: Melbourne University Press 1992,31 Jack Woodward, Diary, 14 February 1943.’ack ack’ is British Jargon, Anti-Aircraft(AA) gun.32 Jack Woodward, Diary, 9 February 1945.33 Jack Woodward, Diary, 10 August1945.82

The diary of Geoffrey Berglund, who had waited so keenly for action, becamestrangely quiet about his flying when he began flying operations. There were briefmentions ‘Had to fly today.’ 34 Woke up, breakfast, flew, went to movies.’ There wasno detail of any flights or of personal feelings. His initial excitement was extinguishedas he confronted the genuine horror of war. He could not externalise the experienceand this was explained in the closing comments of his diary:On the 3 rd November 1943 I made a dedication in the front of this diary Ican now write a conclusion on the realisation of my ambitions. This diaryhas not been quite a true record of my doings and adventures but what isin it is the truth. What I have omitted is imprinted too well in my memoryto forget, besides I prefer to forget the horror of war and the destructionof all mankind. Many other little things I left out. During the course ofthis diary I’ve learnt many things about life, people and countries. I’mnow back at home and a wiser and better person I hope. As a Sgt. Istarted this episode now as a pilot officer I say cheerio to a laborious but35not wasted time to that of writing this diary.The diary provided a subjective space where men could explore theirexperiences and define their lives. The construction of their world enabled each to actout a role that allowed them to make sense of their experiences. Diaries recorded animmediate response to the violence without formal shaping. Other means ofexpression were found to define the various responses. In poetry, novels and art, amore reflective realm was entered as they struggled with the question of the man ofhatred or man of pain. The expression of experience found in these sources is far fromthe initial images of the excited recruits. 36Initial fear was admitted by a few. In his diary, Don Charlwood was able toexpress the overwhelming fear he felt on operations openly disclosing his emotions.‘Ugly fears swept hope from my heart I went miserably to the dining room. Fear stoodbeside my chair. Life about me seemed happy and carefree, our future so hopeless.’ 37Charlwood continued flying and as he did so, he struggled with the ethical question,‘Though I can see the necessity for preserving the democratic way of life I cannotimagine Christ bidding men to bomb little children. What things we have to answer34 Geoffrey Berglund, Diary, 20 February 1945.35 Geoffrey Berglund, Diary, 25 July 1945.36 The initial response in diaries and letters was reviewed in Chapter 2.37 Don Charlwood, Diaries, 23 September 1942.83

for.’ 38 He confessed to a constant tension of knowing how he should perform and thereality of fear of death. ‘I began to realize that this moment was something I had neverreally believed… At last I said, “What is it that’s worrying you? Face it out, then go tosleep. Is it that tomorrow night you might die?” 39 He sought for ethical explanations tothe prospect of killing. ‘We were about to kill. They would attempt to kill us…To kill.Let’s see this clearly. To kill and to be killed. Why was this, again? Freedom; yes, thatwas it; for freedom. Whose freedom? Freedom for what?’ 40 The complexity andbewilderment of responses was voiced by Charlwood, who ended an oral historyinterview with Patsy Adam Smith with the words, ‘We had no idea of the reality ofwar. No idea.’ 41Images of disbeliefFigure 9 Bomber Crew 4238 Don Charlwood Diaries, 13 August 1942.39 Ibid. 31.40 Ibid. 32.41 Patsy Adam Smith, Oral history interview with Donald Ernest Cameron Charlwood, 1976 Nov. 20[sound recording] 1976 Nov. 20. State Library of Victoria. MS TMS 159.42 AWM, ART 26256.84

The sense of disbelief and shock reaction was reflected in other sources, as inthe paintings of Stella Bowen. Bowen was one of the few women commissioned bythe Australian War Memorial. 43 Her brief was ‘to provide a pictorial record of theactivities of Australian forces in the U.K.’ and her perception enabled her toexperience the sense of disempowerment of the airmen. 44 In 1944, Bowen began agroup portrait of a crew who flew Lancaster bombers. She made sketches of the sixAustralian and one British crew members. On the night of 27 April 1944, the crewdeparted on yet another operation. Their aircraft was never seen again. All but one ofthe men represented in 460 Squadron were killed in a bombing raid before Bowen’spainting was finished and she admitted that she felt she was painting ghosts. 45 Thepainting was completed from her sketches and official photographs. There is little inthe painting to distinguish the men as Australians, reinforcing the innate belief of thetime, in the unity of Empire. Their names and ranks are represented in the painting,one has a small emblem of Australia on his sleeve and the pilot has the RAAF symbolon his wings. Apart from that, the crew is integrated into RAF Bomber Command andregarded as Englishmen.The expressions on these faces are very different from those of the boys whoenlisted months earlier. Drusilla Modjeska, who wrote of Bowen’s life, recognizedthey ‘are represented as a vision of unprotected heroism under the sinister wings of theLancaster in which the imperiled young men of this group portrait make their bombingraids’46Bowen captured a sense of powerlessness in the expression of these youngaviators that is heard in the diaries. They are lost in their own thoughts, unable to makeeye contact. Perhaps part of the bewilderment was not only due to the horrendousinvolvement in bomber command destroying the narrative of glory in war, but thedisbelief which the men had in being involved in a war in Europe when their owncountry was under threat. Anonymous white feathers were sent to airmen on numerous43 Charles Bean was the first to present the idea of a national war memorial to preserve the memory ofAustralians in World War I and his work was developed by John Treloar director of the Australian WarMemorial from 1920 to 1952, collecting all concerned with Australian experience at war. Art wascommissioned by the AWM as a pictorial record and art as a memorial.44 Drusilla Modjeska, Stravinsky’s Lunch, Sydney, N.S.W.: Picador 1990 159.45 Ibid.46 Drusilla Modjeska, Stravinsky’s Lunch, 159.85

occasions and, on return to Australia, there were chants of ‘Jap Dodgers.’ 47horrific reality challenged illusions of Empire loyalty.TheResearch reveals that as the Scheme went into operation, an awarenessemerged to the recruits that national interests were not always included in the common48cause of Empire. Confidence in young recruits gave way to a sense of ambiguity inidentity. Such events introduced new narratives into the relationship with Empire,undermining the belief that Australia would always fall under the protection ofEmpire. The confusion surrounding Australia’s relationships with the Empire can befound in the visual representations of Stella Bowen. While it would be legitimate tointerpret the emotions represented in Bowen’s paintings as the result of combat, thereare other layers of meaning to appear in her work. The realization of the increasingdivergence of identity between Australia and Empire becomes clear in a lesser knowndepiction of Bowen’s titled, At the Churchill Club, large and small worlds.Figure 10 At The Churchill Club: large and small worlds 49The Churchill Club was one of the dozens of clubs provided in London forAustralian servicemen and Bowen visited many of these clubs to record the activities47 In immediate sources white feathers were not mentioned. These were recalled in interviewsconducted with veterans of EATS. Eddie Bradshaw and Boz Parsons and are discussed later.48 This has been recognized by Australian historians including Alan Stephens, ‘The Royal AustralianAir Force in 1941’ Paper given at the Australian War Memorial 2001 History Conference,www.awm.gov.au/events/conference/2001 /stephens.htm [2 January 2008].49 AWM, ART 2626986

of Australian airmen. The depiction invites an interpretation of Australian Empirerelationships in the duration of World War II. The airman is Australian, denoted by asmall symbol on his sleeve of the RAAF. It is suggested his injured hand was theresult of an injury defending the Empire. The scene outside places him unmistakablyin England, yet in his study of the globe, his focus is clearly placed on Australia. Itsuggests not only homesickness but perhaps the realization and bewilderment that heis bound to Britain while his own country is under attack. It is this ambiguity ofidentity that can be found in all Bowen’s work.When I interviewed Don Charlwood I had taken, among a few other talkingpoints, copies of Bowen’s work. He puzzlingly claimed not to have seen these beforeand became quite emotional at recognising the men with whom he had trained. ‘Suchchildren’ he said, identifying the innocence in the representation of their faces. Bowenhas captured a sense of confusion and of powerlessness in the expressions of theseyoung aviators. They are very different from the young recruits about to embark on anadventure. The evolution of the image becomes clear when the expressions in StellaBowen’s paintings are compared with the very self-assured young aviators who wererepresented in the Argus publicity photos of EATS.Figure 11 Argus Publicity Photograph for the Empire Air Training Scheme5050 State Library of Victoria, Image No. H99.206/2458.87

Figure 12 Halifax Crew 51In Halifax Crew the seven heads of the crew are grouped together, all in theup-turned fur collars of their leather jackets, similar to the recruits just starting out.Around them, as extensions of their identities, their seven pairs of hands performed theempowering actions that guided the huge machine behind them. Over their heads is theRAF eagle that Modjeska described ‘like a faint echo of the dove in the religiouspaintings of the early Italians.’ 52 Bowen succeeded in portraying the aviators asvulnerable victims of the destruction they encountered but this was tempered with theserious realisation of the violence they caused. They had become both active andpassive heroes causing and suffering pain. The identities they had assumed as theyenlisted had proved unfounded and now, to regain control, their identities had to bereconstructed.51 AWM, ART 2626852 Ibid.88

Mythologising the Air WarriorStriving for glory through warfare has formed part of the public dialogue sinceThe Iliad and The Odyssey and romanticising experiences, formulated around earlierlife models, provided one answer to the dilemma faced by airmen. 53 In the records ofthose who articulated identities around the glory of war, myths were continued aroundthe virtues of manhood, courage, valor, empire patriotism, and glory in death,preserving continuity with the past images in negotiating elements of identity.The poems and narratives examined were written by men serving in EATS.Some voices resorted to the safety of maintaining the image of the masculine aviatorhero. Others were silent about the horrors surrounding them and concentrated on theromantic joy of flight. The romanticising of death and patriotism for the Empireprovided new themes in the images of the aviator warrior. Poetry provided an avenuewhere men could reflect and explore the experiences of aerial combat and create newimages as a way to understand the world into which they had been plunged. Reactionswere different from those found in diaries, and were given formal shaping turningmany experiences into an aesthetic encounter, with the men as the heroic victims, thusavoiding their part in inflicting the total horror of air warfare.Among the private papers of many members of the Empire Scheme was asmall printed copy of a poem carefully saved between pages. Tracing the history ofthis poem revealed it was the work of John Magee, trained in EATS who died atnineteen while serving. While he enlisted with the Royal Canadian Air Force, hispoem was deemed to be relevant to Australian pilots as on his death a copy of hispoem was sent to every member of EATS. 54 The poem, titled High Flight, forms astrong argument to justify and glorify the involvement in air combat. It reflects theshared motivations of the adventures and sensations ‘never dreamed of,’ that wereachieved in flying, in the control of the aircraft and conquest of the skies. 55 Masculine53 James Marcia, ‘Identity and Psychosocial Development in Adulthood,’ Identity: An InternationalJournal Of Theory And Research 2, 1, 2002, 10.54 www.lancastermuseum.ca/s,johnmagee.html [8April 2008].55 John Magee, High Flight. Magee wrote a letter to his parents. In it he commented, ‘I am enclosing averse I wrote the other day.’ On the back of the letter, he jotted down his poem, 'High Flight.' Just threemonths later, on 11 December 1941, Pilot Officer John Gillespie Magee, Jr., was killed. John's parents89

strength is emphasised in the elation of combat against the backdrop of war. It alsooffered spiritual consolation as the pilot found the hand of god. The values portrayed,are intended to inspire the devotion and courage necessary to fight, without revealingthe devastation, and as such it entered the collective myth that glorified war. It offeredjustification for the actions of the individual and reaffirmed masculine identity in itscelebration of the skills of man. The joy of flying is paramountOh,’ I have slipped the surly bonds of earthAnd danced the skies on laughter-silvered wings;Sunward I’ve climbed, and joined the tumbling mirthOf sun-split clouds – and done a hundred thingsYou have not dreamed of – wheeled and soared and swungHigh in the silent silence. Hovering thereChased the shouting wind along, and flungMy eager craft thro’ footless halls of air.Up, up the long delirious burning blueI‘ve topped the wind-swept heights with easy graceWhere never lark, nor even eagle flew –And while with silent lifting mind I trodThe high, untrespassed sanctity of spacePut Out my hand and touched the face of God.Like a Greek god striding the skies, Magee used the classical image ofheroism, and brings the role of the aviator into the realms of mythology. Nowhere ishe presented as an aggressor. Identification with the passion of flying unified all thosein EATS. It was portrayed as an ethereal experience that would join them with God.Later in an interview Frank Parsons claimed he still had a framed copy of this poem onwere living in Washington D.C. at the time, and the sonnet was seen by Archibald MacLeish, who wasLibrarian of Congress. He included it in an exhibition of poems called 'Faith and Freedom' in February1942. After that it was widely copied and distributed.90

his wall, and it inspired him during his time in the EATS. His mother had sent it tohim earlier and he was faithful to the sentiments expressed. 56Magee’s poem represented the official dialogue and it was comforting to someof the airmen to incorporate this with the personal, as they sought reasons for theirinvolvement. Faced with the reality of war, which involved the aviator becoming adestructive power, ethical justification to their actions was sought. The violation ofethical norms confronted in killing evoked complexities in emotional responses andone answer found was to present themselves as the defender of the community. For thefirst time in individual voices, images of loyalty to Empire and nation were used toexplain involvement in EATS. Fighting was for freedom, liberty, and principles that‘belongs to the common heritage of the wattle and the rose. Aircraft of the Dominions‘gathering for the kill’ expressed the brutality of war, but it was for a higher cause, thefight for freedom. 57 Another expressed belonging, and in his heart there lived ‘aheritage of Briton’s sons, /We would fly and fight for life to keep our land fromshame.’ 58 The Australian heritage of fighting with the Empire on the Western front inWorld War I was sought as justification, ‘Again the trumpet stirs the eager blood/Thatdrove their fathers to the Flanders mud.’ 59 Fighting as part of the Empire of the airmythologised the belief in being part of a greater cause where they could find a newimportance for their role.In confronting the prospect of death, images of comfort were found in taking afundamentally romantic attitude to war that would make heroism in dying possible.Some wrote in terms ‘of shedding the dullness of their earthly shroud’ and ‘joined theancient gods’ in a release from earth that bound men. Again, ‘your spirits are notdead;/your pennants in the arched sky unfurled/Bid men look up with hope for ever60more.’ Another wrote: ‘For those who on their outward journey/ Went beyond the faroff clouds/ Sleep softer ‘neath the far horizon. /Pillowed in these silken shrouds.’ 6156 Interview with Frank Parsons.57 S.E. George ‘South West Pacific,’ RAAF Story 1943, Chapter 5. Canberra: AWM 1943.www.diggerhistory2.info/raaf/1943/00 [11 February, 2008].58 A.D. Bell, ‘A Lament on Youth’ Wings, 2, 9, 1944, 28.59 Ibid.60 Harry Harris, ‘Salute to the Brave,’ Wings, 2.10, 1944, 23.61 David, ‘To The Parachute Section,’ RAAF Saga, 1944, 16.91

Death was glorified through the thrill of speed, the spinning spirally downwards. 62Finally in ‘Airman’s Epitaph’ the image turned to funeral pyres where ‘our brief livesburned for a while,/and ceased’ but immortality was promised, ‘Youth bold! Youthdaring! /Intrepid youth will rise again.’ 63 As it would with any warrior, it appeared thatrepresenting the experience of war and death as ending in some form of eternal glory,would enable the airman to face the prospect of death without fear. ‘It seemed theylooked upon themselves /In Time’s prophetic glass.’ 64The love of flying remained a constant factor in the words of the men ofEATS, and while the unprecedented experience of aerial warfare dislocated thenotions of masculinity that had been used in recruitment, many airmen used the joy offlight to justify the doubts associated with aerial combat. Several pilots in the EmpireScheme, associated with the Angry Penguins, most notably Geoffrey Dutton, wrote ofthe mystical fascination with flying. 65 ‘In flying, /The body/Was entered, as will isseldom, by the soul.’ 66 This cosmic experience of flying transcended the horror of war.Pilots were described as musicians composing for a violin with the power to create andfind. 67 The power of flying that was experienced was explained as being ‘a silvercentaur out of time/Or some free spirit that flings off its shroud.’ 68 Chivalric imageryhad long been used and it reinforces the image of war as an heroic act, now they were‘knights of the sky.’ Man was represented free from earth’s bonds to become theinvincible, an ‘avenging spirit, knowing his chances yet not afraid.’ 69 The idea ofinvincibility was affirmed as ‘this breed of men, these eagles,’ who ‘have brought suchpeace.’ 70 Another line of adulation was given in, ‘those who were born to fly aroundthe throne of Mars.’ This was to suggest that aviators fought in the air as the gods ofmythology had done. Such classical images linked them with traditions of heroicwarriors, thus extending the image of the aviator. They were part of the ‘heritage’ of62 A. J. Jones, ‘Missing in Air Ops,’ RAAF Saga, 1944. 6.63 Flying Officer A. I. H. Jones, ‘Airman’s Epitaph,’ RAAF Victory Roll 1945, 160.64 Ibid.65 Angry Penguins was a literary movement begun at Adelaide University in 1940, which sought toquestion the entrenched Establishment and supported an art and literary magazine.66 Geoffrey Dutton, Night Flight and Sunrise, Adelaide: Hassell Press, 1944.67 Geoffrey Dutton, The Hero in Night Flight and Sunrise.68 R. H. Webster ‘Test Flip,’ RAAF Saga 1944, Canberra: AWM 1944,19.www.diggerhistory2.info/raaf/1944/00 [11February 2008].69 G. W. McDonald, ‘Night Flight,’ RAAF Saga 1944, 9170 C.M. Thiele, ‘L’Envoy,’ RAAF Victory Roll 1945, Canberra: AWM 1945, 174.92

young Australian men who with valiant hearts fought for ‘a splendid cause.’ 71 Air warhad become a symbol of national salvation and the airmen the elite guarding thenation. 72 An important part of the mystique of aviators was the control of moderntechnology and part of the allure of flying was the masculine domination of thepowerful machine. To control an aeroplane was considered not so much a technicalfeat as a moral accomplishment. 73 Present in some of the images was the adrenalinthrill of war in lines such as, ‘Death screams for the kill, /I swoop up aloft and laugh toshow/The harmony of metal and men’s will.’ 74 A similar image of enhancedmasculinity was constructed in the ‘oneness of blood and brain and metal,/ Undivisibleunity into perfect weapon.’ 75 Imagining themselves in this dimension of power enabledthe men of the EATS to maintain the masculine role that had formed the basis of theirseduction. In these diary entries and poems layers were being added to the imagebased on the glory of the aviator. This would combine a sense of loyalty to the Empire,the rightness of their cause, the love of flying and the affirmation of their masculineidentity, giving ethical justification for their actions. And, above all, they werewarriors of the sky.Two personal narrative accounts, also mythologised the experiences of theaviator. ‘The last enemy that shall be destroyed is death.’76So began Richard Hillary’saccount of his experiences in the air. Born in Australia, he went to Oxford and in 1938he joined the university air squadron. In 1939 he became a bomber pilot with membersof the Empire Air Scheme and fought during the Battle of Britain. In 1942 he wroteThe Last Enemy. In writing this account, Hilary became a cult figure and a war hero.The book was a promotion of air war. In the words of a twenty year old it wasannounced: ‘In a fighter plane I believe, we have found a way to return to war as itought to be war which is individual combat between two people in which one either71 Senior Officer D.M. Blakers, RAAF Saga 1944. 1972 George Mosse, in Fallen Soldiers, explores the growth of air force images, 121-124.73 Ibid. 120.74 R. H. Webster, ‘Test Flip’75 G. W. McDonald, ‘Night Flight’76 Corinthians XV 2693

kills or is killed. It’s exciting, it’s individual and it’s disinterested. 77 This is the voiceof the aviator hero who has no fear of death. He continued, ‘It is only in the air that thepilot can grasp that feeling, that flash of knowledge, of insight, that matures himbeyond his years; only in the air that he knows suddenly he is a man in a world ofmen.’ 78 Hillary was killed in his twenty third year. He was writing to glorifymasculinity, providing an image that ethically justified the gruesome horror that wasendured. He faced death and in writing of his experiences he intended to represent ‘theideals for which my comrades had died were stamped for ever on the face ofcivilisation.’ 79 In his mythologising of the role of the aviator to the extent he does,Hillary perpetuated the seduction image enlarging the myth of which he had become asymbol.Air Chief Marshall Lord Tedder wrote the foreword to Paul Brickhill’s, TheDam Busters (first published in 1951), acclaiming the ‘individual courage and skillwhich is unique,’ in ‘devotion and self sacrifice.’ Tedder maintained Brickhill’s aimwas to demonstrate the specific and decisive importance of air power inspired by ateam who overcame impossibilities.80Yet, in his writing, Brickhill maintained thelegend of the Homeric male who finds ethical fulfillment in war. While he toomythologises the image, the emphasis of Brickhill was to show how men have passedthrough their initiation and were now virtuously heroic.Brickhill was an Australian, trained under EATS, serving in bomber commandwith the RAF, and several of the crew members in the Dam Busters and thoseincacerated in Stalag 17, were Australian.81In recounting his war experiences Brickhillchose to distance himself from his personal story, (he was shot down and became aprisoner of war), continuing to construct the myth of the chivalric aviator. While thebook is factual, the emphasis is on the heroism and intense excitement of the meninvolved and their highly developed skills as exemplary pilots. It could be said ‘theseare books for men.’ Brickhill’s books would become part of what Graham Dawson77 Richard Hillary, The Last Enemy, 21.78 Ibid. 139.79 Ibid. 253.80 Paul Brickhill, The Dam Busters, London: Evans Brothers Limited, 1951, Foreword.81 Obituaries New York Times, April 26 1991.94

called the ‘popular pleasure culture of war.’ 82 More than other accounts, Brickhill’snovels fill the masculine desire for images of the military hero and the bonding of menin the crews of the Dam Busters and those escaping from Stalag 17. It is a novel thatsupports traditional values attributed to war and masculinity and proving the value ofself when confronted with death.Figure 13 Wounded Gunner 83Mythologising of the aviator hero was developed in the paintings of officialwar artist, Roy Hodgkinson. Airmen are represented as warriors of the nation, ready tosacrifice their lives to a higher cause. The concentration on the masculine form, itsstrength, youth and coordination is depicted in Wounded Gunner. The woundedgunner is Christ-like in his crucifixion pose as his crew, who are bonded together asone, lowers him from the cockpit. The straining muscles and anguished faces representthese men as the virtuous heroes who are the victims of war. All these imagesrepresent relentless optimism in defining the role of the aviator.82 Graham Dawson, Soldier Heroes, 4.83 AWM, ART 21353.95

The images that glorified war were based on a series of common ideas that haddominated the cultural and social lives surrounding young Australians in the 1930spresenting war as an honorable activity and those examined here, although diverse andcomplex, reflect a predetermined discourse, based on earlier life models and reflectingthe pleasure culture of war. They were preserving aspects of the past identities tolegitimize themselves. Yet there were other responses that reflected the dark side ofwar and the reality of the air warrior.The Reality of the Air WarriorRepresenting the aviator as virtuously heroic, and adopting the sociallyaccepted social patterns, was one way of responding to the experiences of war. In suchdepictions aviators conformed to expected cultural values. An alternative anddistinctive form of representation was found in the confrontation of realism by a manwho recognised his own weaknesses, and was credible and lifelike in his focus of thehorror experienced. Foremost in such immediate records was a slowly awakeningrecognition of the disintegration of traditional values and beliefs, tinged withdisillusionment and at times anger. Rather than disguising the experience in a mantleof heroic myth, this group of airmen exposed the despair in the betrayal of their trustin the collective morals and norms projected by society.As all men who enlisted, the recruits to EATS had trusted in the abstractprinciples of the glory to be found in war, now as reality exposed the agony and horrorof war, identity would need to be continually revised. Australian recruits in EATS hadalso implicitly trusted the institution itself, but, as the war progressed, the weaknessesin the institution of EATS became exposed, revealing the role of the Australiangovernment in initial negotiations. Such responses assimilated new layers to the imageof EATS that placed it far from the original images of seduction. Caught in the midstof the horror of war Death be Not Proud was a collection of poems by D.B. Kerr,assembled after his death. 84 While still at the University of Adelaide, Kerr enlisted inEATS and was called up in 1940. He was killed in air operations in New Guinea on84 D. B. Kerr, ‘Death Be Not Proud,’ Collected Verse, Adelaide: The Hassell Press, 1943.96

December 15 1942. 85 The poems, in a small volume, reflect a mind in recoil from thehorrors of confronting action. The dust jacket of the volume records, ‘the poems showbitterness, despair and cynicism combining with gentleness and acceptance.’Disillusionment is found in, If I Should Go as Kerr questioned the actions ofauthorities in the haunting phrase ‘my quicksand government.’ The term ‘quicksand’does not imply trust in the authorities and on one level the poem can be interpreted asKerr’s response to the government’s capturing and exploitation of the purity of youthin the name of war. In An Oration for Australia, in which he described hisexperiences, Kerr visualized a ‘land removed from the cause of sanity/The nerves ofmen whisper madly in its roots.’ And later, ‘through scarlet eyes creeps the fear ofaction.’ There is no mythologizing of the glory of war as Kerr faces the certainty ofdeath as he followed the demanded call to duty.Kerr had experienced aerial war in the Pacific theatre, and in this theatre, theaerial war suffered from an inadequate supply of trained aircrew and machines,resulting from the initial negotiations of EATS assigning airmen and machines toEurope. This inadequacy evoked a cynical response to an event on January 20 1942.Japanese carriers launched a hundred bombers and fighters to attack Rabaul. Air ForceHQ in Melbourne ordered Wing Cmdr J. Lerew, to attack the Japanese invaders. Withonly one Hudson and one damaged Wirraway at his disposal, Lerew replied with thesignal ‘nos morituri te salutamus’, the Roman gladiators' cry to spectators at theColosseum, ‘we who are about to die salute you.’86Disillusionment and a sense of powerlessness were voiced by others. Thedocumentary realism presented in They Hosed Them Out: the Story of Australian AirGunners in the RAF, confronts the psychological impact on the lives of meninvolved. 87 I remember the excitement of Geoffrey Berglan’s diary entry as he foundhimself assigned to the gunner’s turret. He could think of nothing better. When action85 This must be placed in the context of the already mentioned inadequate supply of trained airmen andequipment after fulfilling the original demands to the Empire undertaken in the negotiation of EATS.86 The original response from his logbook is recorded in the AWM Collection EXDO168. Thecircumstances surrounding the event have also been detailed in Lex McAulay, We who are about to diesalute you Maryborough Qld.: Banner Books 2007, and George Holden, We who are about to diesalute you: the wartime diary of 24 Squadron, Bentleigh. Vic.: George Holden 2007.87 Even the title of his book admits to the position of Australia in the Empire97

egan his diary had become strangely quiet. 88 It was there when the turret was shotaway and the remains of the aviators had to be ‘hosed out.’ John Beede admitted inwriting the book he was exercising a personal catharsis with a determination that ‘itmust never happen again.’ 89 In confronting the violence and the slow shatteringconsequence of war, Beede recognised the threat to his masculine identity. 90 Hisdescriptions of, ‘the Committee of Adjustment,’ to look after the deceased belongings,his own guilt at his own survival, the ‘hosing out of the turret,’ the fear of theannihilation and flaming death, and treatment by Australian officers, contribute to thenegative image which he creates around aerial warfare. Faced with the necessity tobomb civilians, he reasoned, ‘Bugger them, I thought in angry self-justification, theyhave brought this on themselves.’ 91 The realism of the horrors men had to endure,would bring into question the whole ethical conditioning that ‘war makes a man,’represented in the initial images of EATS.Official war artist Dennis Adams, commissioned by the Australian WarMemorial to depict the aviator, gave Beede’s description of the rear gunner visualrepresentation. Rear Gunner in a Halifax Bomber, is a frighteningly realisticinterpretation of the sacrifices made by those in this situation detailing thevulnerability and the complete isolation of the rear gunner. It was the rear gunner whowas most frequently killed.92In a cocoon of steel, the face of the lone gunner gazed outto detect attacks from above or behind. His task was to kill and to protect his fellowcrew from attack. It is possible to suggest that Adams saw in the isolation of thegunner, situated in a position of extreme danger, the challenge to the individualidentity. The facial expression reflects the same bewilderment as seen in Bowen’sBomber Crew.88 See Chapter 2, 57.89 John Beede They Hosed them Out: The story of Australian Air Gunners in the RAF Sydney:Australian Book Society, 1965. He wrote on medical advice to overcome what was called war neurosis.90 Ibid. Introduction.91 John Beede, 32.92 John Beede, 32.98

Figure 14 Rear Gunner in a Halifax Bomber 93Fear, anguish, and anger are offered in ‘Roy Bulcock’s Of Death But Once. 94Bulcock was stationed in Malaysia with the RAF, under EATS, when Japan attacked,and his denunciation was political in the condemnation of the AustralianGovernment’s unconditional joining of the Empire Scheme, leaving Australiawoefully unprotected. He was critical of the RAF’s lack of organisation in the defenceof Malaysia and Singapore. Before his capture as a prisoner of war, he expressedcomplete disbelief in the betrayal dealt to the men sent in to defend this area. Apartfrom the lack of coordination, equipment, aerodromes and command and lack oftraining of the men, Bulcock reveals in Singapore, ‘we had bluffed the world withpropaganda stories of the impregnable fortress, we had bluffed ourselves and theDutch into hoping the stories were true, but we hadn’t expected the Japs to call ourbluff so soon.’ 95 His sense of despair grew at the total mismanagement and the farce ofthe situation ‘where the whole spirit of the place was slackness.’ 96 At one point, as hisair base was being bombed, he heard of several Australians fleeing, he bewailed ‘forthe first time and the last time in my life I felt ashamed of being Australian.’ 97 Yet therealism does not diminish the recognition of the heroism of the airmen, and to93 AWM, ART22962; External view of a gunner in the rear turret of a Halifax bomber. In 1943 Adamsworked in the Middle East and Europe, especially with the RAAF in Britain.94 Roy Bulcock, Of Death But Once. Melbourne: F.W. Cheshire Pty Ltd, 1947, 3.95 Roy Bulcock, 11.96 Ibid. 20.97 Ibid. 43.99

memorialise their valor, Bulcock’s final words, like those of Beede, express the hopethat militarism will ‘not rise again. For only thus shall we earn the right to bringchildren into a world which we pray they shall find a little less cruel and inhuman thanwe did.’ 98 The myth of the glamour of air war is shattered in Bulcock’s accounts as hestruggled to find ethical justification for the horrors endured, so at odds with theimages of seduction.The dark side of war was representated by Donald Friend. Originally servingwith the AIF, he was appointed an official artist for the RAAF. In his diaries, heexpressed the nightmare of killing, admitting he had not realized the significance of99enlisting. Working on Morotai, he saw what he considered the barbarities of aerialwar and his depiction of the Spitfire portrayed in the Grey Nurse Shark cannot bemistaken. Many crews did decorate their planes with visual images and this combinesthe power and deadliness of the aircraft with that of one of Australia’s most fearedicons, the grey nurse shark. Friend explained in his work that he tried to portray theindividual, which to him, ‘seemed far more impressionable than statistics which tell adry tale and leave actions devoid of reason.’ 100 Friend saw himself as a pawn within amad force. 101 Such disillusionment, in part, influenced certain responses to experienceswithin EATS, and would contribute to the future images.Figure 15 ‘Grey Nurse’ by Donald Friend 10298 Ibid. 208.99 Donald Friend, Gunner’s Diary, Sydney: Ure Smith 1943 17-18100 Gavin Fry, Colleen Fry, Donald Friend, Australian War Artist Melbourne: Currey O'Neil, 1982.Introduction.101 Donald Friend, Gunners Diary 39, 56.102 Donald Friend, Spitfire and the ‘Grey Nurse’ Squadron, 1945 AWM, ART 23346.100

The intense sense of disillusionment in such accounts would contribute to themarginalization of EATS in Australian history. Another account outlining the fall ofSingapore and written in 1944, placed the blame firmly on the inadequate air defencethat was ‘insufficient and obsolete.’ 103 Those men serving in the air force could nothave been unaware of the situation and while it seems only a few, such as Bulcock,voiced immediate despair, these attitudes would begin to alter future images of EATS.Such narratives would also form the basis of later official criticism of EATS and it isthe area that war historian, John McCarthy, thought would be best forgotten. 104 Therealism so closely associated with the scheme, so far from the romantic idealism of thewarrior aviator, and the role of Empire in the defence of Australia, would become oneof those episodes in history no one wanted to remember.ConclusionIn August of 1945, World War II finally ended for Australia. The Empire AirTraining Scheme was dissolved, training school, by training school, over previousmonths and it now became a fading memory in the minds of the individual and thecommunity. The period had challenged the glamour and heroism of the airman. Theimage depicting the opportunity to enter manhood through the baptism of war hadbeen brought under question as the men encountered action, where they met both theethical questions of inflicting violence and yet also found themselves victims of thehorror of air combat. Now both the nation and the individual aviator faced a challengeof self-renewal, to rebuild identities and to legitimize themselves and recreatethemselves in the midst of anguish. 105 Within this process, elements that would be‘better forgotten’ were contained altering the way EATS entered the memory of theindividual and the community in the next decades, and it is the examination of theevolution of the image and the creation of new visions, that the next chapters willfocus on.103 H.Gordon Bennett, Why Singapore Fell Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1944, 42.104 John McCarthy, ‘An Obscure War,’ a paper given at RAAF, AWM History Conference 1993.www.awm.gov.au/events/conference/1993/McCarthy [2January 2008].105 Marshall Berman uses this term in relating attitudes of Baudelaire. 170.101

CHAPTER 4A Diminishing Image‘Empire Air Force. Australia Plays Her Part.’ announced Prime Minister Menzies in1939, ‘Stand or Fall together.’ 1 Menzies further declared, ‘I believe, and my belief is prettywell founded, that the cooperation of the Dominions with Great Britain in the provision oftrained airmen, and in the case of some Dominions, in the provision of aircraft, will be ofgrowing and vital importance. It may be that in our hours of greatest difficulty—and we aregoing to have some—the Mother Country will be asking more insistently for help in the airthan for help on the land or the sea.’ 2 Menzies was not alone, supported by other politiciansand the media as they constructed the collective glorification of EATS. James Fairbairn,Australian Minister for Air, eulogised of ‘A United Empire.’ 3 ‘A League of Empire Eagles’proclaimed the Argus. 4 ‘United Empire Air Plan attracts 56,000 men.’ 5 Others acclaimed ‘theEmpire Air Armada,’ and the ‘most spectacular demonstration of Empire coordination.’ 6 In1939 the bond between Empire and Australia was strong, and representing the strength of thisbond was EATS. One hundred and eighty eight thousand Australian men and women were toserve under the Empire Scheme. 7 In the collective narrative of the early war years EATS wasproclaimed as the greatest sign of unity and Empire loyalty, yet in the decades following theend of the war it is difficult to discover any mention of the scheme, and in the twenty-firstcentury it no longer holds a place in Australian collective memory. 81 Robert Menzies, Broadcast, 11 October 1939, Department of Information Melbourne.2 Sydney Morning Herald, 28 September 1939, 2.3 J.V.Fairbairn, House of Representatives, 10 May 1940, Canberra Commonwealth GovernmentPrinter, 1940.4 Argus, Melbourne, 12 October 1939, 3.5 Argus, Melbourne, 9 February 1940, 1.6 Argus, Melbourne, 1940.7 Various estimates of the total number given vary according to the criteria used.8 Hank Nelson, Chased by the Sun, comments on the ignorance of young Australians on theirknowledge of air warfare, 269.103

The purpose of this chapter is first, to establish that the public image associated withEATS had changed between 1939 and 1945, and this was witnessed in the reaction ofreturning veterans. Having responded to the appeal presented in 1939, Australian veterans ofEATS on their return would encounter no recognition of the Scheme in the public realm. Thereaction of veterans to their experience, and the lack of a collective narrative to support theclaims to their identity, is followed throughout this thesis. The second purpose of this chapteris to examine the reasons behind the diminishing collective image of EATS in the Australiannarrative, in the decades immediately following the end of the war. Just as the individualairmen, examined in the last chapter, were forced to reinterpret their identity when faced withthe experiences of combat with EATS, so would the Australian nation suffer experiences thatwould give cause to question many of the beliefs and values embedded within the nationalidentity that underpinned the institution of EATS. I argue that the experience of the nationalinvolvement in EATS would provide a continuous reminder of Australian subservience toBritain, and thus contribute to a re-evaluation of the Australian identity. The changingcollective image would impact on the individual and, in examining the interaction betweenthe two, and in following the slow disintegration between the image held by the individualself and the collective representations, an illustration is provided of the claim that ‘sociallysanctioned institutionally supported memories make certain versions of the past public andrender others invisible. 9Disintegration of the Collective ImageBefore examining contributing reasons for the change in the collective image of EATSI wish to establish that it had in fact changed and witness to this can be found in both publicrepresentations and the response of the individual. The expression of disbelief and mourningreflected in the faces of the airmen, pictured below, as they march in a victory parade in 1946provides a public metaphor of the change of image. The words of Erikson observing returningsoldiers echo, ‘they knew who they were; they had a personal identity. But it was as if,subjectively, their lives no longer hung together—and never would again. 10 Comparing thiswith the image of a cheering group of recruits setting off for adventure nearly six years9 Paula Hamilton and Linda Shopes, made similar claims in Oral History and Public Memories,Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2008, 3.10 Erik Erikson, Childhood and Society, 42.104

efore, makes the devastation of the experience all the more obvious, and this wascompounded by the absence of a positive collective response. This image also reflected thechanged collective image which surrounded EATS as it was represented in the media.Figure 16 RAAF Victory Parade 11The omission of EATS from the Australian public narrative at the end of the warappears to have been dramatic and was noticed in the records of the returning veterans.Diaries continue to provide the intimate responses of the men. Already disillusioned by theimpact of combat, they were now confronted by a lack of public recognition. For the men ofthe Empire Air Training Scheme, now referred to in the media as ‘men of the RAAF’, initialemotions on their return, were mixed, but in many accounts, an awareness of lack of positivepublic response was apparent. Leonard Peake wrote a final entry in his diary, ‘so passed thefirst VP day celebration, making merry, the release of pent-up feeling. It has been a longstruggle from Dunkirk to August 15. All my early cobbers from ‘Ballarat Ceramic’ and ‘464’days have gone to make it possible. Ferdie Proctor, Temby, McConnell, Mal Collett, HarryFridge, Ray Leonard, Arthur Galey. I wonder if the great public realise their sacrifice. Now tolook to the future. What does it hold? Happiness?’ 1211 Australian Victory Contingent March Adelaide, RAAF section, 1946. State Library of VictoriaAN01183912 Leonard Peake, Diary, 11 September 1945.105

On his repatriation, Jo Fewster’s first words at the reception they were given inSydney recorded in his diary, ‘Hell what is this!’ Later followed by, ‘It is all coming true.They are bastards. Farcical.’ The reaction of Fewster, and voiced by others as theyencountered the reaction of permanent air force officers, who had not seen action, revealedthe complexity of emotions experienced by returning aviators. 13 The humiliation and anger ofsuch a reception would, I argue, impact on the recounting of their experiences in EATS. Thefinal comment in Fewster’s diary was, ‘Started back at work this morning and five yearsslipped away as if they had never existed. Can’t say that I like the feeling either.’ 14Disillusionment and bitterness at the public reception characterised the homecomingof Dereck French. 15 He recorded in his diary the ‘RAAF appear to have no idea.’ ‘They areapathetic.’ ‘The general atmosphere is unreal, a state of disturbed peace yet not one of acountry at war although the pubs seem full of chaps in uniform.’ 16 French was sent to thetransit camp at the MCG where he was ordered to attend two parades, one church and theother to raise war bonds, which he thought ridiculous. This was an airman with a DFC, whohad flown over 80 missions. He was able to resign and left for a life on the land. 17 A storyrecorded in his diary, and echoed in later interviews, surrounds the response of one of hismates whom he had trained with in Point Cook and received the same disregard as French. Hewent down to the beach and blew his brains out. 18The impact of the collective image on the individual was reflected in experiencesrecorded in other sources. The one Indigenous pilot, Leonard Waters, who rose to the rank ofWarrant Officer, never flew again and returned to a life of shearing which was the best paidwork ‘open’ to him. 19 While returning sentiments were reflected upon in his diary, DonCharlwood struggled to explain his feelings engendered by lack of recognition to EATS at theend of the war. He managed, in later years, by visualising them as a long tragic play from13 This was best illustrated in oblique words of Dereck French and Boz Parsons in their interviews.14 Jo Fewster, Diary, Final entry.15 He returned in late 1944.16 Dereck French, Papers, State Library of Victoria.17 Dereck French interview, also recorded in Michael Veitch, Flak:true stories of men who flew inWorld War II Sydney: Pan Macmillan 2006.18 Ibid.19 Len Waters, AWM Papers, PR00308.106

‘The Empire School of Drama’ where ‘warriors killed in battle lay so thickly on the stage.’ 20He did not believe that he would question himself about it, or read critics’ opinions of it, that‘its doors would close forever and that loyalty to the Empire would be scorned.’ 21Geoff Magee of 460 Squadron expressed bitterness to the collective response in hispoems. 22 It is not clear exactly when the following poem was written, and the resentmentexpressed, although referring to the immediate homecoming, may have built up over theyears.Yet Australia to its lasting shamegave these men a mocking scornful name‘blue orchids’ they called them as they sailed awayand said ‘there’s fighting here why don’t you stay’Some received white feathers as they left this landthe mark of a coward you understand.and they fretted and wondered the reason whyas they flew through enemy skies to die.and where is Australia’s conscience, that none recallthis saga of those who gave their allwho remembers them who will the exploits tellof those brave young men who flew through hell.Accounts of the evidence of white feathers remain one of the least mentionedhumiliations of the Australian men who served with EATS in Britain and the Middle East.White feathers were symbolic of the changing Australian attitude to EATS and the demandsof Empire and occurred after the entry of Japan into the South West Pacific War. WilliamWeatherly wrote to his parents of the grievance which the men felt in receiving whitefeathers and letters ‘accusing them of hiding from action against the Japs by staying in the20 Don Charlwood, Journeys into Night, Melbourne: Hudson, 1991, 268.21 Ibid.22 Geoff Magee, Bombs Gone! And other poems, Sydney: 460 Squadron Association, 1991. Althoughnot published till 1991 this was a collection of poems Magee had written since his repatriation.107

Middle East and not wanting to come home.’ 23 He continued, ‘the people who say thatshould just come over here and see for themselves. Every one wants to go home but it isharder to get from here home than it is to go anywhere else in the world. The answer isalways “not required at home.” The fellows here have done equally as big or bigger job asthat at home and defeating Germany is just as important as defeating Japan.’ 24 The confusionin the collective response to the Pacific theatre of war, and the clash with individuals servingwithin the institutions revealed one of the major flaws within the structure of EATS. 25 Inthese individual responses, the disillusionment, bewilderment and mourning, expressed ontheir return home would be compounded by the exclusion of EATS from the public realm. Itis to examine the reasons for such exclusion that I will now turn.Exclusion of EATS from the Collective NarrativeUnderstandably, the end of war was greeted publicly with tremendous relief. 26 Therewas going to be a tomorrow. 27 Both the individual and the nation wanted to forget thehorrors of six years of war, and this would influence the construction of the collectiveimage. While acknowledging the study of the construction of the collective memory hasbecome ‘an obsession,’ work on its opposite, ‘collective forgetting,’ has been lessresearched. 28 Forgetting is very much part of the memory process which is pivotal in thedevelopment of the image of the Empire Scheme in the post-war years. While collectivememories follow a process of selection of events and situations, providing for theconstruction and affirmation of a positive national identity, forgetting confines the negativeimages to a memory hole. It has not been possible to erase the presence of EATS altogether.Richard Esbenshade, in examining the deconstruction of Communist era images in Central23 William Weatherly, Letters, 6 September 1943. State Library of Victoria MSB 76 MS9683.24 Ibid.25 This flaw of Australia’s inability to defend itself due to commitments to EATS is discussed in thenext section.26 Several diaries of men serving in EATS expressed this sentiment, as well as media coverage.27 While this was a general sentiment it was expressed in the diary of Jack Woodward, final entries.28 Joanna Bourke has referred to this term in, ‘Introduction Remembering War,’ 474. Paul Ricoeur hasdeveloped the importance of forgetting as a construction of memory but his focus is on the individual.108

Europe, explained the process as one where, ‘They remain under erasure in the Derrideansense, neither truly there nor fully absent, just the presence of an absence.’ 29 My argumentcontends that the image of EATS occupies such a position.While the desire to forget is central to many war experiences, there wereseveral other specific circumstances contributing to the exclusion of EATS from thecollective image. These were embedded in the evolution of national identity andmemory. First was the dismantling of the physical presence of EATS, includingtraining fields and disposal of all equipment, bringing a symbolic end to EATS.Second, EATS as an institution, absorbing Australian men into Empire forces allowedno focus on the individual nation and depleted Australian home defence. Thus itsmemory is of a humiliation of the agreement made by the Australian Government of1939. Failure of expectations could not be disguised and were recorded in the publicrealm after the war, in media and official histories. Third, the authority of the Empirehad been brought under question during the war period, destabilizing its centrality inthe Australian identity. Fourth, the construction of the collective image depends on thestories of individuals and narratives surrounding EATS did not appear forthcoming.The fifth reason belongs to the era of the fifties and sixties and, with a newlyemerging nationalism ‘no one was interested’ in either Empire or war. Each of thesewould be a determining influence adding resistance to the image of EATS within thepublic realm.The Physical End to EATSAlan Stephens nostalgically recorded:The day the war ended there were 173, 622 men and women in theAir Force, working in 570 units, with the ultimate objective ofkeeping 5620 aircraft flying. Those numbers represented anastonishing contrast to the 3489 people, twelve squadrons and 246obsolescent aircraft which had been the RAAF’s modest lot six yearspreviously. By any measure the wartime expansion was an29 Richard Esbenshade, ‘Remembering to Forget: Memory History National Identity in Postwar EastCentral Europe,’ Representations 49,1995, 72-3109

administrative and organizational achievement of the highest order.Already, however, the Labor government led by Prime Minister, BenChifley, regarded that achievement as ancient history. Thegovernment’s priority was to rebuild the nation. 30The training schools of EATS had been slowly phased out by March 31, 1945,yet the disposal of equipment, categorized as ‘surplus material,’ was an enormoustask. 31 Stephens records, ‘many were stripped of accessories, broken down and soldas scrap metal, or dumped, a process which destroyed an irreplaceable part ofAustralia’s aviation heritage.’ 32 Air Marshall George Jones observed, ‘thedemobilization was so rapid and so thorough that, even though it was accomplishedwith the size and shape of the postwar RAAF always in mind, many became alarmed,believing that we were abandoning any plans to retain an air force. The GovernmentOpposition insisted that the RAAF had been practically destroyed, and Blamey andBostock were even quoted as claiming that Australia could not muster more than onesquadron as a result of the demobilisation.’ 33 As such, ‘disposing of aircraft was themost symbolic act in dismantling the wartime Air Force,’ and the institution of EATS.With no physical reminders it was possible to delete EATS from the collectivememory. 34Mishaps of the air training scheme.During the operational period of the Empire Air Training Scheme certainareas of discontent began to appear that would gradually either be avoided or justifiedwithin accounts of Australia’s involvement in air warfare. First was the failure ofArticle XV, which had been introduced to protect Australian national identity. 35 In his30 Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force, 175.31 The closing of training schools was phased out over several months as operational commitmentswere reduced, The Argus Tuesday 19 June 1945, 3, makes reference to the phasing out of EATS.32 Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force, 175.33 George Jones, From Private to Air Marshal,Richmond Vic.: Greenhouse publications, 1988, 122.34 Several museums do exist. The official RAAF museum is at Point Cook. While records of EATSexist in private files there is no obvious recognition of EATS.35 Air Vice-Marshall Richard Williams in discussions with RAF’s member for Personnel Air Vice-Marshall Charles Portal, insisted that servicemen be identified with their own country. See: RichardWilliams These are the Facts Canberra: Australian Government Printers, 1997, 245. Article XV was aproduct of the dominions' experience during the First World War. Each government wished to retainthe capacity to influence the employment of their personnel and ensure they were not simply subsumed110

original announcement of Australia’s part in EATS the Minister for Air The Hon.J.V. Fairbairn announced under Article XV ‘every effort is to be made to maintainDominion identity.’ 36 Yet rather than specific national squadrons, the dispersal ofAustralian crews throughout all Empire squadrons allowed no distinctive Australianidentity to emerge. Yet, I found no mention of discontent in personal records of themen, at serving with mixed crews. Bound by the trust in fellow crewmen there wasready acceptance of the cosmopolitan nature of crews with a sense of pride. It addedto the sense of adventure and many comments were recorded on the universal nature,such as, ‘most squadrons have a mixture of all kinds, Britishers, Aussies, NewZealanders, Americans, South Americans, with an odd one from the Bahamas- two ofthe squadron have been Chinese missionaries.’ 37 Dereck French recorded, ‘All in ittogether. In this mess here, we have Czechoslovaks, Poles, French Canadians, NewZealand chaps.’ 38 Hugh Berry commented, ‘At the first stop four air force pilots gotin, one Australian, two Canadians, one RAF truly the Empire Air Training Scheme isgoing to win the war for us.’ 39Hugh Berry as a Wing Commander attached to the RAF in Iraq, during WorldWar II, and later to be commander of the First Desert Air Force commented on thefailure of Article XV, in a letter to his family.It is really a jolly shame that the RAAF is not allowed to preserve itsidentity- we read about the RAF doing this and that whereas in fact theinto the large British organisation. For its part, Britain was not prepared to let the large numbers ofdominion personnel result in the Australian, Canadian and New Zealand governments seeking toinfluence strategic air policy. The British retained control of command appointments to the Article XVsquadrons and of the promotion of dominion personnel serving with the RAF. Ultimately 44Canadian, 16 Australian and 6 New Zealand squadrons were formed. Shortages of appropriatelytrained personnel, combined with often obstructive RAF posting and promotions policy, meant thatearly in their existence many of the Article XV squadrons were devoid of their national character andvirtually indistinguishable from ordinary RAF squadrons. By the end of the war, however, mostAustralian squadrons had developed a distinct national character. The bulk of Australian EATSgraduates, however, did not serve with the Article XV squadrons but with a mainstream RAFsquadron. Fact sheet on Article XV, www.awm.gov.au/units/event_210.asp36 J.V.Fairbairn ‘War in the Air’ Statement made in the House of Representatives, 10 May 1940Canberra: Commonwealth Government Printer.37 Alfed McEvey, Letters, October 12, 1943.38 Dereck French, Letter to parents October 21,1940.39 Hugh Berry, letters to his family, State Library of Victoria MS 10119.111

crews are more often than not men of the Dominions. It doesn’t give usmuch of a chance to build up a tradition. 40The integration of the Australian crews into an ‘international air force’ made itimpossible for EATS to develop as part of a national legend. As Australianrelationships with the Empire deteriorated, so would the image of EATS be discarded.The same shadow would also occur as Australian airmen were brought under theoperational command of MacArthur in the Pacific theatre. 41A second major, yet partially unforeseen occurrence, lay within the structureof EATS. The Australian Government had completely surrendered control of the airforce to Britain, with the consequent depletion of sufficient air power for homedefence. Despite the claim by several historians that ‘The fall of the British base atSingapore was the final demonstration that Australia could no longer rely on anEmpire whose power was broken and pledges were worthless,’ it had been theAustralian government under Menzies, which had agreed to the initial terms of theEmpire Air Training Scheme. 42 So not only could it be claimed that the Empirebetrayed Australia, but that its own government must also share the blame for theunconditional commitment to the Scheme. The 1942 fall of Singapore and bombing ofDarwin revealed the misconception that participation in the EATS was based on thebelief that Britain would always be there to defend Australia. During the war theinadequacy of home defence was not exposed, but only as records became releaseddid the over-commitment to EATS lead to national humiliation, and with it, a blow tothe country’s self–esteem, relegating EATS to one of the events better deleted fromthe national memory.When the Pacific theatre of war opened many Australian airmen had alreadyenlisted and were serving with crews in England and the Middle East. For these menserving in established squadrons, it was impossible for them to return, and many ofthe letters and diaries expressed anxiety at the threat to Australia. Censorship meantlimited access, as one airman remarked, ‘We get news from the papers over here but40 Hugh Berry, letter, June 27, 1943.41 George Jones, From Private to Air Marshal, 84.42 See Stuart Macintyre, A Concise History of Australia Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1999, 188, and David Day The Politics of War Sydney: Harper Collins, 2003, 14.112

we don’t get the detail. I hope to be fighting the Jap as soon as possible. It seems awaste of time to us over here to say we are well and safe when what we really want toknow is how you people are over there. We have just received word about thebombing of Darwin-but there is no detail.’ 43 Earlier Dereck French had written to hisparents, ‘In today’s news was a feeling of unrest over the prospective policy of Japan.If the Japs start any funny business I’ll be downing arms here and coming home togive you a hand.’ 44 ‘I have applied for a transfer but so far have had little success.’ 45French would spend the rest of his operational time applying for transfers to Australia.Ted Dupleix wrote, ‘Afraid my chances of getting back are very remote. Can’t helpworrying about the Japs. Wish I was nearer Australia.’ 46 It was in this situation thatthe sending of white feathers, reflecting a change in national Australian attitudesbegan, and must have provided a tumult of emotions for the airmen, including guilt.While such emotions were not examined at the time they would emerge in memoriesof the individuals, which are to be examined in later chapters. It was an indication ofthe change in collective support for EATS. A.C. Fewster, while stationed in Englandwas to record in his diary: ‘The white feather business has reached the papers. The B-----ds.’ At the same time, Fewster also recorded his application for repatriation and the‘hopelessness’ he felt as it was continually ‘squashed’ putting him in the ‘blackestmood.’ 47 The final area of discontent with EATS that emerged during the wartimeexperience was the conflict that festered between the institution of the RAAF and itssubservience to senior officers of the RAF within the Scheme. 48 Dereck Frenchreflected, ‘our enemies were Germany, Italy and later Japan which is not entirely trueas we had two other enemies at home- the upper echelons of the services and the43 Herbert Thompson, Diary, State Library of Victoria MS12006, Written from London, 19 February1942.44 Dereck French, Letter, 14 February1941.45 Dereck French, Letter, 1 October 1941.46 Ted Dupleix, Letter, 2 February, 1942.47 A.C. Fewster, Diary AWM Private Record 3DRL/7405, 26 March 1944.48 Norman Ashworth, How Not To Run An Air Force! Canberra: Air Power Studies Centre 2000.Ashworth has written at length over the divisions that occurred in air force command.113

government which made the decisions to allow ill trained, ill equipped service peopleto go to war. 49 In later years, Alan Stephens commented:There are some lingering disappointments over the RAAF’semployment in World War II; notably in relation to the command andcontrol arrangements in the European theatre and the SWPA; and11through its assignment to the “mopping up” role in the latter. Thosefeelings are justified. In the SWPA, in particular — Australia’sprimary area of operations — constructive action could have beentaken to try to resolve the problems any time up until about the middleof 1944, by which stage things had gone too far. Regrettably,reprehensible leadership gradually closed off political opportunities50for the RAAF.Censorship, and the need to preserve morale would prevent such failures beingexposed during the war but the silence ended with the war.Scandal ExposedKnowledge of the failures within the Scheme entered the collective realm in aseries of articles that appeared in the Herald in June 1946 exposing many of theadministrative weaknesses of the wartime air force alleging ‘gross maladministration’and calling for an independent inquiry. 51 The articles, written by Air Vice MarshallWilliam Bostock, who was compulsorily retired from the RAAF in late 1945, weregiven headline publicity in a syndicated basis by a large section of the Australianpress, and such revelations were possible with the end of government suppression onnegative information. Norman Ashworth has provided an updated assessment of thesearticles. 52 The controversy exposed in the articles related the tensions that hadoperated between senior RAAF officers, the Air Board, the Minister for Air, Mr.Drakeford, the appointment of RAF officer Sir Charles Burnett to head the RAAF, anacknowledged Empire man, and the final ‘submission’ of the Australian forces to U.S.General Kenny. Details of the blunders and operational mishaps were many and49 Dereck French Personal Papers reflection on war State Library of Victoria PA01/32.50 Alan Stephens Power Plus Attitude: Ideas, Strategy and Doctrine in the Royal Australian Air Force1921-1991 Canberra: AGPS Press publication 1992, 83.51 William Bostock The Herald 22 -26 June 1946.52 Norman Ashworth, How Not to Run and Air Force.114

prompted a public debate around the failures in EATS, followed by other articles andletters to the press, and finally reached a debate in Federal Parliament.Deputy leader of the Country Party and former Minister for Air, Mr. J.McEwen, admitted in parliament, that all had been aware of the situation but nothinghad been done to remedy it. 53 General Blamey called for an investigation into theunhappy conditions which handicapped and embarrassed operations in the field. 54Statements by various representatives of ex-service organizations, numerous letters tothe editor and editorial comment over the ensuing days all added to the call for aninquiry. 55 Bostock further challenged Prime Minister Chifley to release as yetunpublished transcripts of the May 1945 Barry Commission report, which hadinvestigated the conditions surrounding the Morotai Mutiny, and exposed seriousweaknesses in the system. 56 The circumstances that led to many of the ‘muddling andinefficient’ outcomes within the system, involving the lives of Australian airmen,could be attributed to the initial organization of EATS in 1939.My purpose here is not to investigate these allegations. Rather, it is tohighlight the public exposure of the failure of an institution that had been so highlyregarded in the early stages of the war. It is impossible to assess the impact this wouldhave on the collective image but it can merely be considered as another of thenegative influences contributing to the deletion of EATS from the Australiannarrative.Maintaining the ImageThe official struggle to support the heroic image of the airman and the EmpireScheme was continued by publications of the Australian War Memorial, until 1950.Titled As You Were these volumes provided a collection of nostalgic mythologised53 Norman Ashworth, 268.54 General Blamey The Herald 27 June 194655 Norman Ashworth, 268.56 W. Bostock, The Herald 3 July 1946. The Morotai Mutiny is an event that deserves far closerexamination. Essentially as a result of inefficiency and mismanagement, and unnecessary danger tolives, eight senior officers offered their resignation. A royal Commission was set up to examine whatwas essentially a mutiny. No action was taken during the pressing time of war.115

images of all services. The 1946 version included a print of Stella Bowen’s LancasterCrew with an accompanying comforting obituary for the men lost. ‘The Air MinistryResearch and Inquiry Service,’ the article assured ‘is still expertly and systematicallycombing Europe and the final resting place of these gallant airmen may still yet befound.’ 57 The victory over Japan featured with images such as ‘the navigator airbomber prepared to give the Nips a hearty thump accompanied by fire sticks.’ 58 Praisefor the skill of individual Australians was continued in the words, ‘the resource skilland daring shown by this officer…was of an extremely high order. His endurance,perseverance and enthusiasm for operational flying shown during the period could notbe surpassed. 59 ’ Seventy-six thousand copies were sold. In the effort to build theimage of tradition the 1947 version extended its content to a cavalcade of events withthe Australian Services from 1788 to 1947. This ‘Colourful Past’ included reference tothe NSW Veteran Corps, the original Sudan Army, an extract from C.E.W. Bean andalso included an ‘original’ photo of Simpson and the Donkey. 60 The RAAF wasincluded in this tradition, dropping bombs as ‘happily as kids throwing stones at lightbulbs.’ 61 The attempt to incorporate the air force image into the wider tradition ofAustralia as a warrior nation was never to succeed.Historians’ RecordsA number of scholars have observed the central role played by historians in thearticulation of national identity. Indeed, as Eric Hobsbawm, himself an historian, hasironically pointed out, ‘historians are the opium growers who feed the habit of heroinaddictednations and nationalists—they provide the raw materials for claims tonational identity.’ 62 Four official histories on Australian air power in World War IIwere written under the direction of Gavin Long of the Australian War Memorial,57 M.H.S. ‘Lancaster Crew,’ As You Were 1947, RAAF Public Relations Office, 84.58 ‘Brett Hilder,’ As You Were 1947, 186.59 ‘Web-Foot. Cloak and Dagger Catalinas,’ As You Were 1947, 144.60 ‘The Man with the Donkey,’ As You Were 1947, 52.61 W. P. Povey, ‘Catalina on a Mission’, As You Were 1947, 155.62 Eric Hobsbawm, ‘Ethnicity and Nationalism in Europe Today,’ Anthropology Today 81 1992, 3-8.Also see Stefan Berger, ‘The Role of Myth and History in the Construction of National Identity inModern Europe,’ European History Quarterly 39, 2009, 490.116

administered by a War History Committee consisting of the Prime Minister, Ministerfor the Interior, Minister for External Affairs and the Leader of the Opposition. Theprincipal task was to collect and collate information for the official history seriescovering Australia’s part in the air war. 63 By 1967 four volumes were published by theAWM covering all military aspects of the air war. 64 The four volumes follow thetradition of military history and are concerned with combat and military strategies. Tomilitary historians, war was their centrality. All were written before the late 1960s andbefore the inclusion of a human dimension was recognized in the discipline of militaryhistory. Military operations were seen without a human face and there is noconnection to the social or cultural aspects that relate to the impact of war. 65 Therewas nothing in their content that would form the basis of a myth that had beenachieved by Charles Bean’s coverage of World War I.While issuing neither analysis nor condemnation, the official historians, inrecording the progress of the air war, could not conceal the basic flaws embeddedwithin the Australian participation of EATS. The failure of article XV and Australia’sinadequate home defence could not be ignored. The first two volumes cover the airwar with Japan and the despair of the first attempts to defend Malaya, whereAustralian airmen were under RAF command, cannot be disguised. The descriptionsreveal the inadequate preparation. ‘No one seemed to know what to do.’66Gillisonused extracts to indicate the extent of the chaos taken from Roy Bulcock’s reflections:The airfield was absolutely pitch dark and orders had been issued not toshow a light. The rain still fell in heavy showers and [some of] theaircraft, scattered hundreds of yards apart, simply could not be found.Then one of the old tanker-towing tractors broke down and it wasnecessary to load lorries with drums and use a hand pump, a slow andexhausting business. In a few minutes the lorries were immovablybogged; one tractor had to do the whole job; scouting parties couldn'tfind their way back to the tractor, or didn't want to. . . And we were afront-line operational station.63 www.raaf.gov.au/airpower/html [5March 2008]64 Australia at war 1939-1945 Series 3 AIR Canberra: Australian War MemorialDouglas Gillison, vol. I RAAF 1939-1942 Canberra: AWM, 1962.George Odgers, vol. II Air War Against Japan 1943-1945 Canberra: AWM, 1964.John Herrington, vol. III Air War Against Germany and Italy 1939-44. Canberra: AWM, 1954.John Herrington vol. IV Air Power Over Europe1944-1945, Canberra: AWM, 1963.65 See Joan Beaumont’s comments, Australian Centenary History of Defence, vol. VI, 3.66 Douglas Gillison, 247.117

In half an hour that little flame of panic had spread like wild-fire. Ilooked out on a deserted station. . .There were only four of us left—theCO, the Adjutant, the Armament Officer and myself . . . myself still toonumb to appreciate the sarcasm of the other men's conversation. Then Irealised they were talking of Australians, that I was an Australian, andthat many curious glances were being cast in my direction. . . For thefirst and last time I felt ashamed of being an Australian. . . 67Gillison in his account revealed that the defence of Singapore and New Guineaexposed inadequacies of equipment. Admitting the superiority and determination ofthe Japanese air strength was initially overwhelming, Gillison related a story, aboutAustralian Wing Commander, John Lerew, who was responsible for defence whileawaiting for American reinforcements. The lack of understanding of the situation byAustralian authorities was summed up in a signal Lerew received from them: ‘Loss ofRabaul means loss of offensive.’ Gillison added the observation, ‘and to protectRabaul Lerew now had only 12 Wirraways.’ 68 In the following accounts Australianairmen operated under the shadow of the United States Air Force in the Pacific war.Gillison, aware of the humiliation to Australia, ended his coverage with a tribute toAustralian Airmen:To bring the picture into its full perspective it can be thought of as a vastjigsaw made up from very small pieces. It may well be doubted whetherany armed force had ever before accepted such a multiplicity ofobligations in so many areas, under so many commands and with suchassorted and limited facilities. As war came in September 1939 the firstpieces of this jigsaw were being only tentatively fitted together. Now atthe end of the first quarter of 1943, it had been filled in to includeAustralian airmen being trained in their own country, in Canada, inBritain and in Rhodesia and—much more significantly—Australianairmen fighting in the skies over Britain, France, Germany, Italy and theMiddle East. Then, with the onslaught of the Japanese, they are seenfighting over India, Malaya, Burma, the Netherlands East Indies, Papuaand New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, Australia itself, and over the vaststretches of sea separating these territories. Eulogy is superfluous. On theother hand, it is against this intricate pattern that all criticism for suchweaknesses, errors and failures as are revealed in these pages should be69matched.67 Douglas Gillison, 250.68 Ibid. 321.69 Ibid.707.118

George Odgers remained silent on many of the criticisms that would later bevoiced about the air force in this theatre of war. 70 Operating under the shadow of UScommand, Odgers commented ‘the RAAF suffered from mistakes made in thistheatre, but at the same time it built up a body of knowledge and experience whichmight prove most valuable in the future.’ 71 The overall picture of the war againstJapan, does not recommend itself to incorporation in the national heroic narrative.John Herrington, who trained as a pilot with EATS, covered the Europeantheatre of war. He was particularly aware of the failure of Article XV designed toensure Australians should serve as an organised compact and easily identifiablenational unit. This was, as previously mentioned, never maintained and Australianairmen were spread over more than 500 squadrons of the Royal Air Force. Aware ofthis ‘possible’ inadequacy, Herrington, offered explanations claiming it was due to‘the military reverses of the first years of the war, the shifting emphasis of airoperations themselves, the geographical spread of air operations, the failure inadvance to appreciate the administrative reorientation all intervened to prevent any72neat satisfactory solution.’ Herrington revealed the question of Australian identityhad caused some concern in political circles in 1939, and early in the operation of theScheme a rift had occurred with those who questioned the decision of Prime MinisterMenzies to subject Australian airmen to British control. 73 Herrington who representedMenzies’ appeal to the tradition established in World War I, of support for the Empireand EATS, saw the integration of Australia with an international force following inthis tradition. It was ‘the Empire of the Air’. 74 The complexity of the situationrevealed by Herrington, highlights another difficulty of establishing an Australiannational commemorative base around EATS.70 George Odgers was a journalist with a M.A. in history from Melbourne University. He had served inthe AIF and took up a role in the Office of Air Force History in 1945.71 George Odgers, vol. II Air War Against Japan 1943-1945, 499. Extensive criticism concernedMenzies’ commitment of Australian air force to Britain under EATS, leaving Australia with severelydepleted defence in 1942.72 John Herrington, 523.73 Ibid. 524.74 Herrington was writing about the European air war where over twenty six thousand Australian menwere spread between five hundred RAF squadrons at the time the Pacific war began.119

Identifying the specific role of Australia in the air training scheme to providean ‘Australian’ war record was difficult. 75 First, all operational records were held inBritain and were not sent to Australia. Second, the RAF did not identify Dominionpersonal serving in the mixed squadrons. Third, there were very few Australian onlycrews. Fourth there was a wide geographical dispersal of Australian units withfrequently changing crews. There was no obvious position for an ‘Australian only’image. There is little in the four volumes that would provide positive public images orsubstance for a national myth. Searching library catalogues reveals other historiesrecording the experiences within EATS would not be written for several decades, andthen they were few.Joan Beaumont in her research on Australian Defence Forces noted the failureto feature EATS in the Australian narrative. She offered several reasons for this. First,despite the vital role of air power to operations in the Second World War, the memoryof the RAAF was ‘absorbed into the Royal Air Force through the Empire Air Scheme76and then subsumed within broader US strategy in the south west pacific.’ Second thehigh technology and moral ambiguity resulting from use against civilian populationsduring World War II, limited the potential for celebratory mythology. 77 Third,supported by Hank Nelson, Beaumont observed that commemorative practices andrituals are linked strongly to physical place. 78 The integration of Empire Crews, andthe wide area of their service, would make it impossible for Australia to have anyclaim on national commemoration, especially as the air war of 1939-45 did not, forexample, have the contained geographical location of Gallipoli.Decline of EmpireThe previous reasons examined for the decline of recognition of EATS, thephysical dismantling of the institution, the weaknesses exposed in its structure and the75 Ibid. 524.76 Joan Beaumont, Australia’s War 1939-1945 St Leonards, N.S.W: Allen and Unwin, 1996, xxiii77 Joan Beaumont, ‘ANZAC Day to VP Day: arguments and interpretations,’ Journal of the AustralianWar Memorial, 40. 200778 Joan Beaumont, ‘ANZAC Day to VP Day: arguments and interpretations.’ and Hank Nelson,Chased by the Sun.120

historians’ accounts revealing the failures, have all been directly concerned withEATS itself. The concepts upon which the Empire Air Training Scheme was founded,loyalty to the Empire and the Australian duty to protect the motherland, belonging to awider cultural and social scene had been questioned during the war, and in thefollowing years the acceptance of these principles became more attenuated, and thenmore blurred. Australia had been shocked with the realization that Britain could nolonger be relied on to protect Australia. 79 The changing of the Australian culturalvalues and the population would also render Britain and the Empire ‘increasinglymarginal.’ 80Yet, despite the claim by scholars that events of World War II had underminedAustralian relationships with Britain, the immediate post war years still produced anostalgic attachment to the Empire. 1949 saw the anglophile, Robert Menzies, againas Prime Minister, and the announcement of the British and Australian Nationality andCitizen Act. He officially gave the go ahead to the atomic testing in Maralinga out of‘a great willingness to help the motherland.’ 81 The death of the King in 1952 causednational mourning. The editorials of Australian newspapers expressed the‘bereavement in the hearts of the British people in all British communities.’ 82 Thestrength of the monarchy was celebrated with the 1954 visit of the young QueenElizabeth, and many sections of the Australian community clung to the image ofEmpire.However, different complex currents were emerging in the Australian culturalscene. This same period saw a new set of beliefs and a new idea of Australian identityemerging that was fiercely nationalistic and against Empire. The commitment given toEATS would find no acceptance with the new concept of Australian nationalism.Known as the ‘radical national school’, members promoted assertive nationalism that79 This began with Curtin’s declaration of ‘betrayal’ Sydney Morning Herald, 9 December 1941.80 This term has been used by Joy Damousi in ‘War and Commemoration: The Responsibility ofEmpire’ in Deryk Schreuder and Stuart Ward, ed. Oxford History of the British Empire Oxford:Oxford University Press 2008, 289.81 Report of the Royal Commission into British Atomic Tests in Australia Canberra A.G.P.S. 1985 15.in Wayne Reynolds, ‘The Fourth British Empire, Australia and the Bomb 1943-47’ AustralianHistorical Studies 119, 2002, 38.82 Editorial, Canberra Times, 7 February 1952, 4.121

claimed independence from British subservience. Influences included Russel Ward’sAustralian Legend, a powerful nationalist work opposed to British imperialism anddetermined to establish an Australian tradition. 83 Vance Palmer wrote The Legend ofthe Nineties, keen to distance Australia from Empire. 84 It was a painful search for adistinctive nationalism. These cultural developments would not encourage thememory of an Empire Scheme.Neville Meaney, in examining the concept of Australian nationalism and therole of Britishness in Australian identity, revealed a further complex layer in theconstruction of the Australian identity. He maintained the centrality of Britishness toAustralian identity was hard to destroy. He recognized that Australians, in the decades85after World War II clung to the myth that all British people would be united. He alsobelieved it was important to recognize that ‘nationalism was a jealous god and thatnational myths are absolute in their exclusion as well as inclusions.’ 86 Placing EATSwithin the context of Meany’s argument, it could be surmised that, for the reasonsalready outlined, EATS was a symbol that destroyed the concept of the strength ofEmpire unity in the collective mind and the reaction was to exclude it. EATS was tosuffer loss of recognition in the evolving myths of Australian nationalism.No One Wanted to TalkThe connection between national memory and national narrative andindividual memory has been well explored of late, and is followed in this thesis. 87When examining the collective memory, or reasons for omission from collectivememory, it is necessary to evaluate the contribution the individuals made as, it hasbeen argued, the collective does not possess a memory, only barren sites upon whichindividuals inscribe shared narratives, infused with power relations. 88 Voices of83 Russel Ward, The Australian Legend Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1958.84 Vance Palmer, The Legend of the Nineties Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1963.85 Neville Meaney, ‘Britishness and the Australian Identity. The problem of nationalism in Australianhistory and historiography.’ Australian Historical Studies 116, 2001, 76-9086 Neville Meaney 78.87 See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on and the Origins and spread ofNationalism, London: Verso 1983.88 Joanna Bourke, ‘Introduction Remembering War,’ 474.122

individuals are important in building the collective image, but during this period of the1950s and 1960s, individual voices relating experiences in EATS are hauntingly quiet.Once again library catalogues show few memoirs or biographies published during thisperiod. In later interviews with veterans of EATS several disclosed that it tookdecades before they could talk about their experiences, while some never could. Onereply when I requested an interview was, ‘Some things are better left in the past,’ andanother simply avoided the issue replying, ‘I really don’t think I have anything ofinterest for you.’ 89 Those who did agree to interviews were to admit there were manyoccasions they could never talk about. It was a rejection of what was uncomfortable,embarrassing, humiliating and horrific that enabled the initial belief in EATS to beundermined and be written out of the structured memory of the individual and thecollective in Australia. The silence of the veterans in these years was supported by thesilence in the public spheres, and they in turn gave no voice to the memory of EATSin these early decades after the war. The individual and collective silences weremutually supportive.Evidence of the individual wanting to forget or not talking about experiencescame through another source that it seems appropriate to include at this point. Facedwith a resurgence in Australian war commemoration since the 1990s I spoke to thechildren, now in their fifties and sixties, of several EATS veterans and this includedasking them about their early memories and knowledge of EATS. Unlike stories thatwere passed on in families about World War I veterans such as the stories of fathersand uncles recorded in Alistair Thomson’s Anzac Memories, those I spoke to recordonly silence. Within the family situation, there had been no conversation surroundingwartime flying experiences. Tony Dupleix, as others did, knew that ‘my father hadbeen in the air force because of all the souvenirs around the house. ‘We used to pickthem up and ask about them and he would tell us stories. He would speak of Canadaand all the blokes from the different parts of the Empire. But I didn’t really put it alltogether. He didn’t ever talk about specific traumatic events that had happened unlessin later years I asked him for details and then he was reluctant to say anything.’90JaneRobinson related much the same experience, having observed photographs, her father89 I had been given these two names by contacts who said they would be interesting to talk.90 Interview with Tony Dupleix, 21 June 2009.123

efused to talk or answer questions. 91 In later interviews with veterans, several claimedadamantly they would never talk to their children about experiences. Max Robertsclaimed his son ‘does not know to this day he was in the air force. He explained,‘Well I just didn’t want him to know. I had friends whose sons wanted to join the airforce in Vietnam and I didn’t want him anywhere near. I didn’t want him anywherenear the thing. All the stages when I was going to tell him the opportunity was just notthere. I would have to sit him down and say… Look and I just couldn’t do it.’ 92Another reason for excluding combat experiences from the public discoursewas the belief that only those who shared the experience could understand. So,although not wanting to publicly voice the experiences of aerial war, some aviatorssought refuge in the company of others who had flown with them and thus began thelong history of squadron associations. These became almost a sacred place wherethose who had witness to events could maintain contact with others who shared theexperience. The bonding and mateship of these groups are like a club talking shop.The Odd Bods Association was first considered in 1946, and formed ten years later, asthree disconsolate men sat in the mail exchange building in Spencer St. listening toothers ‘prattling on about the regimental and unit reunions they had been to during theAnzac day commemoration and the three wondered how they could fit in to thereunion business.’ 93 The three were ex-RAAF crew who had served only in the UK inRAF squadrons. Their motto is ‘Pressing on Remembering.’ While providing a forumwhere the memory of war could be shared, the formation of the Odd Bods highlightsthe problem of maintaining memories when Australians were dispersed throughoutdifferent squadrons. It is recorded in their website that, ‘We are all proud of ourhistory as an Association and of that wider group of people of whom WinstonChurchill said, “The gratitude of every home in our island, in our Empire and indeedthroughout the world, except in the abodes of the guilty, goes to the British,Commonwealth and Allied Airmen who, undaunted by odds, unwearied in theirconstant challenge and mortal danger, turned the tide of the World War by theirprowess and by their devotion.” The identity of these men is bound to the broader91 Interview with Jane Robinson, 10 July 2009.92 Interview with Max Roberts 11August 200893 http://www.theoddbods.org/history.htm[7 October 2008].124

institution of Empire and does not sit comfortably within the concept of Australianidentity.No One was InterestedWhen I asked Brigadier Keith Rossi, the 87 year old historian of the VictorianRSL, why men had been unable to record their memories of EATS, suggesting that itwas because they wanted to forget the trauma of the experience, he bellowed‘BULLSHIT!’ ‘Try,’ he said, ‘No one was interested.’ 94 This is the other side ofwanting to forget. The post-war generation, Rossi described as the ‘gimmeegeneration,’ inferring they were only interested in themselves. Air Chief Marshal ValHancock remembered the immediate post-war years as being one of the mostdisappointing periods of his RAAF career because ‘no one wanted to know about us,’an attitude he believed stemmed from the politicians. 95 This lack of interest needsexamination and while focusing on EATS the, ‘not wanting to know,’ was part of abroader reaction that was governed by attitudes to war and a newly emerging nationalidentity.Michael McKernan has covered possible reasons for such a lack of interest inall World War II stories. In the introduction to Australia, Two Centuries of War andPeace, published in 1988, he admitted ‘20 years ago this book could not have been96attempted, because of paucity of interest and lack of confidence.’ He identified boththe ‘not wanting to know,’ as well as the turmoil surrounding the Australian identityin the 1950s and 60s. McKernan advanced several reasons to support his claim. Thefirst was the oppressive weight of the Anzac legend and the mythical hero, thatresulted on the outbreak of World War II, in a celebration of a war which would giveboys the chance to prove to be as good as their fathers. 97 However it emerged thatWorld War II generated no such mythology as the Great War and none were seen as94 Keith Russi, Liason Contact, R.S.L Melbourne Branch He is now 87. We had several longconversations about commemoration, which I did not record but made notes.95 Alan Stephens 178.96 Michael Mc Kernan, M. Browne ed. Australia, Two Centuries of War and Peace, Canberra :AWM1988, 14.97 Michael McKernan, M. Browne ed. 15.125

the warrior heroes. Others have pursued this theme of lack of interest. A furtherargument was the dominance of Bean’s writing that mythologised the Anzac andestablished a tradition of narrative rather than analytical history but enshrined in theofficial record of the war the celebration of the Australian digger that was integral toAnzac. 98 McKernan also proposed the reluctance of historians to write on this periodwas an unwillingness to confront the issue of war that seemed part of the personal pastand thus irrelevant to history. Ken Ingliss concurred with McKernan that until 1965there had been no exploration of World War II history and with the event of Vietnamthe debate was about to begin focusing on the role which war had played in shapingAustralia’s past. 99 This was also expressed by Keith Hancock in 1968, that historywriting of the Australian past was so contingent with his own half century ofexperience that it could not legitimately form part of the historical past. 100 The turmoilof this period in Australia is summed up in the words of Alan Seymour’s play, TheOne Day of the Year, when Hughie realizes that his parents were ‘so Australian,’ ‘soyesterday’ and his girlfriend, Jan’s response, ‘Are they? They’re what it was. We’rewhat it is going to be.’ 101 Australian cultural and social values had changed. To theyoung generation of the 60s being Australian meant being anti-war and antiimperialist.The whole Australian identity was being redefined and the institution ofEATS had no place, no function, in this the new definition.ConclusionIn this chapter, I have argued that the collective image surrounding EATSsuffered a transformation, and by 1945 mention of the Scheme had all but disappearedfrom the public arena. The change in public image had an immediate impact on theairmen as they returned, and their initial reactions signaled the beginning of theindividual reconciliation of self- identity with the newly constructed national identity.Scholars of collective memory have argued the importance of the social structure to98 Joan Beaumont, ed. Australia’s War 1939-45, St Leonards: Allen and Unwin, 1995, xxiii.99 Ken Ingliss referenced by Michael McKernan Australia Two Centuries of War and Peace, 16.100 W.K.Hancock, Attempting History The university Lectures 1968 ANU Canberra, 1969 53-54.101 Alan Seymour, One Day of the Year, 92.126

the formation of individual identity and memory. However, this assumes a publicvalidation of the experience. This thesis aims to examine the response of individualswhen their experiences are given sparse recognition in the public narrative. Theinterdependence of the public and individual is a necessary component in theconstruction of individual and collective identity and the outcome of this process willbe followed in this thesis.The second part of this chapter has established reasons for the marginalisationof EATS in the collective narrative. The reason for its demise is complex, and theconstruction of the collective memory is intimately linked with the development of thenational identity. I have argued that contained within the image of EATS was aconstant reminder of Australia’s subservience to Britain that allowed for theAustralian commitment to EATS. The unqualified trust in Britain, by the governmentof the time, had been betrayed. Within the structure of EATS, certain expectations hadbeen assumed and in the Australian view, Britain had failed to meet these. Combinedwith the wider experiences of World War II Australia sought to redefine itself awayfrom the provincial relationship with Britain. In attempting to achieve this newidentity only certain memories were validated and explained in these early years. 102The concept of the Empire Air Training Scheme, regarded as a symbol ofAustralian misguided allegiance to Empire, would remain dormant until a furtherchange in the intellectual and cultural scene of Australia would bring it under focus,and an image of Australian involvement in the air war would be re-constructed. Thenext chapter will follow the development of the image from the 1980s and will findthat by 2010 there was little official recognition of EATS. 103 Few general histories ofAustralia mention the scheme, and the appearance of the scheme’s name is left to lifeaccounts in obituary columns. 104 While politicians talk of the fall of Singapore and the102 Dr Sean Scalmer ‘Anzac and Australia Identity.’ The University of Melbourne Voice 3, l 14 April2008, 11.103 For example see Oxford Companion to Australian History, Melbourne: Oxford University Press.2001 ed. There is no mention of EATS.104 One example, Edward Anzac Dupleix, obituary, Age, June 16 2006, 10.127

Kokoda trail, the public image of the Empire Air Training Scheme has been writtenout of history. 105105 See Paul Keating’s speeches 1992 for emphasis on Kokoda myth and the betrayal of the fall ofSingapore. Major Speeches of the First Year, Canberra 1993, 59.128

CHAPTER 5Reconstruction of the ImageDay by day and almost minute by minute the past was brought up todate. In this, every prediction made up by the Party could be shown bydocumentary evidence to have been correct; nor was any item of news,or any expression of opinion, which conflicted with the needs of themoment, ever allowed to remain on record. 1Over sixty years ago George Orwell prophesized, in fictional form, the processwhich sociologist Maurice Halbwachs defined as collective memory, a popularizedcomfortable construction of the past redefined to suit the interests of the moment. Thisis a concept that holds fascination for twenty first century academics as theyinvestigate the construction and manipulation of interpretations of the past. Images ofEATS have not escaped this process, and they have been filtered, politicized, andinfluenced by their relation to authority. 2 This chapter will examine the construction ofthe collective image surrounding and excluding EATS and its links to representationsand the Australian identity from the 1980s. The investigation will follow two lines ofinquiry to develop an understanding of the exclusion of EATS from the nationalnarrative. In emphasizing the selective nature of national identities, I have firstdeveloped a comparison with the Canadian collective image, projected from the sameair training scheme. The collective memory in each country is different. 3 Reflecting1 George Orwell, Nineteen Eighty Four London: Penguin Books, 1949, 1989 edition.42.2 Dominick LaCapra used similar words in his analysis of collective memory refer to, History &Criticism Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1985, 34-35.3 Since memory studies became popular in the 1980s different definitions of collective memory havebeen developed. Maurice Halbwachs defied collective memory as a socially constructed notion byindividuals as group members who remember, On Collective Memory Chicago: University of ChicagoPress 1992, 22; Mieke Bal, Jonathon Crewe Leo Spitzer ed. Acts of Memory: Cultural Recall in thePresent, London: University of New England Press, 1999 define Cultural memory as distinct fromSocial memory; Wulf Kansteiner ‘Finding Meanings in Memory: A Methodological Critique ofCollective Memory.’ History and Theory, 41, 2, 2002, defines collective memory as a recast of acomplex production and consumption that acknowledges the persistence of cultural tradition and thesubversive interests of memory consumers as well as the ingenuity of memory makers. Barry Schwartzdefines collective memory as the distribution throughout society of beliefs, feelings, moral judgments129

national identity, images in both countries have been manipulated, resulting in theemergence of different or ‘other’ interpretations. 4 The otherness reflected in theCanadian representations become integral in understanding Australian identity, theformation of the collective memory and why, in Australia, EATS has been given solittle recognition. Collective memory of the air training scheme in Canada has seen itrevered and remembered while in Australia it has been apologetically forgotten. Thesecond part of the investigation in this chapter will follow the influencing agentswithin the Australian cultural and political forum that, while perpetuating the myth ofthe individual air warrior, acted to delete the image of EATS from the nationalnarrative.Comparative StudiesTo appreciate the complexity of representations associated with EATS, it isessential to go beyond the national and examine the legacy of the Empire. BothCanada and Australia have a shared narrative in the history of the Scheme. Both weresettler colonies and maintained strong links to the Empire. There were manysimilarities between political culture, ideological traditions, constitutional concepts,judicial systems and established social systems. In 1939, both shared strong economicties with Britain. Yet, increasingly in the interwar years, the Canadian government hadperceived itself as a partner within the Commonwealth able to act with autonomy inforeign relations. 5In the interwar years, there were several political movements in Canada thatsought for a more autonomous role within the Empire. An Imperial Federation wassuggested with Canada playing a large part in running the Empire. There was never aand knowledge about the past… History and commemoration are the vehicles of collective memory.‘The Social Context of Commemoration: A Study in Collective Memory,’ Social Forces 61, 2. 1982374; Paul Connerton uses the term social memory as interchangeable with collective memory, HowSocieties Remember, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1989.4 Concepts of ‘other’ does not here imply any sense of exclusion or stigmatization that has beenassociated with the term in certain areas, rather it implies individual identity can only be formed incomparison with another.5 Phillip Buckner, Canada and the End of Empire Vancouver: UBC Press, 2005. 4-5.130

suggestion that control would be surrendered to Britain. 6 They had already canvassedthe name of British Commonwealth to give title to these ideas, and this wassymbolically reinforced when Canadian Prime Minister, Mackenzie King, made itclear that Canada was acting as an independent agent when entering World War IIwith her own declaration of war, one week after Britain. It was clear Canada wouldsupport the Empire but as a cooperative commonwealth.The same independence was maintained by Canada in the establishment andcontrol of the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan, (BCATP). This was madeclear with the adoption of the term British Commonwealth in the name of the plan.The Canadian contribution negotiated by Mackenzie King placed Canada as a majortraining centre for aircrew from around the Empire. The responsibility for control ofthe training schools, within Canada, remained with the Canadian government and theRCAF. Once part of the united air war, it was agreed that Article XV would guaranteethe identity of the Canadian squadrons and prevent them from being absorbed into the7RAF. Article XV has come under constant criticism for its vagueness and itsopenness to interpretation and it became impossible to uphold during the course of thewar. 8 This same problem was confronted by all other Dominions but Britain wantedcontrol for the overall efficiency of the scheme. Final negotiations saw Australiaaccept the terms but Mackenzie King continued to fight for a more specific definitionof Article XV, finally agreeing on the wording, ‘the United Kingdom Government, onthe request of the Canadian Government would arrange that Canadian pupils whenpassing out from training scheme would be incorporated in or organised as units of theRoyal Canadian Air Force.’ 9 The plan was renegotiated in 1942 at Canadian6 Phillip Buckner, Canada and the British Empire. Oxford History of the British Empire Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press 2008, 10.7 Article XV of the Riversdale Agreement that established the framework for EATS or BCATP stated,The United Kingdom Government undertakes that pupils of Canada, Australia and New Zealand shallafter training be identified with their respective Dominions either by organizing Dominion units or insome other way. The United Kingdom will initiate intergovernmental discussions to this end.8 Chris Coulthard Clarke, The Empire Air Training Scheme AWM History Conference 2003.www.awm.gov.au/events/203/clark.asp[22 December 2007]. This was also recognised by PeterIsaacson in an interview 17 June 2008. He Explained, ‘ When you are fighting a war you can’t dothings exactly as you would like them to be done. You had to do them according to operationalrequirements.’9 Fred Hatch, The Aerodrome of Democracy: Canada and the British Commonwealth Air TrainingPlan 1939-1945, Ottawa: Directorate of History Department of National Defence, 1983, 25.131

instigation, establishing cooperation in air training with the United States and by thistime the Canadians were thinking of the plan more and more as their own. 10 This standof independence and sense of identity, although not fully maintained throughout theduration of the plan, would act as a powerful incentive to place the BCATP high innational commemoration and memory.The Australian government had made no similar stance for its autonomy andwhile this could lead to future criticism in itself, these compliant acts were linkeddirectly to the heart of the condemnation, that involvement in EATS was a betrayal ofnational interest, surrendering thousands of Australian air crew to the RAF and leaving11Australia dangerously unable to defend herself at a time of national peril. TheAustralian Government, in a continued display of their reliance on Britain, and distrustof Australian talent even appointed a British RAF Officer, Sir Charles Burnett, assenior commander of the RAAF. 12 Canada underwent no such threat and so no senseof government betrayal could be developed nor questioning of allegiance to Britain.Thus, even in the inception of the Scheme and the way it was developed in eachDominion, the basis was laid for future representations and the development of thecollective memory.The representation of national perspectives was identified in two accounts,both outlining the training of airmen for the Empire Scheme. These are Aerodrome ofDemocracy: Canada and the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan, and A LastCall of Empire: Australian Aircrew, Britain and the Empire Air Training Scheme.Both are historical investigations into the air training scheme, both define the meaningof the event in the context of the present time of writing and both were published inthe 1980s. According to Canadian historian, Syd Wise, who has compared theAustralian and Canadian attitudes to EATS, both of these studies capture the national1310 Fred Hatch, 105.11 It must be stated that Canada did not face the same threat as Australia during the Pacific war, but Imaintain that in itself is not a reason for the difference in national attitudes.12 Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force, writes of this command scandal and the impact ithad on senior Australian officers, 109-125. Also see Norman Ashworth, How not to run an Air Force.13 Fred Hatch, The Aerodrome of Democracy1939-1945. John McCarthy, A Last Call of Empire:Australian aircrew Britain and the Empire Air Training Scheme Canberra: Australian War Memorial,1988.132

attitudes towards the plan. 14 Both historians give reasons for the passage of theScheme into the national memory as identifiable from the time of the initialnegotiations in 1939. In Aerodrome of Democracy, Fred Hatch argued Canadiansmaintained their autonomy and fostered a shared sense of Commonwealth countrieswithin the air training scheme. The plan was seen to the Canadians as providing the‘aerodromes of democracy,’ a term used by US President Franklin D. Roosevelt todescribe the Scheme. The Canadian government and the aviators regarded themselvesas fighting for an international way of life in preserving democracy, while theAustralian emphasis remained on Empire and then nation. It is in the originalformation of the BCATP that the sense of Canadian pride can be found, as thegovernment guarded its national sovereignty. Canada was seen as the ideal trainingsite, and its proximity to Britain and its industrial relationship with the United Statesgained it the prominence of preferred training ground. Much training took place inCanada and as Hatch claims, the Royal Canadian Air Force, in Canada was thecontrolling authority. 15 Hatch emphatically maintained that Canada held to itsindependence, although at times he does concede this was symbolic. 16 The work ofHatch acknowledged the immensity of Canada’s contribution to the Scheme, bothImperial and International in its accomplishments. 17 To Canadians, BCATP in itsmanagement, education, training and operation long remained a subject of nationalpride. 18 In all, Hatch argued the BCATP served the interests of Canada well, mostlydue to the initial negotiations carried out by Prime Minister, Mackenzie King and hisinsistence on Canadian autonomy, driven by political and economic motivations. 19 TheRCAF was placed in control of the training scheme, and as Hatch claims, provedcapable of the challenge. 20 In 2009 the Scheme in Canada remains a revered and14 S. F. Wise, The Empire Air Training Scheme and Canada Canberra: Australian War MemorialHistory Conference, 1985.15 There is some doubt over this statement in claims of the RAF but it contributes to the national mythof Canada.16 Fred Hatch maintains this was so especially with regard to Article XV squadrons. 24-25.17 Fred Hatch, 418 Ibid.19 In 1939 the Canadian government was aware that division with the French Canadians must beavoided and this meant negotiations should not place Britain in a superior position. EconomicallyPrime Minister Mackenzie King also made sure that Canada’s position would be protected.20 Fred Hatch, 20.133

espected institution. 21 BCATP has, as Wise concluded in his paper, ‘long remained asubject of national congratulation.’ 22Last Call of Empire: Australian Air Crew, Britain and the Empire Air TrainingScheme, is John McCarthy’s definitive study of the scheme. 23 His title confers a verydifferent perspective. It implies the death of Empire in its last call on dependentDominions, expressing the idea that Australia was ‘summoned’ to serve with no senseof independent action in the Scheme. The incorporation of the older term ‘Empire’into the title confirms this dependence. The main focus of McCarthy’s work was thefailure of Australia to exercise political and strategic emancipation from Britain, withlong reliance on Britain preventing Australia developing an efficient defence force ofher own. McCarthy recorded the slow awakening during the war and thedisillusionment that ‘by 1945, the imperial connection had been found wanting, withpolitical expectations for greater Australian political influence, not fulfilled.’ 24McCarthy’s emphasis is on a defensive national narrative excluding the wider cause.Unlike the Canadian leaders’ insistence on a degree of autonomy, McCarthyhighlighted the contribution of the Menzies’ government to the mismanagement and25ultimate flaws in EATS. This had been reflected in the willingness of Australia tocompletely surrender its Air Force to British control. Many scholars recognise theAustralian government had shown a complete lack of self-reliance in matters ofdefence and EATS was the pinnacle example of this lack of confidence. 26 Britishmismanagement, McCarthy also argued, was a feature of EATS. 27 Instead of21 The Secretary of the Down Under Club, Jenny Gates, related this. editor@jennygates.com The clubwas formed by Australian and New Zealand airmen who married Canadians and settled in Canada.There are branches of the club throughout Canada. Their organization, although diminishing inmembers, still flourishes to commemorate BCATP. The Canadian Veteran Affairs Departmentdistributes a commemorative book for the BCATP with an introduction that claims ‘when the freeworld needed a champion Canada answered the call.’22 S. F.Wise, 1.23 Between 1976 and 1979 McCarthy was foundation editor of the Australian Journal of DefenceStudies and is currently Vice-President of the Australian Commission of Military History. He haspublished widely in the fields of Australian defence and foreign policy and Australian politicsgenerally.24 Ibid. 128.25 John McCarthy, Last Call of Empire, 4.26 John Robertson expresses this view in Australia at War 1939-1945, 52.27 John McCarthy, 123.134

strengthening Empire relationships, EATS did, in fact, achieve the opposite. 28 Thetheme developed by McCarthy was the destruction of the belief in Empire bonds thathad been the basis of EATS. It is this feature of ‘betrayal’ of national faith in Empirethat offers some explanation for the reluctance to include EATS in the collectivememory. These two publications indicate the different national perception of EATS.The Australian disillusionment with the Scheme and the construction of negativeimages become more vivid when compared with the positive public commemorationof the Scheme in Canada. Here lays an explanation why some episodes of war areforgotten and why others are elevated to become part of national myths, and how thisis embedded in the social structures of both nations.Evolution of Empire RelationshipsChanging relationships within the Empire can account in part for the differencein representations. According to Phillip Buckner the historical relationship betweenCanada and Britain has practically disappeared and he maintains that in Canada arepublic is not a pressing issue. 29 Buckner argues British-Canadian relationshipsunderwent a quiet revolution moving beyond the British influence in a slowdissolution, linked to Britain’s own decline as a world power. With the writing out ofEmpire, Canada has adopted the BCATP as its own contribution to World War IIbelieving, ‘it was the Canadian military contribution to the Allied War effort. And itshould be remembered not only because it was an important chapter in Canada’shistory, but also for its lasting legacy. 30 ‘Across the country Canadians mobilised totake part in this gigantic undertaking,’ is the way BCATP, has been commemorated. 31Canadian responses to and representations of the air training schemesuggest Canadians have become comfortable with their identity and relationships withBritain, while, in Australia, there is still an uneasiness that results in swings of28 Ibid. 127.29 Phillip Buckner, ed. The Oxford History of the British Empire: Canada and the British Empire, 15.30 Rachelle Lee Heide, The British Commonwealth Air Training Scheme, Ottawa, Veterans AffairsCanada, 2000. 131 British Commonwealth Air Training Plan Veterans Affairs Canada, 2002.www.vacacc.gc.ca/remembers/sub.cfm?source=feature/week2000/media/bcatp135

political mood and what has been termed anxious nationalism. 32 Political analysts havenoted the ambivalence of political leaders. One claim made of Gough Whitlam asPrime Minister (1972-75) suggests that his intention was severing the outdatedimperial attachments to Britain, redefining Australia’s position in the world. 33 Thiswas accompanied by the creation of an ideologically tailored identity for Australia thatwould distance it from the ‘servile monoculture that existed under Sir RobertMenzies. 34 However, James Curran suggests that Whitlam had more of a commitmentto internationalism while still acknowledging the part of Britain in the Australianstory. 35 While both views must be considered, there would be no place in the newidentity for stories of subservience to Britain which Australian involvement in EATSrepresented.The way EATS was set up and operated in Australia and Canada provides anexample of how Empire worked on different sites, and while it fitted comfortably withemerging Canadian identity, it did and does not fit easily with the development ofAustralia desperate to establish its own national identity. Central to my argument isthat the institution of EATS, in not conforming to the evolving Australian identity,was conveniently omitted. It is recognized, memory in the development of nationalidentity is subject to structures of power in any society, and more investigation isneeded into the processes by which some memories become erased, some emerge in36the public arena, and others remain relatively privatised. This is where somecomparison between Canada and Australia and the way the collective memory ofEATS may prove to contribute to an understanding of how collective memoryoperates.32 The term was used by Dr. Julie Marcus in ‘Bicentenary Follies: Australians in search of themselves.’Anthropology Today, 4, 3, 1988, 4.33 David Martin Jones and Mike Lawrence Smith, ‘Misreading Menzies and Whitlam: Reassessing theideological construction of Australian foreign policy.’ The Round Table, 2000 387.34 Ibid. 389. While this article offers a condemnation of the claims made for Whitlam’s position it hasprovided a clear assessment of the revisionist debate that I have used as evidence to support the changein identity construction that began in this period35 James Curren, The Power of Speech 65.36 Paula Hamilton, ‘The Knife Edge: Debates about Memory History’ in Kate Darian-Smith and PaulaHamilton Memory and History Melbourne, Oxford University Press, 1994, 20.136

Forming the Australian Collective ImageThe second part of the investigation into the exiled image of EATS examinesthe internal influences linked to the newly emerging national identity of the 1980s.Collective commemorationPaucity of collective recognition of Australian involvement in EATS began inthe decades immediately following the end of World War II. War memorials are manyin the Australian landscape, recognized as sacred places, commemorating a vision ofAustralian war experience. Of all public commemorative sites to Australia’sinvolvement in war, I have located only two small plaques that mention EATS. TheAir Force itself is given recognition in numerous memorials to air squadrons whoserved in Britain, but no recognition of how or why Australians were involved in thistheatre of war.Figure 17 Commemorative plaque, Shrine of Remembrance Melbourne 37The two squadrons recognized in this memorial at the Melbourne Shrine ofRemembrance were in fact composed of airmen from throughout the Empire. There isno mention of EATS. 38 The Australian War Memorial commemorates, with the37 Location: In grounds of Shrine of Remembrance, St Kilda Road, Birdwood Avenue and DomainRoad Position: Ref: 3033638 Mac Ford, Official guide for the Melbourne Shrine of Remembrance, and President of the CatalinaClub Telephone conversation 20 February 2009. There is a tree plaque ‘in memory of those Australianswho served in the Royal Air Force.’137

exhibition of G for George, the Lancaster Bomber which was flown in 90 operationswith Bomber Command with no mention of EATS. The two sites that commemorateEATS were both constructed by individuals intent on making the absent present inAustralian commemorative sites. The Griffith Soldier Settlers Memorial provides onemention of EATS included as part of a dedication to all who served. This memorial,financed by public subscription, was unveiled on 14th April 1990, by Mrs. BelindaKayess, widow of an original soldier settler, and mother of a soldier son killed in1942at the age of nineteen. The inscription, commemorating EATS appeared on one face ofthe memorial. The inscription partly deleted in this photograph reads, ‘Meanwhileunder the Empire Air Training Scheme... young Australian air crew were trained inour own country, in Rhodesia and Canada and then sent to fly in every theatre of war.’The cut off wording in the photo was a further illustration of how little the Empirenow means in the Australian setting.Figure 18 Commemorative Plaque, Griffith, N.S.W. 39The second site was established at the Somers Holiday Camp, which was thesite of the first EATS training school. The inscription reads:39 Griffith Soldier Settlers Memorial. Plaque on East side of Boulderwww.skp.com.au/memorials2/pages/20050.htm [27 November 2008].138

No. 1 Initial Training School This site Somers Camp was occupied bythe RAAF for training aircrew under the EATS from 1940 to September1945. The first intake was 3 rd April 1940 with 48 training pilots from allstates beginning instruction under the supervision of Camp CommandantFlight Lieutenant The Honourable T.W.White DSO VD. A total of12,984 aircrew and 1271 WAAF recruits were trained between 1940 -1945 Other RAAF units occupied the campsite until disbandment on7.11. 1946.The memorial was constructed by a team of volunteers, led by FrankDimmick, then president of the RAAF Association; all of whom had trained withEATS and realized there was no commemoration nor mention of the Scheme at thissite, again highlighting the exclusion of EATS from the vision of Australian warexperience.Figure 19 Memorial Plaque at SomersAt the official dedication of the RAAF national memorial on Anzac Parade inCanberra on the 1 st November 2002 the Governor General, Peter Hollingworth, spoke139

of the Australian men and women who served in every theatre of air war. 40 There wasno mention of Empire or the Scheme. The Royal Australian Air Force memorialhonours those in the RAAF who made the ultimate sacrifice for their country. 41Smaller memorials exist in country towns, and here, too, while ‘Empire’ is excludedthere is evidence of the unsureness of the identity of the Australians who served. Oneof interest and indicating the political impetus in establishing memorials was toLeonard Waters, in St George, Queensland. As mentioned, he was the only indigenousAustralian to serve with the RAAF as a Kittyhawk pilot. Following emergingrecognition for indigenous people, his memorial was dedicated in 2003 but withoutmention of Empire connections. 42Press coverage of reunions, or individual aviators refers to the RAAF servingover Europe or in the Pacific. On June 2, 2008 a new memorial to those who served inBomber Command was opened in the Sculpture Garden of the Australian WarMemorial. Press reports referred to the RAAF, Allied Bomber Command and thememorial itself is inscribed to the Royal Air Force Bomber Command. Only theAustralian included a reference to EATS in the body of the article, stating ‘of thosewho enlisted in the Empire Air Training Scheme 3,486 were killed in action, givingcrews a mortality rate of one in three’ 43 Other press reports appear almost careful toexclude mention of the Empire, concentrating on the deeds of the aviators whileignoring the institution that organised their involvement.From the inception of EATS, Australians were absorbed into the category ofEmpire. This is well illustrated by this small memorial (Fig. 20) in Chemnitz,Germany. It marks the grave of eight airmen, six Australians and two English. Theywere all recognised as English. Once again, it is important to reflect on the originalnegotiations that allowed for the integration of Australian airmen into RAF squadronswith little recognition for national identity. Ultimately, this would not provide materialfor incorporation into a national identity.40 Peter Hollingworth, Programme of Official Opening Ceremony of RAAF in Anzac Parade.41 Royal Australian Air Force Memorial in Canberra. www.skp.com.au/memorials2/pages00009.htm42 www.skp.com.au/memorials2/pages/40022 [19February 2009]43 Australian, 2 June 2008, 4.140

Figure 20 Memorial to eight English airmen, including six Australians in Germany 44While Australian commemorations avoid mentioning EATS, Canadiansembrace the Scheme. Canadian memorials indicate official government sanction andpride in the commemoration of the air training scheme. The inscription on a pair ofcommemorative gates recognised the role of all Dominions within the Scheme as apartnership in the united war effort. The gates were a gift to the Royal Canadian AirForce, from the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand to commemorate thepartnership in the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan. 45 The belief in unity thatsupported the original Canadian contribution to the Scheme is clearly expressed,acknowledging the contribution of each Commonwealth country. Adopting the plan asits own the Canadians have established memorials across the country.44 Memorial to a 460 Squadron shot down on 5 March 1945 over Germany.http://users.tpg.com.au/adsls71d/memorials.html [11 August 2008]45 Many reminders of the BCATP can be seen across Canada today. The airports of many cities andtowns were once part of the BCATP aerodrome infrastructure. Some of these civilian aerodromes mayhave already existed in 1939, but they received significant upgrading and modernization such as pavedrunways and runway extensions to meet BCATP requirements. Many other communities entered theworld of commercial aviation for the first time by taking over the RCAF training aerodromes in theirareas once the schools closed. Canadian communities have been left with other permanent reminders ofthe BCATP's impact on their history. The BCATP was a tremendous feat in itself: more than 100aerodromes and emergency landing fields were built and more than 130,000 airmen were trained – allin only five years. The BCATP and its contribution to the Second World War air effort and the Alliedvictory should be remembered not only because it was an important chapter in Canada's history, butalso because of its lasting legacy.141

Figure 21 BCATP Memorial Gates at 8 Wing Trenton, Ontario 46The Station Commander of Eight Wing, Trenton, Ontario, recorded on theoccasion of the dedication of the gates in 1969:It was just marvellously well organized, a great credit to Canada. Idon't think it could have been done anywhere else but in thiscountry. We had a tremendous mixture of people from all over theCommonwealth. I don't know how it ever got organized fromOttawa, but it's always been a marvel to me how well it worked. 47The gates were rededicated in 2009 in memory of aircrew from Australia,Canada, New Zealand and the UK, trained from 1940 to 1945.Further distancing of Australia from Empire occurred in 1995 with the LaborGovernment’s commemoration of World War II, ‘Australia Remembers 1945-1995.’Prime Minister Paul Keating attempted to shift the whole emphasis of Australianinvolvement in war to the Pacific. While Keating’s rhetoric insisted on the importanceof Kokoda, and the Burma railway line, he bitterly condemned the British use of46 www.lancastermuseum.ca/bcatp.html [2 February 2009.] The inscription reads, These gates havebeen given to the Royal Canadian Air Force by the governments of Britain Australia and New Zealandto commemorate their partnership with Canada in the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan andthe service of the air men who helped to bring victory to the allied cause in the Second World War1939-1945. The gates were rededicated in 2009.47 Ibid. recorded on web site of commemorative gates.142

Australian forces for her own defence. 48 While it is conjecture, this image ofAustralian national identity in the political atmosphere of republicanism suggests therewas little occasion to mention Australia’s commitment to the Empire Air TrainingScheme. Joan Beaumont argued that Prime Minister Keating encouraged thedistancing from Britain. 49 He was the first Australian Prime Minister to claim thatAustralia was not a white British enclave, developing his style of aggressiveAustralian nationalism. 50 In 1992, using the fall of Singapore, as an example, Keatingdenounced Britain and accused her of the Great Betrayal. Association with EATS andEmpire does not fit into this image.Historians’ reassessmentHistorians are a recognized voice in contributing to national identity andculture. 51 In the 1980s, after decades of silence, a small group of military historiansfound a renewed interest in EATS, and their interpretations were firmly linked to thedevelopment of Australia’s national identity that increasingly distanced itself from theEmpire days of the 1930s. 52 Several explanations can be found for this resurgence. Thefirst was the emergence of a new generation of historians by the 1980s, where historyof World War II was no longer linked to personal experience. The second influence onhistorians was the broader cultural theme of the changing nature of Australia’s identityand relationships with Britain and the ‘new’ nationalism, and the third was theemergence of new ways of writing history. Reviewing historians’ accounts of EATS itis worth reflecting on an observation made by Stuart Ward, that Australian historianshave tended to look for easily recognizable patterns of national behavior, constructingan innate self-sufficient Australian nationalism as the primary force underlying48 Paul Keating, Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives, 183, 28 April1992, 1849.49 Joan Beaumont in Graeme Davison, John Hirst, Stuart Macintyre ed. The Oxford Companion toAustralian History, Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 2001 ed. 700.50 James Curran, The Power of Speech Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2004. 5.51 Kate Darian-Smith, ‘Challenging Histories, Re-reading the Past,’ Australian Historical Studies 33118, 1 2002 is one of many to acknowledge this.52 These were military historians attached to the AWM or RAAF History section.143

Australia’s ambiguous progression towards independent nation. 53 Historians from the1980s increasingly interpreted EATS following a national agenda providing a primeexample of negative aspects of Empire Australian relationships during World War II.Following the directions of the ‘new nationalism’ this group of historians reducedEATS in importance depicting it in relation to an Australian centered context.Using a voice of defensive nationalism historians reflected the struggle forboth Australia and the RAAF to define themselves. Two contentions fired theircriticisms: first, was a betrayal of national interests, by the government of the time,surrendering thousands of Australian air crew to the control of the RAF, and second,combined with this surrender and the over-concentration of resources upon EATS wasthe consequent result of inadequate national security at a time of grave national peril.Australian historians have attributed responsibility for failures to two institutions: theBritish Government for its demands and expectations on Australia, and the AustralianGovernment for its compliance. Thus, as critics, historians took on the role of politicalcommentators contributing to Australian collective memory, reflecting on thechanging ideological and political climate. This phenomenon has been explained, astrying to escape the history of Empire and replacing it with new myths of nationaldistinctiveness. 55 The problem was intensified by the practice of Australian historiansto place Australian interests at the centre of their accounts with little acknowledgementof the international situation. Accounts remained focused on the institution with noattention to the individual airman, or his sense of patriotism, or his accounts of war, orhis memories.54All the historians who have written on EATS were men and employed by theAustralian War Memorial by the History Department of the RAAF or the AustralianDefence Force Academy. The work on EATS, apart from John McCarthy’s book, islimited to articles, published conference papers, chapters in books or brief mention of53 Andrea Benvenuti and Stuart Ward, ‘Britain, ‘Europe, and the Other Quiet Revolution in Canada,’Canada and the End of Empire ed. Phillip Buckner, Toronto: UBC Press,2005, 2.54 Syd F. Wise, ‘The Empire Air Training Scheme.’ 1.55 Deryck Schreuder, Stuart Ward. ‘Introduction: what became of Australia’s Empire.’ Oxford Historyof the British Empire Deryck Schreuder and Stuart Ward, ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008,5.144

the Scheme in wider military accounts. Alan Stephens noted the possible betrayal ofyoung Australian airmen by both Britain and the Australian government. 56 TheAustralian government, he argued, in accepting the vagueness of the terms of ArticleXV that was inserted to protect Australian identity, and unwilling to insist on seniorcommand appointments in Europe for their airmen, reduced the RAAF’s contributionto that of cannon fodder. 57 With the national perspective in focus, Stephens’ criticismof Britain was just as brutal. He accused Britain of pursuing powerful self-interest,viewing the Dominions’ sensibilities as mere background noise, and if they couldignore or brusquely dismiss that noise then they did. 58 Even more venomous was JohnRobertson. He stated ‘the Scheme was a disaster.’ 59 In his interpretation Robertsonplaced the entire blame on the Menzies’ government, that maintaining Australialargely lost control of those of her trained airmen who went into the RAF. Hecontinued with his condemnation stating ‘Australia provided thousands of airmen tofight battles, but no policy-makers to help decide what battles would be fought.’ Bydenying recognition to individuals, Robertson claims, ‘it seems clear that the Empirescheme was not crucial to Britain’s safety.’ 60 Another voice was that of ChrisCoulthard Clarke, who recognized that EATS has not been universally applauded, andplaced the blame on British selfishness, which extended also to the British AirMinistry as being unwilling to concede any say to the Dominions over strategic policy.EATS was, he asserts, a betrayal of national safety. 61More publicly and more loudly than any other historian, David Day hasdenounced the motivations behind EATS. He had a political backer in Paul Keatingwho sought to move Australia towards a republic. 62 David Day has been particularlyactive in promoting the theme of ‘great betrayal’ noting the complete dependence ofAustralia on Britain and the fact that Australia was simply willing to rely on Britishsolutions. 63 This wider context of ‘betrayal’ was part of the national cultural56 Alan Stephens, Royal Australian Air Force, 60.57 Ibid.58 Ibid. 64.59 John Robertson, Australia at War 1939-1945, 55.60 Ibid. 56.61 Chris Coulthard Clarke, ‘The Empire Air Training Scheme,’ 2003 AWM History Conference.62 James Curran, The Power of Speech, 5.63 David Day, The Politics of War Sydney: Harper Collins, 2003. 14.145

engineering to break the ties with Empire. For Day, EATS had the effect oftransforming the RAAF into an organisation devoted to the recruitment and basictraining of aircrew destined for operations in Europe. Day further commented:Menzies announced the scheme on 11 October in terms designed tocamouflage its real purpose. While ‘acknowledging its importance for thedefence of Britain, he also claimed that it provided a ‘powerful deterrentto aggression against Australia’. This was nonsense and Menziespresumably realized it. But it was essential to appease those Australianswho wanted the first defence priority to be, as it was in other countries,that of home defence. In a statement several months later, Menzies scalednew heights of absurdity when he justified the EATS effort with theclaim that it put Australia ‘well on the way to becoming a Great AirPower’. He conjured up a vision of the mostly unnamed training aircraftthat were buzzing in the skies above Australian cities, together with theirpartly trained pilots. 64James Curran commented that Keating sided with Day’s incredulity thatAustralia had been unwilling to embrace a ‘possible independent destiny’ after thefailure of Britain to provide adequately for Australia’s defence during World War I.The allegiance to Britain, Keating maintained, had been falsely nurtured byconservative politicians who insisted on keeping the ties with Britain and this cancertainly be seen in the early representations of EATS.Historians’ contribution to a negative image was to increase with examinationof the air war in the South West Pacific. John McCarthy directed attention to theSouth-West Pacific war and the obscurity of men who flew there. 65 These men werealso trained under the structure of EATS within Australia, but little remains inscholarly or popular literature of their efforts. McCarthy records, much of the SWPAair war failed. 66 He concluded it is better that such memories were later best avoided. Itwas a backwater war lacking purpose. 67 The SWPA war was given little support byRAAF command. 68 In fact, McCarthy claims, ‘small wonder that those who did notshare in the supposed major RAAF effort at times felt almost second rate and behaved64 Ibid. 35.65 John McCarthy, ‘An Obscure War’, Paper given at RAAF AWM History Conference, 1993www.awm.gov.au/events/conference/1993/McCarthy.htm [2 January 2008].66 Ibid.67 Ibid.68 Ibid.146

like it.’ Coulthard Clarke directed criticism on Britain adding, ‘Australians may find itslightly discomforting to realise how quickly and closely we, as a nation, were broughtto a state of near helplessness through reliance on the blandishments and goodintentions of seemingly powerful and steadfast friends.’ 69 Centering Australia in hisaccount Coulthard Clarke offered as condemnation ‘Churchill viewed the Pacific waras merely a side show in the grand scheme’. 70According to Alan Stephens the SWP air war exposed, like no other event, theabsolutely poverty of British (including Australian) thinking between the wars. 71Stephens outlines the complete debacle of the campaign. While the government andKeating, in their critique, were changing the emphasis of the war that Australia fought,it was here that Australian airmen suffered the most humiliation. With such areputation it would become increasingly impossible for EATS, to enter the publicrecord. It has been argued, ‘the role of the historian as forging widely accepted storiesabout the past is always pertinent, but perhaps most powerfully evident in the contextof military history.’ 72 Historians are complicit in constructing a collective memory, butin the case of EATS, a national myth of honour and chivalry was not created. Withtheir accounts it would become a darker memory razed from the collective story.In the construction of a public image, the Canadian perspective offers adifferent view of the Scheme as historians place the BCATP in a position of nationalprominence. The image created of the Scheme in the two countries is very different.‘When the free world needed a champion Canada answered the call,’ became often73repeated words uttered by Canadian historians. A commemorative history publishedin 1999 recognised the initial negotiations by a ‘shrewd and devious’ Mackenzie Kingwho fought for Canada’s autonomy, and Canada’s commitment to victory. 74 TheCanadian airmen were referred to in terms of traditional chivalry, ‘Apprentice69 Chris Coulthard Clarke, ‘The Empire Air Training Scheme,’ 2003 AWM History Conference.70 Ibid.71 Alan Stephens. ‘Remembering 1941.’ AWM Conference 2001.www.awm.gov.au/events/conference/2001/stephens.htm [2January 2008].72 Joanna Bourke, ‘Introduction: Remembering War.’ 484.73 Heide Rachel Lea. The British Commonwealth Air Training Plan 1.74 Brereton Greenhous, Hugh Halliay, Canada’s Air Force 1914-1999, Ottawa: Art Global and theDepartment of National Defence, 1999. 46.147

Warriors’ and ‘Masters of the Air’. However, Canadian historians recognized, despiteMackenzie King’s efforts to enforce Canadian autonomy and the negotiation of ArticleXV that many Canadians were absorbed into the RAF. Rather than reach mutualagreement, this began a battle of authorities, which lasted throughout the war forCanadian control. 75 Canadian historians offer constant support for the actions of theirgovernment in negotiations. This battle was tagged at the time as ‘Canadianisation’,and historians claimed Canadians were a ‘match for their crafty allies, while Australiaand New Zealand readily agreed to set terms, while Canada continued to negotiate.’ 76Thus the Canadian government has been represented in a positive position in itsnegotiations of the Scheme. While, according to Buckner, the Empire has come to beviewed as a complete irrelevance and its significance to Canada’s past almostcompletely ignored, representations of the BCATP occupy a place of national pride. 77The collective memory represented by historians within New Zealand alsohighlights the specific Australian interpretation selected by Australian historians. NewZealand authorities appear to have made peace with involvement in the Scheme. IanMcGibbon argued that no one has seriously challenged New Zealand’s decision toparticipate and New Zealanders hold a sense of satisfaction and pride that theycontributed to the defeat of the evil of Nazism. 78 McGibbon recognised the argumentthat New Zealand sacrificed her own interests to those of Britain. He offers a counterclaim ‘this approach mistakes co-operative predilection and realistic appreciation ofNew Zealand’s place in the scheme of things for subservient demeanor.’ 79 The linkswith the Australian idea of British betrayal he dismisses as having been made with apoor understanding of the conduct of coalition warfare.The previous historians’ accounts focused on the institution of EATS and itsrole within the national narrative. The other side of war, the impact on the individualand the memories held, has been ignored. However, following new directions in the75 Brereton Greenhous, Stephen Harris, William Johnston, William Rawling, Official History of theRoyal Canadian Air force. Vol. III, The Crucible of War. Toronto: University of Toronto, 1994, 23.76 Ibid.77 Phillip Buckner, Canada and the End of Empire, 2.78 Ian McGibbon, New Zealand and the Second World War; The People, the Battles and the Legacy.Auckland: Hodder Moa Beckett, 2003. 215.79 Ibid.148

writing of history, Peter Stanley and Hank Nelson have undertaken the move to theintegration of the individual in military history. Both have approached EATS with thepurpose of defining the motivations of the Australian airmen. In a short paper, PeterStanley outlined the duality of loyalties held by individuals: Australia and Empire. Heacknowledged the difficulty in gauging the feelings and attitudes of so many men, allindividuals where the evidence surrounding men living in expectation of death, oftendisinclined to reflection, was elusive. 80 Clearly he claims ‘the men have been portrayedas the victims of war twice over. Not only were they sacrificed to the epic losses of thebomber offensive, but also were “surrendered” by Australian governments, abandonedas pawns in an aerial war of attrition of little relevance to Australian interests’. 81Nelson has provided a study of Australian men in Bomber Command. 82 He doesrecount the individual operational experience of the men in bomber command andlaments the fact that they have no place in Australian national memory. However,Nelson does not explore the link between the individual and the collective memoryand identity or place the individual in a cultural or international setting.DocumentariesA specific niche contribution to the collective cultural image surroundingEATS has been made through documentaries. Each documentary examined had itsown specific interpretation, several centered around moral concerns in a story lineconsciously filtered by the filmmaker to form a narrative. All employed a form of oralhistory as veterans were interviewed, remembering events, often emotive andemotional. This, in itself, presented problems as memory was treated as history andalso edited to conform to the purpose of a documentary filmmaker. Yet thedocumentaries and their public reception provide an insight into the cultural attitudesthat become part of the country’s national identity. Several documentaries have beenproduced dealing specifically with EATS, or in Canada BCATP. Produced over a80 Peter Stanley was principal historian at the Australian War Memorial for 20 years and is now theDirector of Historical research at the national Museum of Canberra.81 Peter Stanley, ‘The Roundel: concentric identities among Australian airmen in Bomber Command.’AWM 2003 conference, The Air War In Europe, www.awm.gov.au/events/conference/2003/Stanleyaccessed 6/09/0782 Hank Nelson, Chased by the Sun.149

period of fifteen years, it is possible to trace the development of the changing culturalcodes underlying the attitudes to EATS in each documentary, and the backgroundsubjectivity of interpretations that is present.It has been argued that documentaries construct histories, which may befiltered, politicized or influenced by their relation to the system of authority. 83 It isfurther maintained that records of historical events, whether a personal diary or adocumentary newsreel, may never be considered neutral- they are usually textuallyprocessed. 84 Alarmingly, now recognized is how popular print media as well as cinemaand television have eroded the historical knowledge that the public once had ofthemselves. In the audiovisual media, ‘people are shown not what they were, but whatthey must remember having been.’ 85 Documentaries provide a very different insightinto events from those constructed by historians. The term ‘theatres of memory’indicates the fabrication of these sites of public representations of memories. 86Dynamic in their development, they add feelings and beliefs acquired after the event. 87However, these are not always accepted into the collective image. As Orwellpredicted, an opinion, which conflicted with the needs of the moment, was neverallowed to remain on record. With several documentaries it becomes clear the lesspalatable aspects have been allowed to fade.Wings of the Storm may be interpreted as a counter claim to the emergingAustralian cultural statement that was increasingly banishing EATS from thecollective narrative. It was independently produced in Australia in 1988 and screenedon ABC television, and Channel 4 in Britain. The script was written by HowardGriffiths based on interviews with veterans of EATS.88Griffiths had served as a pilotwith the RAF; the narrator was Charles (Bud) Tingwell, also ex EATS, so the values83 Hadyn White, Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism, Baltimore: John HopkinsUniversity Pres 1995, 50.84 Dominick LaCapra, History & Criticism, Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1985, 34-35.85 Michael Foucault, ‘Film and Popular memory,’ in Foucault Live: Interviews 1966-1984, Trans. JohnJohnson. ed Sylvere Lotringer New York:Semiotext,1996, 92.86 Jay Winter, Remembering War: the Great War between memory and history in the twentieth century,New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006, 2.87 Jay Winter, Remembering War, 4.88 Sound recordings of the interviews are held in the AWM. FO3457. Don Charlwood gave me a copyof the documentary. The AWM is supposed to have a copy, according to Don Charlwood, but it is notcatalogued.150

and culture of the airmen would be well understood, and emphatic efforts werepresented to counter criticisms that had surfaced in the collective recollection ofEATS. The story is told of young men rallying to Britain’s defence, fighting for aninternational cause to ‘put out a fire in Europe,’ as you would, one explained, if therewere a fire on the next farm. The film depicts the devastation of war on Australianaviators with the recounting of death and the airmen as victims. The opening scenesbegin with a Glenn Miller band and dancing couples, in uniform. The voice-overclaims that it would be easy to depict this as a good old time but ‘this was only the tipof the iceberg of the dead.’ Emphasis on death is continued in sharp editing, ‘of thefifty five pilots I trained with after the first year there were only seven left.’ Thethought was completed with, ‘I mourn for their youth.’ A military funeral with therifles firing is filmed as a woman explains the shudder this caused to run through youand she added the memory, ‘poor father falling forward and burying his face in hishands and wanting to fall into the grave after his son.’ The women who formedattachments to the airmen recount the horrific hazards of death in emotional tones. It isthe depiction of women as emotional victims in this documentary that adds to thedimension of loss suffered by those involved in the Scheme. Unlike the chivalricheroes of fictional films, several men admit to the fear which they felt and the ‘odourof fear’ just before take off when men would vomit. A tour of duty required 30missions and the innocent question of, ‘How long does it take to do thirty?’ asked inthe mess, found no response. ‘No one had completed 30,’ is the stark comment of thenarrator. Commentary explains aircraft were used as easy targets for the Germanssending men on suicidal missions. Vindicating airmen and countering the moralcriticisms that the air war involved attacks on civilians, the German devastation ofRotterdam, Coventry and fifty-seven raids on London is given in vivid detail. DonBennet, leader of the Pathfinders, convincingly argues of allied bombing, ‘if we hadn’thave done so, we would have lost the war.’ 89 The documentary provides anuncomfortable reminder not only of the horror of war but also portrays Australian menas victims.89 Don Bennett interview script in Wings of the Storm. The Pathfinders was a special squadron formedto fly in first and mark the target areas with flares.151

The images in Wings of the Storm contain no material that could contribute to anational myth. Rather it contains images that are referred to as the ‘politics of regret’and in many ways adds explanation to the official Australian response to EATS. 90 Thedelayed onset of public debates about the meaning of negative pasts relates directly tothe comments made by Wulf Kansteiner. 91 He explained, small groups whosemembers have directly experienced such traumatic events (veterans’ or survivors’groups) only have a chance to shape the national memory if they command the meansto express their visions, and if their vision meets with compatible social or politicalobjectives and inclinations among other important social groups, for instance, politicalelites or parties. Wings of the Storm depicted images that have become counter to theAustralian collective vision.A different perspective was constructed in Sea to Sky, and BlackKnights produced in 2002, many years after Wings of the Storm. Both recall, throughinterviews and documentary footage, the stories of the Catalina aircrews, first thosewho flew in Britain and then those who carried out missions against the Japanese in92the Pacific war. These Australian airmen had been trained under EATS and werethen assigned to Catalinas serving from the Australian coast, yet there is no mention ofthe Scheme in the footage although members of the Catalina Club claim that EATSprovided the basis for their training. 93 This documentary is Australiacentric and anylink to Empire has been excluded. The script claims these men have been the‘forgotten heroes of our war,’ and returns to the myth surrounding the aviator hero,explaining, ‘It was their commitment and daring in accepting the long-distancechallenge that was critical in turning the tide against the aggressors.’ They, too,suffered but they are represented as the heroic aviators fighting in the battle forAustralia. It is claimed in one interview, ‘The Catalina crews were exquisitely good;they were flying an aircraft well beyond its capacity. They did it bravely andcompetently I never saw one sign at any stage of anybody shirking I never saw any90 Jeffery Olick, ‘Collective Memory: Two Cultures.’ Sociological Theory 17, 3, 1999, 333-348.91 Wulf Kansteiner,‘Finding Meanings in Memory: A Methodological Critique ofCollective Memory,’ History and Theory, 41, 2, 2002, 179-197,92 Both were produced by Jeremy Linton-Mann Film Affaires see web site, www.flyingboats.com.au93 This was provided in interviews with Frank Parsons, Brian Knight, and Stanley Guilfoyle who allflew in Catalinas.152

Lack of Moral Flying (LMF) at any stage that you can see in operations when you areup against an enemy which is much stronger than you. You may not know a lot ofthem but you talk the same language. It’s an experience you shared with people thatyou have to experience to understand.’ 94 Yet they have been deleted from theAustralian story. 952007 witnessed an acceptance of EATS but in a reinterpreted form in thedocumentary Spitfire Guardians. 96 Shown on the History Channel on RemembranceDay 2007 this documentary was also narrated by Bud Tingwell. Simon van der Spoel,documentary maker, admitted to being passionate about aerial combat but as hedeveloped his theme it was the men he was able to interview that became his focus. 97EATS is given brief mention, but the Australian experience is placed in a worldcontext. It is the stories the men tell that distinguishes this coverage from Wings of theStorm. The men are no longer portrayed as victims, but as heroes serving to ‘protect anisland continent.’ Van Der Spoel admitted these men were excited that someone wasinterested in their story and while they relate the horror it is overshadowed by thethrill, the love of the Spitfire, ‘you don’t fly it you put it on,’ and, now in their lateeighties, their own fatalistic acceptance of life. 98 The documentary ends with themetaphorical image the scrapping of the Spitfire and Van Der Spoel’s script asks ‘whoknows what pots and pans would contain the remnants of a Spitfire?’ The shift fromthe 1980s documentary is subtle but the past is efficiently swept away as newidentities are formed and these veterans are now celebrated as individual legendary airheroes.A confronting alternative image of the Scheme in 1992, Death by Moonlight,was released by Canadian Broadcasting Cooperation, as an episode of a three part94 Voice over commentary in Black Knights. Lack of Moral Fibre refered to as LMF was the term usedin the air force to denote a fear of flying and was used as a disciplinary measue. It is given fullcoverage in Chapter 7 of this thesis.95 There is no information about flying boat squadrons in the documentary series Australia at war or inRAAF’s 75 th Anniversary book. As I write this the stories of these men are changing as they fall underthe newly formed commemoration of the Battle for Australia. See,The Herald Sun 30 August 2010, 21.96 Simon Van Der Spoel, Etherial Productions, available at the A.W.M.97 Interview with Simon Van Der Spoel, www.etherealproductions.com.au98 In the following chapters that relate to the individual images many of these themes will be explored.In this documentary the memories of interviews are treated as history with no interpretation153

series, The Valour and the Horror, as a condemnation of war and especially the impactof aerial bombing. 99 Although at ease with their relationship with Empire, BCATPentered the Canadian collective memory and was incorporated into a national mythand the national identity of Canadian contributions to the fight for freedom. I want toexamine this as an example of how collective memory functions. It was not only acondemnation of war but presented the Canadians as perpetrators of war crimes. Therewas an emphasis on the guilt of the Canadian pilots who were part of BomberCommand. (Don Bennet, an Australian airman who had led the Pathfinder force, hadexplained the necessity of bombing in Wings Of The Storm, and bombing of civilianswas a contentious point.) The focus of the film is on the bombing of German civiliansby Canadian airmen. Two veterans were taken to meet German women who in theiryouth had survived the bombing of Hamburg. This documentary was attempting toforce the Canadians to re-evaluate their role in the aerial combat of World War II. Itpresented the airmen not as chivalrous but as blemished with the stain of dishonor.This was attacking the Canadian myth of their airmen. As with all Empire airmen, theywere viewed with reverence and represented the pinnacle of technology in war at thetime, and the Canadian collective conscience could not face the challenges of thisview.Upon its release controversy erupted, lasting almost a year. It was taken to theCanadian Senate. Canadian historians, including Professor Reg Roy, accused theCanadian Broadcasting Commission (CBC) of having no interest in paying homage to100Canadian airmen. Its negative tenor so enraged Canadian Air Force veterans thatthey sued the CBC for defamation (this was overruled by an Ontario Court whichclaimed veterans as a class could not claim to be defamed.) Viewed in Britain, Britishhistorian Andrew Roberts called it a ‘grossly insulting distortion, filled with monstrousinaccuracies filled with anti-British propaganda.’ 101 The debate surrounding Death By99 This film can be viewed on www.onf.ca/film/death_by_moonlight_bomber_command/_58k [3February 2009].100 Steve Weatherbe, ‘More tele debunking.’ Alberta Report Newsmagazine 1 July 1994 21, 34.101 ‘Brits Despise Valour Too,’ Alberta Report Newsmagazine 10 October 1994, 21, 21.154

Moonlight developed into a deliberation about who should control history. 102 Theforces of influence in media productions, in this instance, instead of reinforcing andcelebrating the dominant interests of society attacked Canada’s war myth. Theproducer of Death By Moonlight’, Brian McKeima characterized the significance ofSenate hearings: ‘They are about history and who gets to tell it. They are about truth,and who gets to interpret it. But most of all, they are about pain and who gets to speakabout it.’ 103 The film was also shown in Australia on SBS but no comment or recordcan be found, although this would be more likely to reach public viewers thanacademic articles of historians. In this example, the way the media constructscollective memory, and the defensive interaction with accepted public myths, isevident.Since the release of this documentary two more have appeared reestablishingthe comfortable collective memory that Canadians hold of BCATP. Garden ofMemories covers the opening of a memorial park in Ontario dedicated to theBCATP.104The theme is united in a common cause between Britain, Canada, Australiaand New Zealand for the fight for liberty. The national anthem of each country isheard as the country’s flag is raised. The second carries the title In a Common Causeand places the Scheme in a global context and again focus is on the importance of theunited effort of air power in winning the war. Both documentaries firmly reinforceCanadian pride in its contribution to the war effort. Thus a powerful positive image isproduced and retained in the Canadian collective memory.The Australian Government and the Department of Veteran Affairs combinedto produce the documentary series Australians At War.105The motivation of thisdocumentary was closely linked to the construction of the evolving Australian identity,102 Erwin Warkentin in‘Death By Moonlight: A Canadian Debate Over Guilt Grief and Rememberingthe Hamburg Raids.’ Amsterdamer Beitr Gge zur neueren Germanistik, 30 March 2006, 249-263www.ingentaconnect.com/profile/id22486120/orders [30January 2009].103 David Taras, ‘The Valour and the Horror: Media Power and the Portrayal of War’, CanadianJournal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique 28, 4, 1995, 748.104 The Garden of Memories British Commonwealth Air Training Plan The Garden of Memories wascreated to commemorate the participation of the province of Manitoba in the British CommonwealthAir Training Plan (BCATP). To a larger scale, it is intended to perpetuate the glorious tradition of theRoyal Canadian Air Force and its allies during the years of the Second World War (1939-1945). 1999.105 Produced by the Department of Veterans Affairs and the Australian War Memorial, screened onABC 2001.155

which extolled the centrality of Australia and the dominance of the Anzac Digger.Glimpses of airmen are given in the Mediterranean, the battle of Britain and verybriefly in the Pacific the airman is presented as the aloof hero. There is no mentiongiven of EATS and Australian commitment to the united effort. Thus in reviewing theimages that surround EATS we are reminded, past events can only be recalled in acollective setting if they fit within a framework of contemporary interests.’ 106The Anzac mythTwo further significant developments shaping the Australian identity occurredaround 1995. First, was the development of interest in what has become known as thememory boom and thus contributing to the interest in the commemoration of war, andsecond, was a rebirth of the concept of Anzac. These were motivational in thegovernment funded Australians At War and watching the footage, further reason forthe exclusion of EATS and the airmen from the Australian narrative emerged. TheAnzac myth dominated the production. The soldiers were represented as the Anzacs,who smiled while exhausted and wounded in the ‘Battle to Defend Australia.’Extensive focus was given to the trials of the Kokoda and links drawn to Anzac trenchsoldiers fighting hand-to-hand combat. The aviator was mentioned but appeared moredistant, more elite. The airman did not represent the egalitarian spirit that wasencompassed in the Australian identity and supported by the myth of the AustralianDigger. Further marginalization of the airman in the regenerated national narrative andreformation of the Anzac myth is in the association with Empire. Marilyn Lakemaintains the remoulding of Anzac within the national memory was achieved bysubsidies of the Howard government and the Department of Veterans Affairs and bothinstitutions combined to refashion the Anzac legend. 107 There was no place in the106 Wulf Kansteiner ‘Finding Meaning in Memory: A Methodological Critique of Collective MemoryStudies,’ 188.107 Marilyn Lake, lecture at the University of Melburne, April 23, 2009. ‘Has the Myth of Anzac RunIts Course?’156

collective memory, in a country ‘with a chip on the shoulder of egalitarian tradition,’for an Empire Scheme and men who carried an elite image. 108The Anzac hero embodied the symbolism of egalitarianism, integral to thehallowed status created by Charles Bean. Bean claimed:For the most part the wealthy, the educated, the rough and the casehardened,poor Australians, rich Australians, went into the ranks togetherunconscious of any distinction. When they came into an atmosphere ofclass difference later in the war, they stoutly and rebelliously resentedit. 109In images surrounding airmen, there was and still is an aura of elitism. Theyoung airman had been seduced by the myth of daring aviators. It has been claimedthat in the leveling effects of modernism, aviation was the field where individuals andthe machine were engaged in a fight for dominance, with one result being thesynthesis of these elements to produce the myth of the airman. 110 The aviator was seenas an individual and in some way in control of his own destiny, unlike the trenchsoldiers. The development of increasingly destructive weapons relied on association ofair power. T.E. Lawrence had described airmen as lords and master of the machine incontrast to the humble soldier. 111 George Mosse described the airman as the spiritualaristocracy freeing the soul of the man. 112 The rigidity of technical training requiredhours of study and the ability to master complex skills also contributing to a sense ofelitism. While the reality of combat denied such romanticized images in the collectivemind, this was the image that survived. A study of the Australian Flying Corpsrevealed that officers and men possessed a level of professional training and educationthat was disproportionate to both the AIF as a whole and Australia’s working male108 This term was used by Bruce Grant, The Australian Dilema A New Kind of Western Society Sydney:Macdonald Futura Australia, 1983.109 Charles Bean, The story of ANZAC, The Official History of Australia in the War of 1914–18, vol. I,1921; Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 45.110 Colin Cook, ‘A Facist Memory: Oswald Mosley and the myth of the Airman,’ European Review ofHistory, 4 2, 1997, 148.111 T.E. Lawrence, The Mint, Doubleday, Doran &Co, New York, 1936; reprint Penguin,Harmondsworth, 1984, 101.112 George Mosse, Fallen Soldiers. Reshaping the memory of world wars. Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1990, 123.157

population. 113 The aura of elitism surrounding the airman is not suited to a place in thenational Anzac myth.While elitism had no place within the newly created Anzac legend neither didEmpire. This becomes the second reason to exclude EATS from Australian warcommemoration that is encompassed by the Anzac image. The resurgence of AnzacDay symbolism and its power over the Australian identity began around 1995 in thecommemorative occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of World War II. Prime MinisterKeating’s (1991-1996) desire to refocus Australian military efforts around Britishbetrayal has been noted. The commemoration focused around introducing yet another114new form of Australian nationalism. It was greeted as an attempt to rectify years ofneglect, and was heralded as commemorating the end of a global conflict, whichchanged Australia’s place in the world, forging a new alliance with the UnitedStates. 115 A publication was issued by the Department of Defence to accompany thecelebrations, intent in honouring the myth of a heroic war generation. The wholecelebrations were misted in nostalgia and while EATS is given brief mention care istaken to obscure any criticism that surrounded its origins or administration. It is said tobe introduced ‘quickly and smoothly’ with no mention of the many problems thatplagued its administration. 116 The presentation focused on the specific Australiancontribution as a nationalist discourse, and in maintaining the myth of or the Anzacspirit. As one commentator has claimed it was a business of creating and massagingcommunal memories. 117 The publication, gives support to concern of the increasinginfluence of the Anzac myth. 118The Australian Football League, which introduced its first match on AnzacDay in 1995, has adopted the transformation of Anzac Day to encompass a larger113 Michael Molkentin, ‘Unconscious of any distinction’ Journal of the Australian War Memorial 40.2007. Although this refers specifically to 1914-18 the implication of a continued elitism is given.114 See Liz Reed for her analysis Bigger than Gallipoli: War history and memory in Australia Crawley,W.A: University of Western Australia, 2004.115 General J. S. Baker, Chief of the Australian Defence Force. Forward to Australia Remembers,Canberra: Australian Defence Force, 1995.116 Australia Remembers Australian Defence Force Publication 1995, 313.117 Peter Londey, Military History Section, AWM. www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev [14February2009].118 Australia Remembers, Department of Defence Publication.158

picture of national values. Announced as the Anzac Day blockbuster the players cometogether to pay tribute to the Anzac spirit and honour the memory of servicemen pastand present. It is accompanied by an Observance Ceremony and the player of thematch was awarded an Anzac medal for exemplifying the Anzac Spirit of skill,courage self-sacrifice, team work and fair play. 119 Combined with the revival ofmemory, this introduced a new element into the commemoration of Australians at war.Commemorations as sites of collective memory became more nostalgic and morespectacular. As one scholar has so aptly observed sites of memory became confusedwith theme parks. 120 What has this to do with representations of EATS? First, it is anindication of how Australian visual memory has been colonized by the Anzacs,leaving no room for other observances, placing EATS further into the silent corner.Second, it is an illustration of how distorted collective memory can become asdifferent strands of memory and identity enter its composition. Third, it is an exampleof the very overt commemoration of war time actions that guided by political interestsand opportunities the collective memory can leave out what does not suit the nationalimage. 121Figure 22 Photograph from ‘Valuing our Veterans.’ 122119 Official AFL Website of Collingwood Football Club. www.collingwoodfc.com.au[27February2009].120 Hue-Tam Ho Tai, ‘Remembered Realms: Pierre Nora and French National Memory,’ The AmericanHistorical Review, 106, June 2001, 906.121 Wulf Kansteiner, ‘Finding Meaning in Memory: A Methodological Critique of Collective Memory’.187-8.122 Department of Veteran Affairs, Valuing Our Veterans, Canberra: Commonwealth of Australiapublication 2000. 2.159

Other veteran organizations have begun their own public recognition ofAustralian airmen, but after six decades representations now emerging are blurredaround the edges. The Department of Veterans Affairs, while encouraging the memoryof Australians at war is guilty of not telling it as it was. The image above appeared in aDVA publicity booklet, titled Valuing Our Veterans. In the entire booklet there is nomention of the RAAF, or any other service. Yet the photo of the airmen is featured. Byusing this image it implies the aviator hero still holds the sense of magic seduction.There is no logic for their inclusion at this point in the text of the DVA booklet but itis a glamour image placing a cheerful group of World War II combat aviators withparachutes, oxygen masks and in control of technology, thus restoring the old image.Fascination with control of the skies through technology continues into the twenty firstcentury. The concept of Empire is carefully omitted. Only aspects of the past that areconsidered legitimate are used in constructing new images building on old traditions.Air ace stories return to the myth of warFascination with the heroic aviator has indirectly contributed in exiling EATSfrom the national memory. There has been a return in literature to the established mythof heroism and the air ace as an individual divorced from the context of EATS.Profiles of Courage explicitly profiles young airmen from Scots College inQueensland who flew in World War II. 123 Here is a return to the Edwardian values,masculinity exemplified in duty to serve and the glory found in war. Patriotism isemphasised, yet deleted here is loyalty to the Empire. The book is introduced as ‘astory about legends and the great fighter aces of World War II.’ 124 One ‘was a largerthan life character who had all the charisma and personality that was part of the manhe was. A Hollywood script on his life experiences would have made a fortune. Hewas the Roy Rover of the boyhood books and “Boys Own.” 125Another entry recreates the myth:123 John Telfer, Profiles of Courage: a collection of short stories of the young men of The ScotsCollege, Warwick Queensland who made the supreme sacrifice in World War II 1939-1945. WarwickQueensland: The Scots College, PGC College, 2007.124 Ibid. 36.125 Ibid. 36.160

In every generation there emerges an ordinary man who doesextraordinary deeds and by doing so inspires others to follow him in thepursuit of righteousness and justice. Such men are rare and are referred toas leaders who go down in the annals of history as the inspiration behindthese extraordinary deeds. Such a man who espoused all the qualities of atruly courageous leader was Wilfred Stanley Arthur, who, from an earlyage, displayed the traits that made people say, “There is a born leader”.126After outlining the impressive sporting record and the worship of Arthur by theyounger boys, Telfer comments on the value of patriotism as expressed by Arthurhimself:Patriotism is a strange, irrational sentiment. Why should man love aboveall other things the particular spot in which he was born? What is it thatraises in him the unquenchable desire to protect it from invasion, evenwith his life blood if necessary? Yet, it is a very real sentiment; it hascalled forth more literary works both in prose and poetry than any other.Also, it is widely recognized and respected that we utterly despise a manwho has no love of his birth. 127These are very strong sentiments for a schoolboy and provide material forrecreating the myth of the duty to serve in 2007. Arthur was awarded the DSO and theDFC contributing to the remaking of the myth of the Australian hero, carefullyomitting the concept of Empire.The published work of several Australian popular writers Michael Veitch,Dennis Newton and Peter Fitzsimons have also provided representations contributingto the collective image of the aviator. 128 All, as young men, became by their ownadmission, obsessed with the role of the aviator in World War II. They construct animage of the warrior of the sky dwelling on the individual airman in the style ofaviation accounts first used by Walter Raleigh, the official RAF historian in WorldWar I. Raleigh, as a retired literature professor, allowed his love of the classics to126 Ibid. 147.127 Ibid.128 Michael Veitch, Flak, Melbourne: Pan McMilllan, 2006, Fly, Melbourne: Penguin Books, 2008.Dennis Newton, First Impact, Maryborough, Qld.: Banner Books, 1997. Australian Air Aces, Fyshwic,A.C.T: Aerospace Publications 1996. Clash of the Eagles, KenthurstN.S.W : Kangaroo Press, 1996. AFew of the Few, Canberra: Australian War Memorial 1990. Peter Fitzsimons, Charles Kingsford Smithand those magnificent men, Sydney: Harper Collins, 2009.161

influence the way he described the pilots. To Raleigh, they revealed the ancient andmajestic powers of man. As he eulogized:let them follow the pilot out on to the aerodrome, and watch his face inits hood, when the chocks are pulled away, and he opens the throttle ofthe engine. No Greek sculpture is finer in its rendering of life andpurpose. To see him at his best they would have to accompany him,through the storm of the anti-aircraft guns, into those fields of air whereevery moment brings some new trial of the quickness of his brain and thesteadiness of his nerve. He is now in the workshop where tradition ismade, to be handed down as an heirloom to the coming generations. 129Michael Paris in his studies on depictions of aviators has noted the influence ofRaleigh on future generations. Like Graeme Dawson, Paris speaks of the Pleasures ofWar, and in the literature of modern writers they have returned to a popular versionthat clarifies in the present, the pleasures of war in the past. The aviators arerepresented as members of a grand profession, heroically free from earthly ties not asmen experiencing treacherous skies and sacrifice. The work of Veitch and Newtonportray modern air war in individual terms. In the romantic titles, Few Of The Few,emphasis falls on the individual, as part of a special breed wrapped in mythology.Listed under the Penguin category of ‘Dangerous Books for Boys,’ Vietch’s stories arerich in masculine accounts of heroism. 130 The aviators are seen as actors in a dramaisolated from national or Empire connections. The men appear as symbolicrepresentations of the fictional aviator hero shown in nineteenth and early twentiethcentury literature, as a ‘tribute to these airmen and their fellow warriors’ where ‘youcan still see the golden boy in every man who once flew. 131 ’ Yet it is the recounting ofsuch memories of the air ace that form part of the collective memory of Australia. Thework of Michael Veitch gives an account of the aviators whom he interviewed througha filtered screen, first, the dominance of his own interaction and second, because theyare presented in isolation from any cultural or social setting.The interest of Dennis Newton was focused on the Battle of Britain and moreparticularly the Australians who participated. Within this context he is interested in129 Walter Raleigh. 14.130 Michael Paris, Warrior Nation: Images of War in British Popular Culture London: Reaktion Books2000.131 Michael Veitch, Fly, on the back dust cover.162

military aviation, military aircraft, tactics of the aerial armadas illuminating the partthe pilot played in this. The purpose of his books was to give ‘overdue credit’ andrelate many of their stories ‘waiting to be told.’ Through his books he used extractsfrom diaries, letters, recollections, memoirs and combat reports to reconstruct theheroic image of the aviator. Newton claimed Dereck French, whom I interviewed andwhose diaries and letters have been mentioned, inspired him to write widely aboutBomber and Coastal Command boys. Like Veitch, Newton adopts an anecdotal tonewith themes of the self and manhood. He gives a name to the airmen but they arepresented as the stoic symbolic war hero represented by Raleigh. Such accounts areinvolved in hero building rather than critical analysis, and place the airman out ofnational context.ConclusionLike Hobsbawn who formulated ‘Inventing Tradition’, Benedict Arnold usedthe term imagined or invented communities. Both these terms describe the culturalengineering practiced in Australia, which, unlike Canada, has defined the imperialrelationship as a handicap and exiled EATS from the national Australian memory. 132Ignored in official commemoration, defiled by historians, depicted too graphically indocumentaries, overshadowed by the Anzac myth and deleted from stories of theaviator hero, the image of EATS has disappeared.The marginalisation of EATS from the collective memory post 1980sintroduces an entirely different problem. Halbwachs maintained that human memorycould only function within a collective context. How then did the veterans of EATSrespond to the changing national image. It is pertinent at this point to repeat thethoughts of Don Charlwood used to introduce this thesis:I did not imagine that all my life I would look back on these experiences,questioning myself about it, reading critics’ opinions of it. Nor would Ihave believed the Empire Air Training Scheme would close its doors132 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism.Revised Edition ed. London and New York: Verso, 1991, 5-7.163

forever, much less believed that Australian generations would arise whowould scorn our loyalty to the Empire. 133In these words Charlwood expressed the division that has grown in Australiabetween the individual image of the Empire Air Training Scheme, and the Australiancollective memory. The following chapters are to explore the individual constructionof images of EATS, the reconciliation with the collective image, and the developmentof the emotional context of self identity. It is to explore the struggle of memory againstforgetting. 134133 Don Charlwood interview, 7 June 2008.134 Milan Kundera, Book of Laughter and Forgetting New York: Harper Perennial Publications, 1996,3.164

CHAPTER 6Reconciling Contradictory ImagesWas I the same when I got up this morning? I almost think I canremember feeling a little different. But if I am not the same, the nextquestion is, who in the world am I? 1Such thoughts may have occurred to those men who enlisted under the EmpireAir Training Scheme as they reflected upon their experiences in life. Conditioned toaccept the cultural values of 1939 of Empire, war as a path to masculinity, as well asthe seduction of the romantic image of flight, their confidence in these values wouldfirst be questioned by their own encounters in aerial warfare and then challenged bydiffering cultural interpretations that would transform over the decades. The memoriesof their involvement as the aviators have been reshaped and re-imagined as they reflectand respond to the evolving narratives surrounding World War II experiences in aerialwar.John Pettett, outlined the expectations which he held as he enlisted. 2 First, hisloyalty to Empire; ‘I referred to England as home. I was looking forward to one ofthose days growing up and having a British passport, a passport with a Union Jack onit because we were part of the British Empire. I was excited. Patriotism was part of it.’Second, was his sense of duty to serve: ‘They put you through a physical gave you alittle badge which you proudly wore to show you were waiting to be called up to say“look I’m waiting to do something I’m not just bludging on this.” Third, he expressedhis masculinity: ‘The most significant aspect was testing, a sort of self-test, to see if Icould do it.’ Last was Pettett’s attraction to flight: ‘I wanted to be a pilot. I didn’tappreciate the stories from World War I of the fighting in the trenches. Young fellows1 Lewis Carol Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland London: Octopus Books 1978 ed. 35.2 Interview with John Pettett, AWM Sound Library S00515.165

talk about Top Gun, I was somewhat stimulated by an old film called Dawn Patrol. Inthe film it didn’t look dangerous. It was just adventurous. David Niven was in one.That was all very glamorous. Danger didn’t enter into it. Fancy somebody going topay for me to go flying. That was the wonderful thing. We thought we were prettygood – the elite branch of the fighting service.’ 3This chapter examines the responses of the airmen, decades later, as they foundtheir allegiance to Empire increasingly undermined by the changing collective images.In their accounts, several themes emerged as they clarified the relationship they held toEmpire. First, they confronted their awareness of the lack of public understanding oftheir commitment in EATS, knowing their youthful enthusiasm to serve the Empirewas no longer recognized or understood. Narratives were prefaced by explaining howtimes had changed. Embedded in the 1939 Australian identity was an implicitunderstanding of answering the ‘call’ of patriotism and loyalty to Empire. Testamentsof veterans refer to loyalty to the crown and love of the mother country, always spokenof as ‘home.’ As they reflected, the men who enlisted in EATS revealed their sense ofcommitment as part of the Empire, reinforcing their emotional involvement with theaccompanying concepts of loyalty, pride and trust.Second, their stories detailed a sense of alienation from the Australiancollective commemorative response. In individual responses the sense of isolationrevealed disillusionment, created by the negative reception from the Australian public,and in several, anger and a sense of betrayal was expressed as individual veteransreflected on their interaction with public institutions that questioned their allegiance.With such responses the field of emotions surfaced as veterans reflected on social andcultural transformations that impacted directly on their experiences and identity. Theirbeliefs had been questioned and this aroused certain emotions that confronted theirsense of identity and were a visible influence in their testimonies and thus must beacknowledged. The public emotions of loyalty and patriotism, that guided initialbeliefs, are said to connect an individual, with a group or set of ideas and are important3 Interview John Pettett.166

in forming an identity. 4 This included the patriotism of the men who volunteered forEATS to Empire. In post-war decades such patriotism became contested. The samechallenge was issued to the concept of loyalty. It has been claimed, loyalties, withinindividual values, contribute something to the self-image and offer chances of egoenhancementwith group success. 5 However, when cross pressures demand areadjustment of priorities of affiliation, and a drastic reshuffling of emotionalinvestment, identity itself is shaken. 6 The redefinition of Empire within the Australianidentity appeared as a ‘betrayal’ of the trust of the aviators of EATS. In theirtestaments, veterans addressed this issue with varying responses as they negotiatedtheir way to new identities. In the evolution of the Australian identity and itswithdrawal from Empire, the goal posts providing a framework for individual identityhave been moved. In attempting to reconcile involvement in EATS with a new set ofnational concepts emotions influenced the stories told by the men in their later years.Different TimesIt was as part of the British Empire that Australia entered World War II.Australia went to war with Britain, the mother country. In the twenty first century, asAustralia swings increasingly to the idea of a republic, the concept of swearing an oathto King and Empire could be incredulously viewed, but in enlisting in EATS this oathhad been taken by each volunteer. This temporal and conceptual gap was understoodby the veterans of EATS and expressed in their narratives as they justified their pastactions. John McCredie began his autobiography, addressed to his daughter, ‘Let mestart by saying that the Australia in which I grew up was very different from yours.We were 95 percent of British Isle stock and most of us had no problem regardingourselves as British subjects. 7 McCredie, who served with the RAF in India, alsoadmitted that before writing, he had not discussed the matter with his family or any4 A.F. Davies, Political Passions, Parkville, Vic.: Melbourne University: Political Science Dept.1975,171.5 Ibid. A.F. Davies 171-172.6 Ibid. A.F.Davies was early in the field linking the role of emotions in concepts of patriotism andnationalism.7 John McCredie, Survival of the Fortunate, An Airman’s Story, Melbourne: Publishing Solutions,2004, 1.167

one else. Yet ‘as the years pass we do seem to need less and less encouragement tostrip our sleeves and show our scars.’ 8 Perhaps it is an awareness of lack of publicrecognition that motivated men to present a stable and positive self-image in writing orin agreeing to interviews. Boz Parsons confronted the problem, ‘Attitudes were verydifferent then and we did think of ourselves as British. It is quite unfair to try andimpose today’s attitudes on the way we were in 1939. There was never any questionthat we should fight for Empire. We were all part of the one force.’ 9 Parsons admittedthe twinge of past commitment that was felt as he entered the United Kingdom in lateryears and was directed by customs to use the non-British entry. It was a harshreminder of the end of Empire. While remembering the Second World War as a timeof violence and ruined dreams, Max Roberts, acknowledged the unquestioned duty toserve. ‘It was essentially an Anglo-Saxon community and we were all orientatedtowards the royal family, every one considered it was home and it was their duty toserve.’ 10 Peter Isaacson, a pilot with the Pathfinders argued, ‘Britain was my homeland.Most of us in 1939 had an English background. Australia wasn’t even a hundred yearsold. We were fighting for the defence of the Empire.’ 11 Isaacson then made theimportant distinction. ‘Really you have to break it up into two sections. You have pre-Japan and post-Japan.’ 12 He was aware of the differing attitudes to the two theatres ofwar, ‘imperial defence’ and ‘Australia under threat,’ and the condemnation that fell onthose who were sent to the European combat when conflict with Japan broke. Wheninterviewed, Stan Guilfoyle declared his intention for enlistment was, ‘the right thingto save Britain and our country.’ 13 Guilfoyle was to serve in the Pacific theatredefending Australia, highlighting that when enlisting in EATS, young recruits had noidea where they would serve, and complicating that public understanding in thetwenty-first century, of reasons for enlistment.8 John McCredie, ix.9 Interview with Boz Parsons.10 Interview with Max Roberts.11 Pathfinders was a special squadron formed to fly in first and mark the target areas with flares.12 Interview with Peter Isaacson.13 Interview with Stan Guilfoyle.168

While such recollections appeared to reconcile and accept cultural changes thathad deleted Empire from the national narrative, other testaments were related withnostalgia for the past where they idealized the centrality of Empire to their identity.Frank Dimmick, still a firm believer in British allegiance, proudly related, ‘We wereall part of the British Empire. When Britain went in, we went in. Bob Menzies said wewere at war. It was automatic.’ 14 Another spoke of loyalty to Empire, as ‘there isnothing wrong with putting the flag on the pole every day. Every morning we had tosalute the British flag. I think they should bring it back. 15 ‘It was a wild old time,’fondly reminisced another. ‘There was still the respect and regard, or even love, for theold Empire, and our generation was brought up more or less on the deeds of the earlyEnglish colonialists. And whilst I agree that, you know, it’s a good idea for the peopleto have their independence as they have today, I still think that was one of the greatperiods of British history.’ 16 George Hannon, interviewed at the age of 97, offeredanother link explaining, ‘Most people felt it was the right thing to help Britain out.They taught us to play cricket.’ 17The concepts of Empire, that included the principles of freedom anddemocracy, extended to supporting the ideals of a way of life proclaiming the fightagainst tyranny and the preservation of liberty and the rights of the individual. 18Several veterans, in their memories, connected their justification to serve to a widercause of Empire that stood for this way of life. While the original letters and diaries ofEATS aviators had included little of the forces of Nazism, veterans in their testaments,offered a moral dimension of the need to combat the forces of evil as part of aninternational effort. In personal narratives, such ethical motivation, replaced ordominated the negative aspects of combat, agreeing it was ‘a good war.’ Philosophicalin remembrances of his experiences, Harold Wright explained, ‘Ah… oh well, Ibecame very…not only anti-Nazi, anti-Communist. I hated totalitarianism. As far as14 Interview with Frank Dimmick.15 Interview with Eddie Bradshaw.16 Interview with Harold Wright, AWM, S00582.17 Interview with George Hannon. Hannon had served with the RAN, but I knew him and believed hewould offer an interesting perspective on the attitude to Britain and Empire. He was of Irish Catholicbackground and was later to serve as a Senator. His commitment to Empire was more guarded thanthose of British decent.18 David Day, Politics of War, 18.169

I’m concerned Nazism, Fascism and Communism are three germs of the one disease.So after the war I – oh, you know, a few years afterwards, once I’d settled down andthat -I became involved in anti-communist activities and so on. 19 Now, with the benefitof decades to reflect, others could say, ‘I’m absolutely convinced that war wascompletely justified. No doubt in my mind whatever. I’ve got a completely clearconscience of everything I did, as distinct from some of the wars today where mymind is completely different. But in the future we should never allow any one man likeHitler or anyone else to get into the position where, through his actions, he can causethe deaths of hundreds of thousands of men and women. Some way must be found tostop it. Individuals, through sheer greed of power, having sufficient influence to bringabout a war.’ 20 Dimmick was passionate with his insistence, ‘You have to look at thewar as a whole. They talk about the atomic bomb and are critical of that. If we hadn’tdropped the atomic bomb Germany was researching it. If we hadn’t dropped itsomeone would have and we would have lost tens of thousands of troops going intoJapan. They would never have laid down, and taken us with them. Dresden wasanother one … It was part of an out and out war. The country had to be beaten.’ 21 Theemotional aspect of bombing will be returned to in examining aspects of masculinity.Alienation‘The flyer was to be a central figure, not merely in British culture during theSecond World War, but in the way the war was to be remembered and commemoratedin the decades that followed,’ wrote Martin Francis of the airmen returning toBritain. 22 It seems this is not the case in Australia. Hank Nelson has questioned thelack of appreciation of airmen in Australia recognizing how they were encouraged inrecruitment to be so promptly forgotten on return. 23 While the decline anddisappearance of EATS within the collective memory has been outlined, the purposehere is to focus on the impact this had on the individual identity. The individual19 Interview with Harold Wright, Bomber Command, AWM S0 0582.20 Interview with Bob Murphy, Bomber Command, AWM S0 0523.21 Interview with Frank Dimmick.22 Martin Francis, The Flyer, 2.23 Hank Nelson, Chased by the Sun, 276.170

narrative, while acknowledging times had changed also revealed a further response tothe public reaction shown towards EATS and that was a sense of alienation from theAustralian narrative. The experience of the aviators remained outside Australianrecognition. Early contributions to the sense of alienation appear in two underlyingthemes in the personal narratives. First was a general antagonism between the recruitsand the institution from the permanent RAAF officers. This, in part, was due to theinitial establishment of EATS and the forced subservience of permanent RAAFofficers to British officers. The antagonism, between returning aviators and permanentRAAF officers was related in many narratives and John McCarthy has given publicvoice to the tensions this caused. 24 The second source contributing to alienation was aperception that the aviators once attached to Empire, had been abandoned byAustralian politicians and public, and isolated from bonding in the collectiveAustralian war commemoration.In their personal narratives, accounts were given of the immediate questioningon their return, by the public and permanent officers, of their motivation, especially ifthey had flown in the European theatre. Now in their late eighties and nineties, theambiguous expectations they held of public acceptance, have become part of theirstories surrounding EATS. In some way their reception could be equated with that ofthe Vietnam veterans homecoming whose capacity for social trust has beendestroyed.25While this diagnosis may be extreme, interviews supported thedisillusionment with the accusation that their loyalty to Empire had been misplaced.Boz Parsons recalled the suspicion by permanent RAAF officers, of those whohad been overseas. ‘We were treated initially as if we didn’t exist.’ It was with a toneof disbelief that Parsons related the return of a Group, who had completed their fulltour, to Australia and were now to be redirected to the Pacific theatre.2624 John McCarthy, Last call of Empire, 131-132. Also discussed in introduction.25 Jonathon Shay, Achilles in Vietnam: combat, trauma and the undoing of character, New York:Maxwell Macmillan International, 1994. Odysseus in America: combat trauma and the trials ofhomecoming, New York: Scribner 2002. In both these works Shay discusses at length the destructionof social trust by those who experiences combat.26 A full tour consisted of 30 operations.171

We were loaded onto a truck and reported to the CO. He didn’t look upfrom his desk and said ‘I want yoos blokes to behave yaselfs while ya arehere. You can pick your palliasses out there and there is no leave.’ Wejust turned and walked out got a taxi straight into town and said wewould be back tomorrow.A similar example of lack of recognition from the Australian authorities wasremembered by Eddie Bradshaw, also with a tone of disbelief. He read to me from a2007, Odd Bods Newsletter, which involved a memo that is almost unbelievable in itsslur against EATS trainees. 27As we are all aware the attitude and competence of some leaders leftmuch to the imagination. One case concerning our own A.V.M. SirGeorge Jones immediately came to mind. It involved a memo which isalmost unbelievable as a slur against the EATS trainees. I quote fromJeffery Watson’s book Killer Caldwell. The memo was signed by GeorgeJones and stated, The Officer is an Empire Air Trainee and as suchconsidered to be already sufficiently decorated and is to receive no moreregardless of further service. 28Bradshaw analysed, ‘It is easy to be critical after the event, but there are a fewof us still tottering about who feel this spiteful misuse of rank and power should haveresulted in the Minister’s immediate dismissal of Jones.’ 29 He continued to outline theconflict between the Australian authorities and EATS:That is where the trouble started. There was one bloke in my groundcrew whose mother was dying of cancer and he said I have to get home. Isaid I would have to take it to the authorities. Three months later weheard he had been refused permission. He got a letter saying his motherhad died. Now that is only a minor matter but it set the barrier up. Wewere regarded here as officially a nuisance. The officers here in Australiadidn’t think we knew anything. There was one bloke who came backwith a DFC and was sent back to retraining school. The CO said hedidn’t know how he got through his initial training so he took him30outside and belted him.Bradshaw chuckled at this point. Lack of support from the Australian publicwas a theme in narratives and Bradshaw recalled the ‘greatest shipload of unwanted’:27 Interview with Eddie Bradshaw included the Odd Bodd’s news letter.28 Jeffrey Watson, Killer Caldwell. Australia’s Greatest Fighting Pilot, Sydney: Hodder Australia,2005, 66.29 Interview with Eddie Bradshaw.30 Ibid.172

We were the last boat out of England 300 of us and out of drinking waterand rations were tight. We got around to Sydney the warfies were onstrike so the Navy came to our aid. It was all politics. That was ourwelcome home. And when we reached the wharf they all lined up andyelled ‘get back to Churchill.’ This was our welcome home. No parade.They put us straight on a train, no meal, nothing till Albury where wechanged trains. They called us the greatest shipload of unwanted. Thefeeling was there. There is a story I can talk for hours. So many thingshappened that no one knew about. They couldn’t afford to for morale. 31Jim Beckingsale had flown Catalinas out of India but he felt compelled torelate the rift that developed between EATS graduates and authorities. The servicerecord of Jim Beckingsale, in itself, indicates the incredible diversity of EATS aviatorsand their sense of alienation. 32 The interview took place in his study where the themewas ‘aviators.’ Framed photographs of the aeroplanes he flew and of the squadrons heserved with covered the walls. Beckingsale’s medals, including the DFC, were alsomounted and framed as were those of his father who had flown in the AustralianFlying Corps in the First World War. Clearly the experiences of EATS featured in hisidentity. After initial training in Australia, he was sent to the newly established EATStraining school in Rhodesia then to South Africa where, he explained, the SouthAfricans retained their independence refusing to take an oath to the Crown of England.Finally he was posted to India, under the RAF. He voiced what seemed to beconcerning him.You see there were really two wars going on. There were reunions for thePacific war and then the European war. Those who had been in BomberCommand knew more about war than any one. They were experts butwhen they came back to Australia their talent wasn’t recognized. Theywere treated as if they were just out of training school. It was a wealth ofexperience that the RAAF just wasted. They had been cut off fromAustralia. At the end of his tour my navigator went back to England for aspecialist navigation course. He became a navigation officer on FighterSquadron. He was so highly qualified but not recognized in Australia. Sohe just took his discharge. Australia had no idea. Many who had been inbomber command, many of the fellows I knew refused to come back toAustralia. It was a case of out of sight out of mind.Beckingsale had other comments that expressed his attitude towards Australia.Of EATS he explained:31 Ibid.32 Interview with Jim Beckingsale.173

It was so incredibly well run. It must have been the British Air Board.The RAAF couldn’t have had much to do with it. The problem withsenior RAAF officers was terrible. Jones got command but he was aboutsixth in line. They had no real understanding of the war. The Australianswere very inward looking. I would say the Australian government was atfault. We provide the boys. You do what you want with them.‘They had been cut off from Australia,’ reminisced Beckingsale, clearlyemphasising the alienation he and other veterans of EATS experienced. 33The first Australian to be awarded the DFC during World War II, DereckFrench, was hailed early in the war by the press report for the Department of Air as‘adding prestige to a young nation already famed for its air heroes and pioneers.’ 34 Yetremembering his treatment on his return to Australia, which French described as being‘like second class citizens,’ disgusted French for the rest of his life. On numerousoccasions, (and I am aware I repeat it here), French mentioned the disgust of thereception in Australia, recalling the fellow Wing Commander who responded bytaking his service pistol down to the beach and blowing his brains out. 35 French wasacutely aware of the lack of recognition given to EATS. He remarked ‘we were alwaysfighting three enemies, the Germans, the Japanese and those at home.’ 36‘Shame of the RAAF. Aussie air aces given brush –off,’ headed an article inthe The Sun in 1989.’ 37 The anger of French found a path to the media and this wasone of many articles over the years in which French was able to express his anger.When I met him only weeks before his death, the anger had not diminished. 38 At 94, hewas tired and rather than ask particular questions, I let him talk and his mind wanderedover his memories. Although he trained with the RAAF, he was transferred to the RAFfor further training. He had flown 70 operations and this was recorded in the press ashe proudly showed me. He had fought all his life to present his image of EATS as agreat Empire organisation and its success. His criticism focused on the inefficiencyand management of the Australian government and the RAAF. French believed that33 Ibid.34 Found in NAA, A.930 French D.J.35 Interview with Dereck French, The Sun 21 December 1989, 36, Herald Sun, 16 April 2001 22.36 Interview with Dereck French.37 The Sun, 28 December, 1989, 36.38 Interview with Dereck French.174

without the organisation of the British and their experience, Australia was lost. He wasdisparaging of the permanent RAAF officers, whom, he claimed had no experience.This was an opinion repeated by most I interviewed. 39 When he asked to be transferredhome as his father was dying, he claimed he was told that no-one could replace him.‘Of course they could,’ he said, ‘They were all in the Hotel Australia.’ ‘Many officershad avoided active service,’ he claimed but ‘they don’t want to think about it. Theyhad no experience. They are embarrassed or ashamed. They wonder if they were rightor will they be criticised for what they did.’ His view on Malaysia and Singapore wasit was a ‘complete cock-up.’ He believed those who fought in Europe were given norecognition by the Australian government, and here he referred to Mick Martin whowas on the Dam Busters raid and broadcast about his experiences on the PacificService programme. ‘No one recognises him today,’ added French. On his return toAustralia, French was sent to the MCG where they wanted him to go on a churchparade to collect war bonds. Once again, he expressed his indignation, believing thatAustralians had no understanding of what war was all about. He admitted to being ‘soashamed of Australia.’ He resigned and bought a dairy farm where he stayed for thirtyyears. 40 A similar indignation was expressed by Geoff Magee, who also served withbomber command, and led him to publish a book of poems in 1990. 41 The following inparticular demonstrates the emotion of anger that hovered in accounts of EATSveterans.THE BETRAYALOur government promised when we flew off to warIf killed or injured we would be protected by lawOur wives they would care for our children they’d raiseWhen we went off to battle we were full of their praise.39 These included Boz Parsons, Eddie Bradshaw, and Jim Beckinsdale.40 This was all related in interview with Dereck French.41 Geoff Magee, Bombs Gone! And other poems, Sydney: 460 Squadron Association, 1991. Also referto one of his poems quoted in chapter 4.175

And for years each government used its powerTo honour the promise made at that hourWhatever the party whatever the creedEach government met the returned soldiers need.But now this government holds the reinsAnd they have altered the pledge and made it plainThough they wouldn’t admit it and leave it unsaidThey would be happy to see the rest of us deadOur numbers are fewer they don’t need our voteSo their vows they abandon like any turncoatDrugs and pensions are cancelled repat hospitals closedThe things they are doing get right up your nose.And take my word they are not finished yetPerhaps instead of a doctor you will be sent a vetThis country of ours that we saved from the foeThey have ruined completely without striking a blow.This sense of marginalization was related in many ways with the men whom Iinterviewed as they found themselves not included in the collective memory, andretreated to individual veteran organizations to find their social niche that may haveaided the construction of individual identity. Don Charlwood remembered:When a number of our fellows headed for home after they had finished inBritain they wrote back to us and said don’t come. Stay where you were.Once we came home our war was regarded as Britain’s war. There was agovernor of New South Wales, I have just forgotten his name. He was aPathfinder and he was shot down and, before he died, I heard himaddress a group of Empire Air Training Scheme men and he said when I176

arrived home I realized I was in the wrong war. We had been fightingagainst the Germans and the right war was here. 42Listening to the veterans as they reminisced, there was often a sense of anger,not of the aggressive nature against the enemy, but one that comes from intensedisillusionment through the experiences of EATS. Caught up in the immediacy ofbattle, the anger was not clearly conceived at the time, but as the men reflected theyfocused on grievances and a sense of injustice. At times this was directed at theAustralian Government. Others expressed despair at the behaviour of the permanentRAAF officers towards them. Several felt themselves victims of later Commonwealthpolicies towards the volunteers who had served under EATS. The years of silencefrom the veterans of EATS could perhaps be explained by an unwillingness to admit totheir contested allegiance to Empire and the betrayal of their trust. Yet in later years,as McCredie stated, some were prepared to ‘show their scars.’ Not only would thedistancing from Empire silence the individual, anger expressed by men against theirown country and against their own air force concerning the war conduct is not readilyincluded in the public collective narrative.The emotional response of betrayal is internal but the silencing of theindividual and the fading of individual narratives has been compounded by theexternal factor of failure to find a place in the collective image. Alistair Thomson’sclaim, while detailing the memories of World War I Diggers’ experiences, is that ifcombat experiences are not recognised and cannot be articulated through the publicnarratives they become displaced or marginalised within individual memory, causingalienation, silence and ‘internalised trauma’. 43 Trevor Craddock claimed, when Iinterviewed him, that he had in fact forgotten all about EATS, until I mentioned it. 44Each of his comments brought new insights into how memories are complex andselective in their structure. ‘You know I didn’t talk about it for years. None of us did.It wouldn’t make sense to people. I have talked more about the war in the last 3, 4, 5years than in the 50 years before it and others are saying the same thing.’ Whileaddressing the silences that surround the construction of memories, Craddock’s next42 Interview with Don Charlwood.43 Alistair Thomson, Anzac Memories, 216, 220.44 Interview with Trevor Craddock.177

statement suggested some explanation for his response. ‘There was just no support forreturned airmen for a long time, he recalled. ‘Until Ruxton came on board.’Craddock’s interview ended as he reminisced, ‘I know Les Carlyn who wrote onWorld War I and Gallipoli and he said Gallipoli was a cake walk compared to France.Everything I’ve read makes me believe the First World War was far worse thananything we had to go through. To run across vacant land without a tree or anything,with them shooting at you. That First World War was scary.’ 45 He described theattempt of some men who ‘just like to play the hero’ concluding ‘forget it.’ Theresponse of Craddock prompted reflection. Perhaps his attitude was an indication ofthe confusion resulting from the ambivalent social and cultural attitudes towards theairmen in Australia.While the experiences of Empire were central in life stories of the men ofEATS, those I listened to were very aware of their sense of the exclusion of Empirefrom the collective Australian image and with it EATS. In the telling of their stories,they chose what details to include, reinterpreting the meaning and significance of thepast memories. These selective and subjective memories may or may not be accuratebut they are linked to the individual’s personal self-image.Here, once again to illustrate a point, a comparison with Canada may be drawn.The vivid memory of Australian Tom Fitzgerald on the contrasting receptionsprovides an entry to the different national stories. 46 At the end of the European war hewas shipped to America to pick up Liberators to fly them back to Australia for thePacific war. Their first stop was Quebec and Fitzgerald recalled there were manyCanadians on board. ‘It was a beautiful evening sailing up the St Lawrence River. TheLord Mayor was there in his robes and dignitaries and lights on and bands playing‘Welcome home to our Canadian heroes.’ The Pacific war ended at that point and theAustralians, including Fitzgerald, were shipped to Australia on a ‘very old tub.’ Thecontrast with the Australian home coming he recalled with a quiet laugh:45 Trevor Craddock.46 Interview with Tom Fitzgerald, AWM S00536.178

We landed at Melbourne on a Saturday afternoon. There was a solitarywaterside worker waiting on the wharf, to tie the rope… The first throwfrom the ship he missed and he yelled out ‘Come on. Don’t you think Iwant to go home?’ And the boys who had been away for varying periodsof years gave him three cheers. And then an old covered wagon came topick us up and take us to the Melbourne Cricket Ground to sleep on bareboards overnight. But chalked up in huge letters on the canvas of thetruck were these words: Jap dodgers return!The BCATP or the ‘PLAN’ has been hailed as ‘Canada’s greatestachievement’ and continues to be celebrated. 47 For Canadians, as with Australians,their country’s involvement in the Second World War has been reinterpreted with timebut, undaunted, is Canadian pride in its wartime achievements and the belief thatBCATP ‘stood as a symbol of the spirit of cooperation between the countries of theCommonwealth and all like minded democratic people of the world.’ 48 It has beenembraced in the Canadian identity. To Canadians, the British Commonwealth AirTraining Plan did not represent a threat to their own national story. It appears, despitemyths to the contrary, Canadians believed the Empire belonged to them as well as theBritish who lived in the mother country and all other Dominions. 49 While arguingcertain areas of Empire relationships have been marginalized, Phillip Buckner alsorecognized core elements in which Empire has been retained as important in Canadianhistory. 50 Their Britishness (apart from Quebec) it has been argued, was retained as itset Canadians squarely apart from their American neighbours. 51 Canadiandistinctiveness was rarely articulated in terms of an exclusive Canadian identitydivorced entirely from its British moorings. 52 The negotiations surrounding BCATP, toparaphrase Prime Minister Mackenzie King, were seen as ‘autonomous if necessary,but not necessarily autonomous.’ Canadians sought to exercise autonomy where it47 In a Common Cause DVD produced by Sky West Productions, Canada. Also Jenny Gates, Secretaryof the Down Under Club, representing Australian airmen who flew in World War II and returned toCanada.48 Narrative from In a Common Cause.49 See Phillip Buckner Canada and the End of Empire, Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 2005.3-5.50 Ibid.51 Stuart Ward, Andrea Benvenuti, ‘Britain, Europe and the Other Quiet Revolution in Canada,’ inPhillip Buckner ed. Canada and the End of Empire, 165.52 It is worth noting here a review of Buckner’s work by Gordon Stewart in American HistoricalReview, Feb 2010, 211 ‘The relationship between history and national identity is always fraught withtension; this is particularly problematic in all former settlement colonies within the British Empire.’There is academic debate over the role of the importance in Empire ties within Canadian identity.179

suited their national interests. 53 The differences between the development of Canadianand Australian negotiations in EATS and its subsequent operation and acceptance inthe cultural climate of each nation have been mentioned in earlier chapters. Thedifferent paths taken in the relationship with Empire over the following decades haveimpacted on the memories of the Canadian veterans who served as aviators. Canadianparticipation within the united Empire effort sits comfortably as recorded innarratives. 54In 2008 the Canadian Wartime Pilots’ and Observers Association held theirwind-up ceremony dominated by a celebration of imperial unity. The main addresswas to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II Queen of Canada, shown wearing herCanadian insignia as Sovereign of the Order of Canada and the Order of MilitaryMerit. The message assured the Queen of the continued loyalty and affection ofmembers. 55 The dominant theme was although Empire belongs in the past, it isembraced as part of the Canadian history 56 In 1983 the BCATP was designated by theHistoric Sites and Monuments Board of Canada as of ‘national historic significanceand should be commemorated by means of a plaque at Canadian Forces Base, Trenton.A further plaque was unveiled in 1992 at Brandon Manitoba, where a CommonwealthAir Training Plan Museum had been established some years earlier and in 1999 theGarden of Memories dedicated as a permanent tribute to BCATP was established inWinnipeg.’ 57The Canadian War Museum conducted an oral history project between 1999and 2006 recording the memories of service men including many who served in theBCATP. While, in reading the transcripts of Canadian veterans, no definitiveconclusions can be drawn there were several noticeable differences in their narrativesrelating to Empire that draw attention to relationships between individuals and the53 Daniel Gorman review of Philip Buckner, Journal of Contemporary History 44. 2, 2009, 342.54 Copy of Wartime Pilots and Observers Association Wind-Up Ceremonies The ceremony, Lying upof Colours, was held in the Officers’ Mess, June 6 2008. The copy was provided by the Canadian WarMemorial.55 Ibid.56 Lorraine Coops, ‘One Flag, One Throne, One Empire,’ in Philip Buckner Canada and the End ofEmpire, 251-268 covers the debate surrounding the Canadian change of flag.57 There are many more public memorial sited dedicated to BCATP.180

national identity. The first was the use of the term ‘Allied Air Force.’ This was notused in Australian narratives and it suggested, from the Canadian perspective, aninstitution of combined and supportive contributions. The sense of marginalization inAustralian stories was replaced by a confidence in a shared activity. Ted Smithrecalled, ‘I’d been on, all mixed up with RAF and New Zealander, Australian, Poles,whatever. I thought those were great squadrons, a lot of people did, the mixedsquadrons. They were great. As far as flight commanders were concerned andsquadron leaders and so on, I certainly had no… I thought they were all good, too. Wedid all right.’ 58 Another remembered, ‘We were mixed Canadian, Royal Air Forceguys or Australians, New-Zealanders. And as I mentioned before, 60 percent of usserved in RAF units during the war. Only 40 percent served in RCAF squadrons.’ 59William Carr explained the complexity of organization, ‘The boss man was a ColonelL. A. Roosevelt, the President’s son. And he had under him two wings, an Americanwing and the RAF wing. And in the RAF wing we had a mixed bag of pilots,Canadians and Brit and we even had some Poles.’ 60 Asked to join 617 Squadron ofDambuster fame, Donald Cheney described his smorgasbord crew. ‘Mack was anAustralian. My crew consisted of myself as a Canadian-- after Mack went I gotanother Canadian in from Calgary as my mid-upper gunner. My rear gunner wasEnglish. My radio operator was English, and the bomb aimer was Welsh. The flightengineer was a Scotsman and the navigator was a Scotsman. So, we had a great bunch.But we did get on well.’ 61 Held as prisoner of war, James Finnie remembered, ‘But wehad Bing Crosby’s ‘White Christmas’ and some of Dinah Shore’s numbers, and youknow, you’d look out the window and you’d hear Bing Crosby singing “WhiteChristmas”, and there was snow all over it was just like Ottawa at Christmas time andsearch lights, machine gun towers and so on and so forth. So you know, I’m sure therewasn’t too many dry eyes in that room of ours, and the room of ours consisted of58 Ted Theodore Smith, Sound Control No. 31D6 Smith, Oct. 2005, Interview transcript, Oral HistoryProgram, Canadian War Museum.59 John Friedlander, Sound Control No. 31Friedlander, Dec. 2005, Interview transcript, Oral HistoryProgram Canadian War Museum.60 William C Carr, Sound Control No. 31D 1 Carr, Oct. 2000, Interview transcript, Oral HistoryProgram Canadian War Museum.61 Donald H Cheney, Sound Control No.31D 1 Cheney, Nov. 2000, Interview transcript, Oral HistoryProgram Canadian War Museum.181

probably four or five Canadians, one New Zealander, a couple of Aussies and I guessthe rest were made up of English, Irish, Scotch, Welsh.’ 62There was also a sense of unity of purpose that surfaced in the interviews.Ultimately, all appeared to combine in an Allied Air force to fight for a common causewith a sense of duty to fight against what they perceived as aggressive nations, notonly Germany. Several returned to volunteer to fight in the Pacific theatre. JohnFriedlander recalled first his reason for enlisting:When war broke out, of course, I was amazed at what Hitler – the NaziHitler Fascist philosophy – was doing to freedom-loving nations inEurope. I had studied a great deal, of course, of John Stuart Mill andbeyond. I was anxious to join up, right after the Battle of Britain in 1939-40. 63Friedlander continued to explain the unity that was established in the mixtureof nationalities as they all had the same objective and ‘pushed together.’About sixty percent RAF guys—some of whom had been trained inCanada or the US—about I guess thirty percent or less, colonials—likemyself—Canadians—mostly Canadians—Australians, some NewZealanders, South Africans—you name it. I suppose five or ten percent—doesn’t add up precisely to a hundred—of what I call free Europeans—that is, superb guys who had got out of Czechoslovakia or Belgium orHolland, when their countries were overrun by the Nazis. These guyseither had money or connections or the moxie to be able to find a way toget out, and they did, through Spain or whatever; then, trained in Englandor in the B.A.C.P.—training plan in Canada—and gone back.Friedlander admitted, ‘At times, the Canadians willingly recognizedthemselves as colonials. Crews were a mixture of English, South Africans, Australiansand what not, with a nucleus of trained RAF pilots who had done about 20 trips of a30-trip tour. And if you were a Canadian, you were a colonial. 64 Ross Baroni servingas the only Canadian on a Pathfinder squadron related some antagonism, ‘If he calledme a Colonial again, I’d smash his head in. I was so mad! Of course, the Skipper62 James Finnie, Sound Control No. 31D1Finnie, Dec. 2000, Interview transcript, Oral History ProgramCanadian War Museum.63 John Friedlander Interview transcript Oral History Program Canadian War Museum.64 Arthur Wahlroth, Sound Control No. 31D 2 Wahlroth, Interview transcript, Oral History ProgramCanadian War Museum.182

jumps up. So, I said, “You tell him for me, that I don’t give a damn where you sit inthe aircraft, if he says something about me being a Colonial, I’ll slug him. I’m justgetting so fed up with it.” I was, because what the hell were they doing? And whatwould they do without us--supply them with the aircraft and people.’ 65 Jim and JohnMaffre recalled initial ‘attitude,’ but claimed once in a squadron it was different youwere accepted as part of the family. 66One theme that did not emerge in the narratives of Australian men was thememories held of discovering the concentration camps. 67 John Friedlander recalled:one of the memories I have – in fact, the only one that I can stillremember clearly after all these years – and what I have been telling youup to now really is recollections and some rather faded and probably notall of them entirely accurate. But I remember this one well. That is, nearthe end of the war—very near the end of the war—the last days—whenwe were in one of the German airfields .I think it was Lubeck, but I’mnot sure – right up near the Danish border. I think it was—we, a few ofus pilots took a jeep and went up to see one of the German concentrationcamps, and I think it was Belsen, that had just been liberated a weekbefore that by, I think, the British Army. That memory has stayed withme today. I can still smell it. What the German people did to the Jews isunbelievable. I don’t know how they did it. They’re civilized people.Friedlander then detailed the images he carried of the camps and in hisconclusion was found the explanation for his actions in combat.When you’re dealing with a group of people who are capable of doingthat, you don’t sit back and negotiate with them. Do you remember—who’s the—Chamberlain, coming back from Europe? They’re wavingthat piece of paper.’I’ve got his agreement that he won’t.’ You know,eight days later, he invaded Poland. Now, Chamberlain meant well, butyou can’t negotiate with a dictator, who has got there by power and fear.The only thing that will budge him is a superior power and a superiorfear. You don’t—you can’t negotiate. But we know that—all the talksfrom Machiavelli—but we never seem to understand that lesson.65 Ross Baroni, Sound Control No. 31D4 Baroni, Interview transcript, Oral History Program CanadianWar Museum.66 Jim and John Maffre, Sound Control No.1999 31D 5 Maffre Interview transcript, Oral HistoryProgram Canadian War Museum.67 An explanation offered for this was at the immediate end of war in Europe Australian airmen wereposted to fly in the Pacific war, while the Canadians continued in Europe.183

Anyway, that’s one of the things I remember. I’m sorry I lectured to youat the end of the thing, but…[laughs] 68Ted Smith recalled, ‘And before the war ended, some of us went up to Belsenconcentration camp and went through it, and that had a profound effect on the rest ofmy life, that thing. Yeah. It was a horrible thing to see, and, well, that’s enough. [tapepause] 69 William Clifford added to the image:‘We were much closer to Belsen, the concentration and exterminationcamp. We entered the camp April 21st.I can never begin to describe anyaspect of the total picture there. Typhus was rampant and we had to befortified by additional anti-typhus powder pumped into our clothing, allof our clothing, and camp cots. For many years after the war my view ofthe holiday, beach crowded, frolicking sun-bathers was superimposed bythe indelible picture in my mind of all those poor camp victims. Mostlynaked, skeletal bodies still staggering about, falling and crumbling uplike a pile of bones. And in the background, asbestos clad German SSprisoners under guard, of course, pulling corpses from an unending lineof flat bed trucks and pitching them into long bulldozed pits. When thatpit was full a quick ceremony for the deceased, by each in his turn, aRabbi, a Minister and a Roman Catholic Priest. All the time bulldozerswere gauging out the next interment pit. Anne Frank had died here a70month before at Camp Liberation.To witness such circumstances is horrific in its own right. To focus and relatesuch memories in part offers a moral justification for the violence these airmen havethemselves inflicted on civilian population. In their own minds it appears to make theiractions less contested and unified within the Empire these airmen were fighting for thevalues it supportedThe futility of the experiences endured by some Australians was also 82 Colonadded before block quote.expressed by Canadians. The four Maffre brothers hadenlisted in BCATP and only John and Jim survived. The following story was begun byJohn.68 John Friedlander Interview.69 Ted Smith, Sound Control No. 31D 6 Smith, Interview transcript, Oral History Program CanadianWar Museum.70 William C Clifford, 4 August 2006 31D 7 Clifford Interview transcript, Oral History ProgramCanadian War Museum.184

I borrowed my own aircraft, and flew down to near Mastricht whereGerry was buried, and landed at a U.S. Air Force station. They weremuch intrigued to see this little Spitfire there. They provided me with aCorporal, and an escort on a jeep, and drove to find Gerry’s grave. I hadnot seen it before. I haven’t seen it since. And then, the last day I everflew was when we—the whole squadron—in July, I guess—’45—flewover to disband at Dunsfold, in England. And I was allowed to take anaircraft up north to Birch in Newton, and visit Ken’s grave.Jim: Here’s something that struck my ears.[There were] British andCommonwealth people buried in the cemetery here. Across the road areGerman burials.John: Luftwaffe men.Jim: Airmen or seamen, you know. Isn’t it funny? Nothing wrong with it.Interviewer: No.Jim: But struck you strange.Interviewer: Young men from different countries would…Jim: Yes.John: Yes.Interviewer:…collide together…Jim: And would be buried together, almost…Interviewer:…in their lives, and would be buried together. Almost givesyou a sense of futility almost, really.While other aspects of their identity would be brought under scrutiny in therole of Empire, supported by their country’s continued recognition of the Canadiancontribution to air war 1939-45, Canadian aviators were able to represent in theirnarratives the BCATP as a ‘symbol of co-operation between countries of theCommonwealth and all like minded people of the world.’ 7171 Peter Marshall, ‘The British Commonwealth Air Training Plan,’ The Round Table, 354, 2000, 275.185

ConclusionThe hypothetical question has been asked, why is it that some ‘pasts’ triumphwhile others fail? Why do people prefer one image of the past over another? 72 Inexamining the response of the social images set up around the same institution byCanada and Australia it can again be asked why is one image accepted and anotherrejected. Answers appear to be found in the differing relationships of each nation tothe concept of Empire. Embraced as part of the Canadian past, yet estranged from theAustralian identity has impacted on individual identity and responses to the concept ofEATS. This chapter has tried to articulate the impact of the collective memory on theindividual identity. The narratives of Canadians were united in the shared nationalimage of the past. The Australian airmen related their narratives with a sense ofdisquiet and a sense of absence, lacking a sense of patriotic belonging. The occurrenceof such a process has been recognized in other circumstances as the past is pushedaway from the present. Since the time of the French Revolution, it has been noted, in astudy of nostalgia, the melancholy feeling of dispossession that is the result of pushingaway, reveals a sharper sense of temporal identity in both public and private lives andit thereby contributes to the history of memory and to the knowledge about thehistoricizing self. 73 Such uncertainty as to the role of Empire in the individualAustralian identity gave way expressions of alienation, justification and at times angertowards their role in contributing to the Scheme.The next two chapters examine further destruction of identity of Australianaviators as concepts of masculinity and the freedom and romance of flight werebrought under question and responses to lift these losses from obscurity and establishidentities in a constantly changing world.72 Alon Confino, ‘Collective Memory and Cultural History,’ American Historical Review, 102, 1997,1389.73 Peter Fritzsche, ‘Specters of History: On Nostalgia, Exile and Modernity,’ American HistoricalReview, December 2001, 1589.186

CHAPTER 7The Masculine Image Challenged‘Come on. Be a man’ was and remains the call often used for recruitmentincluding that for the institution of EATS. John Pettett had expressed the importanceto the individual of proving masculine worth and his own internal affirmation of hismasculinity; ‘the most significant aspect was testing, a sort of self-test, to see if I coulddo it.’ 1 To others the unquestioning compliance with the social expectations of themasculine role was clearly articulated. ‘It was something that us young fellows had todo.’ 2 In every interview the acceptance of the role was apparent, ‘Nobody thought ofnot enlisting. And the few people I know who didn’t certainly suffered a stigma in nothaving enlisted.’ 3 The continuing belief that war offers a way to ‘be a man’ findsexpression today. Stan Guilfoyle was adamant, ‘it certainly made a man of me.’ 4Others followed: ‘It makes men out of people who otherwise wouldn’t have theopportunity,’ 5 and ‘the war got me out and made men out of us.’ 6In 1939 the experience of war offered the opportunity to ‘be a man’ based onthe Edwardian terms of stoic endurance, physical courage, and the claim of glorythrough sacrifice. In this cultural environment, where the warrior was the dominantmale, the airman was seen as the elite. Men could not admit to sensitivity,introspection or self-doubt. Official studies of air force veterans have indicated that,characteristically, they do not allow their emotions to cause significant social oroccupational impairment. They came from an era that encouraged ‘the stiff upper lip’and this distinguishes them from the emotionally less inhibited veterans from recent1 Interview John Pettett, AWM S00515.2 Interview Jack ‘Snow’ Simmons.3 Interview John Piper AWM S00577.4 Interview Stan Guilfoyle5 Interview William Deane-Butcher AWM S00559.6 Interview Reg ‘Slim’ Moore.187

conflicts. 7 However, in aerial combat, every concept of masculinity would bechallenged, fragmenting the identities of air personnel. While war had been glorifiedthe concepts of killing and being killed were not given consideration. Theconfrontation of this reality would evoke strong emotional responses that revolvedaround fear and guilt. The purpose of this chapter is to chart the reaction of the air mento the challenges which they faced in their masculinity and the different perceptionsthat filtered through their minds as decades later, they attempted to make sense of theirexperiences.The literature covering the history of masculinity continues to grow, especiallythe area examining the impact of World War I on the development of masculine8identities. The study of masculinity in the Second World War is less substantial. 9While this thesis examines only the specialized military environment of the Australianairmen, it reflects on subjective experiences and the negotiation through the emotionalchallenges to masculinity, and thus it may illustrate the much broader issues of gender,emotional life and the creation of a national myth.The testaments of the men referred to in this chapter are retrospective andoffer an explanation attached to the horrors of war. Perhaps as has been observed inthe responses of men to World War I, combat is a journey made from naïve optimismof early training days to become increasingly skeptical and, finally, disillusionedcivilians in post-war years.10The challenges to masculinity and changes in culturalvalues encountered over time, evoked emotional responses in the aviators, and thusthis chapter engages with the structure of emotions, charting the influence of theseemotions in the minds of the individual and how they negotiated them in constructingtheir memories and their life stories. Traditional narratives of air warfare have not7 Wing Commander Leigh SA. Neal, ‘Commentary.’ Advances in Psychiatric Treatment 14, 1998, 218.Neal was Officer Commanding in the Defence Medical Services Psychiatric Center and Tr- ServicesPTSD Unit, Duchess of Kents’ Hospital, North Yorkshire.8 See for example Michael Roper and John Tosh, ed. Manful Assertions: Masculinities in Britain Since1800. London: Routledge, 1991. Joanna Bourke, Dismembering the Male Body.9 This has been recognized by, Mark Wells, Courage and Air Warfare, Martin Francis, The Flyer,Sonya Rose, Which People’s war? National Identity and Citizenship in War Time Britain 1939-1945,Oxford: Oxford University Press 2003. Joanna Bourke, An Intimate History of Killing.10 David Taylor, From Fighting the War to Writing the war: From Glory to Guilt?’ ContemporaryBritish History, 23 3 2009, 305.188

epresented the individual human dimension. Accounts have followed the codesregulating the expression of private feelings. Graham Little in, The Public Emotions,has argued that we are still afraid of emotions and the emotional life is something thatsimply cannot be engaged with. 11 In his appeal to have emotions recognized, he claimsthat the world still defines itself by lack of emotion enforced by public events. 12 Thecomplexities of the subjective masculine identity of the aviator, as the individualnegotiated between the competing concepts of reality and expectations, producingparadoxes and contradictions, provide the subject of this chapter. What did becomeclear, in following accounts, is that the concepts of masculinity, despite beingseriously challenged, remained deeply embedded in the identity of the aviatorsinterviewed.It became increasingly evident that certain values and core beliefs cannoteasily be extracted from the sense of identity formed in youth. While some scholarsargue that the experience of combat results in a rejection of the collective culturalvalues, it has been alternatively suggested that in ‘focusing on the loss of innocenceand growth of disillusionment, historians and literary critics alike have failed toappreciate the significance of the continuity and strength of traditional values and13motifs.’ Precisely because of the unprecedented destruction, it was essential to retainand restate the importance of values that had given meaning to their lives in the pastand were needed to preserve self-respect and sanity in the present.’ 14 The power of themasculine image survived in later decades.Seduced by the images of a militarized society that presented the glory of waras a rite of passage to male adulthood, young Australian volunteers to EATSresponded to the added attraction of the aviator as the new knight of modern war.While the impact of combat is recognized as destructive on the individual identityresulting in a sense of personal discontinuity, air war brought with it new areas of11 Graham Little The Public Emotions: from mourning to hope Sydney: ABC Books for the AustralianBroadcasting Corporation, 1999, 43.12 Graham Little, 19.13 Refer to Samuel Hynes, A War Imagined: the First World War and English Culture, London:Bodlley Head 1990, ix, who argues veterans rejected the ideas of society that had sent them out to war.Erik Erikson in Childhood and Society, also claims war destroyed identity.14 David Taylor, ‘From Fighting the war to writing the war: From Glory to Guilt?’ 303.189

confrontation that were completely unexpected, causing different emotional responsesthat need examination. In Chapter 3 the initial responses to combat for the aviatorswere examined but the stories related decades later provide reflective memories thathave been filtered through the external collective images and responses and their owninternal emotional reconciliation that, ultimately, saw the formation of a comfortableidentity and a niche in society. Involvement in combat elicits intense emotionalresponses that infiltrate the construction of later memories and images of eachindividual. This was revealed in the following interview with a veteran of EATS.Q. Is it fair to say that you’re divorcing yourself emotionally from this?That you’re not letting it… that you’re becoming a bit cold, a bitemotionally cold, about it, about other people?A. Oh, you are, sure, you are. Yes, you sort of… It’s no good getting intohysterics or anything like that, because it’s not worth it, because it’s sortof… it’s happening every day, and you just go and have a few beers andsort of front up the next day for flying and away you go.Q. Do you get a sort of fatalistic attitude? Or… I mean, you must thinkabout it.A. Probably, yes. Well, you know, it’s many years ago now, I’m sortof… And you’re young, and you think you’re invincible, or… (laugh) inthose days. 15Acknowledging the control of his emotions and, in his hesitant avoidance of aclear response, Geoffrey Coombes revealed the impact of the emotion on memory andthe instinct to conceal attacks on masculinity, exposing the consequent complexity, itimposes on the construction of individual images. While emotions may be nebulous,contradictory and complex, they are the very stuff of human action and agency. 16 Inconsidering the experiences encountered in EATS, as recalled in the stories ofveterans, emotions provide an insight into the individual response of those who flewthe machines of war. In listening to the stories, there is reluctance on the part of thenarrator to reveal private emotions, but to understand the stories, it is necessary tosearch behind the public codes of emotion that govern the narratives.15 Geoffrey Coombes, Flight Lieutenant RAAF and RAF and POW in Germany, 466 BomberSquadron. Interviewed AWM S00551.16 Joanna Bourke, ‘The Emotions of War: fear and the British and American military 1914-1945.’Historical Research 74 2001, 315.190

The historical culture surrounding masculinity and emotions finds its origins inthe mid-nineteenth century as the prescription of standards and ideals ‘that governendorsement, the expression and ultimately even the acknowledgement of emotions.’ 17From this time mastery of fear combined the emotional control men should learn witha ‘willingness to face up to moral obligations, qualities boys could be expected toacquire in their progress to adulthood.’ 18 Boys were told to face fear and conquer it.Such Victorian emotional formula continued into the twentieth century surroundingboys with a culture related to the manly ability to master fear. R.W. Connell hasrecognized that the cultural construction of masculinity is based on the verysuppression of emotions and their denial of any vulnerability. 19 It has also been notedthat the history of the emotional life of men is surprisingly stifled as we tend to clinghard to some of the most well entrenched truisms about masculinity: that it connotatestotal control of the emotions, that it mandates emotional inexpressivity and that itentraps in emotional isolation that boys in short, don’t cry. 20 A further observationclaims, men try to control themselves and when feeling too pressured, they attempt toescape. 21 It is the impact of emotional states evoked in negative emotions, fear andguilt, that men do not want to reveal, on the memory of veterans of EATS, and thesubsequent imposition on the images produced that I examine in this chapter. Mostveterans continued to present their testaments in the role expectation of emotionallycontrolled stoicism. Thus, the interpretations of the complexity of the emotionsexperienced both during air combat and in the way it was filtered and reformedaccording to role enactment in the following decades, places a dependence onextrapolation.Fear‘We always maintained that anybody who wasn’t afraid on operations was oneof two things: a liar or a moron’, declared Harold Wright, Squadron Leader, DFC and17 Peter Sterns, ‘Girls Boys and Emotion: Redefinitions and Historical Change,’ The Journal ofAmerican History, 80, 1 1993, 48.18 Ibid. 47.19 R.W. Connell, The Men and the Boys, St Leonards, NSW: Allen and Unwin, 2000, 5.20 Millette Shamir and Jennifer Travis ed. Boys Don’t Cry. Rethinking narratives of masculinity andemotion in the U.S. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001, 1.21 Michael Kimmel, Manhood in America: a cultural history. New York: Free Press 1996, 9.191

a member of the Pathfinder Force. 22 A sense of fear was alluded to in many interviewsand it is recognized as the most dominant emotion in combat. 23 The focus on fear andshell shock has been extensively explored in its effect on medical and military ideas ofmanliness in World War I. 24 There is little evidence of literature surrounding theemotional experiences of the aviator in World War II. It is overshadowed by the imageof the mythical knight of the sky. Yet the development of air combat brought differentresponses to fear, revealed in both medical, and military sources. Attitudes to fear andcourage were intimately linked to the culture of the era of pre-war ideals ofmasculinity and have continued to be reinforced in cultural, military and medicalcontexts. 25 While emotions were experienced, it was, as one airman admitted,culturally taboo to give them expression. 26Cultural ReactionThe post-war military, and political establishments who have clung to pre-warcodes of masculinity, or at least elements of it have countered the call of severalacademics, for changes in the understanding of masculinity in war. 27 One influentialand early example continuing support for war as a way to prove masculinity was TheAnatomy of Courage, published in the final year of the Second World War by LordCharles Moran, Winston Churchill’s physician. Using traditional concepts of characterand good education, Moran claimed war was the ‘supreme and final test if you will —of character.’ He insisted that cowardice was a failure of will and that the only manlycourse open to those experiencing ‘wind-up’ was to stick it out. 28 To express fearbecame a direct attack on man’s concept of himself as possessing stereotyped22 Interview with Harold Wright AWM S00582. The Pathfinders was considered the elite of the eliteand the most dangerous of all occupations in war.23 Joanna Bourke, ‘Fear and Anxiety: Writing about Emotion in Modern History,’ History WorkshopJournal, 55, 2003, 114.24 Joanna Bourke, Fear: A Cultural History, London: Virago 2005,199.25 See Michael Roper, ‘Between Manliness and Masculinity: The War Generation and the Psychologyof Fear in Britain 1914-1950,’ Journal of British Studies, 44, 2005, 343.26 Interview with Jack Donald AWM, S00952.27 Michael Roper, ‘Between Manliness and Masculinity.’ 344. Kirsty Muir, ‘Idiots, Imbeciles andMoral Defectives: Military and ‘Government Treatment of Mentally Ill Service Personnel andVeterans’ Journal of Australian Studies, 73, 2002, 41-47.28 Lord Moran, The Anatomy of Courage, London: Constable, 1945.192

masculine qualities. 29 The dominant narrative surrounding courage and air warfaremaintains the prevailing philosophy in Britain during the Second World War was thatsoldiers or airmen who broke in battle were innately weak or cowardly. 30 Militaryauthorities, especially those traditionalists who believed courage was a function ofbackground and breeding, were especially inclined to accept the characterization. Menof strength and character were judged immune from emotional disorder. 31The cultural code surrounding the presentation of masculinity in war has beenmaintained in Australia. Michael Tyquin, writing of Australia’s experience in theGreat War, explored the response of the Australian public to the expression ofemotions in war. 32 Literature, he claimed, has ignored the role of the individual in war,to fight in it and suffer from it in a very personal way, and the psychological casualtiesare largely overlooked. 33 In manufacturing the Anzac Digger, Tyquin suggests CharlesBean had encapsulated the myth, considering those who succumbed to mental illnesshad no part of this world and subsequent generations of unquestioning Australianshave been largely content with this view. 34 The mentally scarred men could nottherefore enjoy a sanctioned place in the young nation’s idealized archetype ofbronzed hyper–masculine warrior. 35 Embedded in our national history, the glory ofwar and national honour depends upon the stoic warrior myth of national identity.Driven by a desire to uphold the Anzac legend of stoic bravery during the conflict, thesubject of fear in combat has become taboo. It is this image that carries into the twentyfirst century preventing veterans of EATS from expressing any emotional horror associety wanting to forget and move on has deliberately orchestrated the omission ofemotional impact on the individual.Recent historical research in Australia sees scant recognition of emotions.Conflict has been depersonalized and sanitized versions given. There is little concept29 John McCarthy, ‘Aircrew and Lack of Moral Fibre in the Second World War,’ War and Society, 2,1984, 87.30 Mark Wells, Courage and Air Warfare, London: Frank Cass 1995, 74.31 Michael Tyquin, Madness and the Military: Australia’s Experience in the Great War, Loftus,Australia: Australian Military History Publication, 2006.32 Michael Tyquin, ix.33 Ibid. 2.34 Ibid.35 Ibid.193

of real horror of war and no concept of fear or guilt. Much of Australian writing aboutwar concentrated on the nation’s participation with little attention to humandimensions. It is only within the last decades that historians have begun to examine theimpact of the post war legacy on the veterans and their families. Such work examinesthe impact of war on the home front, of grief, commemoration and memory. 36 This hasrecently extended to an interest in the emotions of men in combat and to Australianprisoners of Japan in World War II. 37 Of the little written on Australian aircrew duringthis period there have been only muted suggestions of the impact on the individualsensibilities and experiences. My intention, in searching for explanations of the imagescreated of EATS, is to place the memories of veterans within this cultural contextInstitutional UnderstandingThe cultural attitudes to masculinity found reflection in the policies adopted byair force authorities. There was no precedent for the new dimension of the power anddestruction of aerial warfare and little knowledge of the impact on the individualairman. The task of air force officials was to keep the planes in the air and towards thisaim they instigated the policy known as Lack of Moral Fibre (LMF.) It is claimed, thatsenior air force commanders deliberately introduced the policy, to stigmatize men whorefused to fly without medical reason. 38 In 1940, Air-Vice Marshall Gossage, initiatedthe policy for disposal of members of the air crew stating there was ‘a residuum ofcases where there was no physical disability, no justification for granting of rest fromoperational employment and in fact nothing wrong, except lack of moral fibre. 39 It wasbased on the cultural concepts of masculinity also suggesting that moral fibre wasalmost a physical quality. It was also believed by RAF authorities that fear wascontagious, so those suspected of LMF were quickly sent to assessment centres wherethey were shamed by loss of rank. 40 The term was an administrative one and medicalofficers were not consulted in its design. Air Vice-Marshall Sir Arthur Harris opposedany suggestion that medical officers should decide. ‘For them to make a classification36 See works by Stephen Garton, Joan Beaumont, Joy Damousi, Alistair Thomson.37 See for example; Rosalind Hearder, Keep the Men Alive: Australian POW doctors in Japanesecaptivity, Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2009.38 John McCarthy, Allen English, and Mark Wells support this view.39 Edgar Jones ‘LMF: The use of Psychiatric stigma in the Royal air Force during the Second WorldWar,’ The Journal of Military History 70, 2, April 2006, 439.40 Mark Wells, Courage and Air Warfare 192-3.194

would offer an outlet and encourage the weaklings and waverers (who are otherwisesound) to express conditions which it is intended to guard against.’ 41 It was believedfear was within the man not in the circumstances. The term was deliberately designedso it would not attract any sympathy and it was also used to discourage air crew fromexpecting nervous symptoms and giving them an escape from the hazards ofoperational flying without loss of privilege or honour. 42At the outbreak of war the RAAF medical section was still under the directionof the Army Medical services and did not establish independence until April 1940 andthen policies followed those of the RAF. In the operation of EATS uniformity ofmedical standards for all air crew was adopted throughout the British Commonwealthand RAF standards were wholly adopted by the RAAF. 43 Research has concluded thatin the policy of LMF the Australian Air Board also followed the RAF. 44 Directions tothe Australian Air Board were forwarded from Overseas Headquarters concerning thedisposal of aircrew who had forfeited the confidence of their Commanding Officer. 45The willingness or necessity of the Australian Air Board authorities to followBritish policy finds one explanation in Allan Walker’s history covering the medicalaspects of World War II in Australia. Walker maintained the standard of psychiatry inAustralia was much below that in British, Canadian, American or German forces, andwas only slowly established in the Australian Services during the war owing to thepaucity of trained staff. 46 The reason for this he explained was in Australia there hasbeen some mistrust of psychiatry because its basis was largely empirical, because itsinfluence might dangerously affect manpower during the war, and because its workwas still confused with archaic notions of the madhouse. 4741 Edgar Jones, 446.42 Edgar Jones, 444.43 Allan S. Walker Australia in the War of 1939-1945, Series 5 Medical, Vol. 4, Canberra: AWM 1961,211.44 See John McCarthy, ‘Aircrew and Lack of Moral Fibre in the Second World War,’ who also notesthat it is still only possible to arrive at a tentative estimation, as details are cloudy possibly to avoidpublicity. 9645 National Archive of Australia A2217 1137/19/P146 Allan S. Walker, Australians in the War of 1939-1945, Series 5 (Medical), Vol. 4, Canberra: AWM1957-1961, 21147 Allan S Walker, Australians in the War of 1939-1945, Series 5 (Medical), Vol. 1, 674.195

Medical ConceptsThe origins of military psychiatry began in World War I with the recognitionthat in the trenches soldiers had suffered traumatic experiences resulting in thediagnosis known as ‘shell shock.’ The adoption of this label by the press, militarydoctors, soldiers themselves, politicians and the literary fraternity from 1915 onwards,demonstrated that it had finally been acknowledged that war could exercise apowerful effect on a soldier’s mind. 48 Yet, during World War I, this concept remainedfirmly linked to the social constructs of masculinity suggesting breakdown in soldierswas linked with that of individual constitution and hereditary predisposition. 49 Shellshock, it was argued in the Southborough Report of 1922, was a disorder that could beeliminated by screening, training, good leadership and esprit de corps. 50 Thus medicalbeliefs remained linked to the concept of the manly ability to master fear.By the time of Second World War, there was a greater degree of psychologicalsophistication amongst soldiers and the population in general as well as thepsychiatrists who were treating them. Social expectations of psychological distresshad changed admitting the notion of stress and fatigue and nervous breakdowns couldtake place in ordinary people without invoking the notion of major mental illness or51insanity. The British Consultant Psychiatrist introduced the term ‘exhaustion’ or‘campaign neurosis’, which had no implications of a mental disease and was moreacceptable to line commanders. The social and medical acceptance of the term‘breaking point’ now meant that stress could overwhelm any one; that it was normalbehaviour and that acknowledging and accepting fear was part of combat. 5248 Ben Shepherd, ‘Pitiless psychology: the role of prevention in British military psychiatry in theSecond World War,’ History of Psychiatry X, 1999, 493.49 Chris Freudtner, ‘Minds the dead have ravished. Shell shock, history and the ecology of diseasesystems.’ History of Science xxxi 1993, 38650 The notion that all soldiers, even those that were well led and highly trained, could break down inaction, was not accepted by the military authorities until the Second World War. The SouthboroughReport (War Office Committee of Enquiry into ‘Shell-Shock’, 1922) concluded in 1922 that regularunits with high morale were virtually immune from such disorders as shell-shock.51 Hans Binneveld, From Shell Shock to Combat Stress: A Comparative History of MilitaryPsychology. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997, 94.52 James Martin, Linette Sparacino, Gregory Belenky ed. The Gulf War and Mental Health, London:Praeger 1996, xii.196

While several Australian psychiatrists recognized the complexity of reactionsto stress in combat others such as Dr Lyle Buchanan expressed the view thatpredisposition to mental unfitness was largely a matter of hereditary and family. 53Admitting ‘soldiers behaviour under war stress will be determined to a considerableextent by the personality pattern laid down in early life,’ A.J.M. Sinclair included thata ‘history of family neuropathy may be said to be significant only in the presence ofother unfavourable factors, and unsuccessful school and work record were goodindicators.’ 54 The treatment for combat stress invited debate among Australianpsychiatrists one questioning the statement, ‘the prevailing sympathetic attitude tomental illness should be replaced by a sterner attitude; in other words it appearedsome element of disgrace should attach to a discharge from the army on suchgrounds.’ This it was claimed would be ‘a retrograde step.’ 55 One enlightened andsympathetic voice was that of Reginald Ellery who recommended that for men incombat ‘the psychological needs are just as urgent more so, in fact, because they areless obvious.’ 56Acceptance of psychiatric conditions in aerial combat took a different focusrestricted by the views of the RAF officers who culturally defined courage by classand character. 57 Early investigations during World War I concluded that flying stresswas a new disease linked mainly to the lack of oxygen resulting in nervousness,insomnia, lack of confidence and disinclination to fly. 58 It was concluded this wasoften linked to personal background. 59 Research in the interwar years was based on thework of Frederick C Bartlett, a founding member of the Flying Personnel ResearchCommittee, and one of Britain’s most eminent psychologists. 60 His argument53 Dr Lyle Buchanan in paper given by W.S. Dawson ‘War Neurosis’ Medical Journal of AustraliaOctober 1941, 398.54 A.J.M.Sinclair, ‘Psychiatric casualties in an operational Zone in New Guinea,’ The Medical Journalof Australia, December 1943, 455.55 See paper and discussion W.S.Dawson ‘War Neurosis The Medical Journal of Australia October 41941 39856 Reginald Ellery, Psychiatric Aspects of Modern Warfare, Melbourne: Reed and Harris 1945, 33.57 Mark Wells has examined this view in detail. Chapter 8.58 C.P.Symonds, ‘The Human Response to Flying Stress’ British Medical Journal Dec.4 1943, 4326,705.59 Ibid.60 Allan English, ‘A predisposition to cowardice: Aviation and the genesis of Lack of Moral Fibre.’War and Society 13 1995, 19.197

maintained certain ‘weaklings’ were unable to exercise personal will to resistbreakdown. He returned to the Edwardian images of the need for men to fightvigorously against fear. 61It was such emphasis on breeding and experience in childhood and earlyadolescence that framed the attitude to fear encountered in aviation combat. Therewas little reliance on the new field of psychology. In 1939 the Air Ministry issued anote for medical officers dealing with fear. The ‘most basic instinct of selfpreservation,often involving flight from danger, was governed by controls acquiredduring education and training and comprised a person’s character. Those with ‘strongcharacters were able to display patriotism, tenacity of purpose and self-sacrificewhile those with weak characters were described as vacillating, undependable andineffective. It was all due to their own inability to control fear. 62 It was added, in allof this, breeding was important. Another medical report issued in 1941 recognised anidentifiable group of men who, by virtue of their genes and family background wereunfit to be air crew and thus should be treated with no sympathy. One Australianmedical officer serving in Bomber Command commented, ‘The question ofbackground is really important …Breeding very definitely is of great importance. Itis unlikely that the son of a coward would himself become a hero, for it is remarkablehow heroism runs in families.’ 63 Towards the end of the war there was somemovement to recognize the impact of external stress but the focus was based on theaccepted culture of masculinity.In Australia in 1943 it was recognized that in the field of military psychology‘we know little,’ and concerning the Air Force there has ‘been scant opportunity forthorough and long continued studies in this new environment.’64In his analysis offlying personnel, D.F. Buckle combined the belief of those more likely to break down61 Ibid. 19.62 Air Ministry Papers, 100. Air Ministry Pamphlet, 1939 cited in Allen D English, ‘A predisposition toCowardice? Aviation Psychology and the Genesis of Lack of Moral Fibre,’ War and Society 13, 1995,21.63 Victor Tempest, Near The Sun: The Impressions of a Medical Officer of Bomber Command,Brighton: Crabtree Press, 1946, 49-50. Cited in Mark Wells 12.64 D.F.Buckle, ‘The Prevention of Psychiatric Disorders in Flying Personnel’ The Medical Journal ofAustralia August 1943 124.198

under conditions of stress, as ‘those who have an unusually protective familyenvironment, intimately related to the Oedipus fixation,’ with the admission, ‘thepsychiatric disorder that can be caused by long-continued flying, exacerbated byphysiological exhaustion, fear, anxiety or strain, the morale of the group as well as thepersonality of the subject.’ 65 Thus he recognized the need for careful selection as wellas the ‘need to encourage positive factors such as heightening of group spirit, withrelease of energy into group goals and the setting and encouragement of positiveideals which come under the headings of propaganda and fighting spirit.’ 66Implementation of Policy and SuccessThe implementation of the policy was intended to inflict the ultimate publichumiliation. One veteran recorded witnessing the event: ‘The whole squadron wasformed into a square and this sergeant-pilot was brought in under guard, the verdictread, ‘Cowardice in the face of the enemy’, and his rank was ripped from him there, bythe flight sergeant, and he was then literally drummed out. I thought it was an awfulthing. I’ve got to admit that I’d have sooner got killed than gone through that.’ 67It is difficult to find official records or mention of LMF in historians’ work,and Edgar Jones in his study suggests this is probably due to the controversy it arousedamong aircrew. 68 The National Archives of Australia has two files listed under LMF. 69They are titled ‘Disposal of aircrew. Lack of moral fibre cases.’ And ‘Disposal ofaircrews who forfeit the confidence of their C.O.s’ Nineteen names are listed in thefile. While records are difficult to find it is generally estimated those accused of LMFwere few, thus attesting to the effectiveness of its deterrent role suggesting some menstayed in combat because they were afraid of what might happen to them if they did65 D.F. Buckle 124.66 D.F. Buckle 126.67 Cited in Mark Wells 199.68 Edgar Jones, ‘LMF: The Use of Psychiatric Stigma in the Royal Air Force.’ 455.69 NAA. Series Number A2217 Control 1137/8/P1, 1137/19/P1.199

not. One veteran recalled that the ignominy and humiliation of going LMF was sofeared that some men continued to fly long after their nerves were in shreds. 70Exclusion of LMF from the Public NarrativeMention of the term LMF evokes anxious silences. 71 To expose the policysurrounding LMF threatens the cultural myths that surround national identity, war andmasculinity. To admit publically to the fear encountered in war, is to expose thedramatic disparity between the reality of combat and the romantic myths of aerial war.It also reveals the pernicious nature of discipline in war that is covertly enforced tomaintain the public image of courageous masculinity. The notion of masculinity wasone of the social controls used to continue the militarization of society, sanctioning theactions of heroism.The Vietnam War while questioning attitudes did not completely dispel thestigma surrounding expression of fear. Medical diagnosis of fear in aircrew duringWorld War II had considered men constitutionally weak and the blame was ascribed totheir personal response. By contrast, the diagnosis of PTSD carried the implicationthat the traumatic exposure was the primary cause of any symptoms of fear. However,it has been argued there was a continued marked reluctance on the part of Australianpsychiatrists to admit that the experience of fighting could cause or even precipitate apsychiatric disorder, in order to resist any challenge to the legitimacy of war.Military psychiatry has faced resistance from traditional military morality determinedby broader social ideas about courage, fulfilling one’s duty and a sense of selfsacrifice. 73 As Hans Binneveld has so clearly concluded, military psychiatry has cometo question the deeply cherished traditional morality of the military. Heroism, amentality of determinism and self-sacrifice, the foundations on which this morality7270 Mark Wells, 201.71 This was a reaction observed on several occasions, in interviews and when talking with servingmembers of the RAAF.72 Anne Marie Conde, ‘The Ordeal of Adjustment: Australian Psychiatric Casualties of the SecondWorld War’ War and Society 15, 2, 1997, 64.73 Hans Binneveld, From Shell shock to Combat Stress 103.200

was built, have been relativised and reduced to human proportions. It is perfectlyunderstandable this has evoked considerable resistance. 74Fear in Narratives‘Anyone who said they were not terrified would be lying,’ adamantly statedBoz Parsons in our interview. 75 After years of reflection Boz Parsons hadacknowledged fear. 76 At 93, Parsons still had his pilot’s licence and flew regularly. Hekept referring to books which he had collected and, as if anticipating a question, hevoluntarily offered a pragmatic explanation of his role referring to emotion. By preemptingthe question he remained in control and he neutralized the impact on hisnarrative:People often ask me what did you feel like dropping bombs on peopleand I said well if you were up there you wouldn’t have asked thatquestion because you were more concerned with doing what you hadbeen ordered to do and get the hell out of it as fast as you can becauseyou were frightened. You are terrified, but you just keep going.Dereck French, in assuming his public mask of stoic masculinity, as he recalledhis experiences, did not want to admit to fear. It was when his wife began to enter theconversation that the impact of emotions was revealed. Unlike French, his wife wasintent to expose the stress and fear which he suffered. With her entry into theinterview, she explained the distress that French felt at the AWM when he saw thesimulated bombing of Germany. She said she had never seen him so upset. In theinterview he looked drawn and distraught at the memory of it and said only, ‘It was soreal.’ 77 This led to a discussion of fear and in an interesting series of contradictoryassociations French remembered LMF. He began, ‘We knew nothing about it.’ Thenas he reflected, ‘They just used to disappear. We didn’t talk about it.’ He changed toadmitting, ‘I knew one man who was accused and that was terrible. He didn’t know74 Ibid. 199.75 Interview with Boz Parsons.76 Interview with Boz Parsons.77 Interview with Dereck French.201

what to do.’ He finally disclosed, ‘I used to chew gum and sometimes my mouth wasso dry I couldn’t.’ Jack Simmons was more direct with his answer. ‘Fear wassomething you kept to yourself. It would have been a sign of weakness, cowardice ifyou want. I can’t remember any of the blokes showing signs of outward fear that wemust have been feeling.’ 78Max Roberts began by referring to Hank Nelson’s book. 79 Roberts related thecase of the fellow who lost his nerve on takeoff claiming ‘he would have blown up thewhole drome if he had taken off. There was no turning back,’ Roberts continued. ‘Hewas put in restraints which we had on the aircraft.’ Roberts introduced the term LMF,explaining it was seldom used, ‘but it was there, they had the capacity to do that.’Then Roberts’ thoughts returned to what was required of the men and the constantpresence of fear.Some of the crews, you have to admire these blokes they would vomitevery trip on takeoff and they would front up the next time and the nexttime and the next time. They would endure that and you have to pat themon the back for that.Roberts brought two documentaries that he had recorded from television to theinterview. He said he had saved them locked up so his wife never had to see them.Death by Moonlight was the Canadian documentary that had exposed the bombing ofGerman civilians and Wings of the Storm, which commented on Australianinvolvement in EATS. 80 The inability to include concepts of fear in individualnarratives appears guided by the pressure of cultural expectations. As many menwhom I interviewed read books or poems as a way of conveying emotions, Robertsreferred to these two documentaries that conveyed the horror of war and the fear hehad endured, without him having to speak of it. While the emotion of fear maysurface, it more often remains hidden, increasingly eliminated from the individualimage related to EATS. The inability to include concepts of fear in individualnarratives, guided by the pressure of cultural expectations of masculine behavior incombat, becomes one element adding to the modification of the image of EATS.78 Interview with Jack ‘Snow’ Simmons, AWM S00756. Air Gunner on Catalinas.79 Interview with Max Roberts.80 Both of these Documentaries were discussed in chapter 5.202

Despite arguments that social values have been redefined, recognizing and acceptingthe role of emotions and stress in war, the strength of the culture of military ethos andthe dominance of masculine heroism still exists in the minds of EATS veterans,contributing to reticence in discussing fear. 81GuiltThe influence of cultural values on the attainment of masculinity through warhas been well documented. Yet involvement in war means killing and the violence inthis act must overwhelm other prior cultural values that shooting at other humanbeings is irrational and barbaric. 82 In civilian life, killing was forbidden and suddenlyengaged in war, the recruit must find techniques of repressing the form of guilt and theaccompanying strain. 83 The apocalyptic scale of devastation released as a result of thebombing of civilians, in both Germany and Japan, is one of the most dominant ofcollective images of aerial warfare. It is surrounded by a debate of the morality, andthe actions and those who flew fall within the shadow of the controversy. Followingthe call to ‘be a man’, aviators were, in post-war decades, subjected to the question ofmorality in their actions. The interest in the impact of aerial bombing has created aworld division on the ethics associated with terror bombing as the world confronts thehorror of the past. It has also been noted that the ‘high technology and moralambiguity resulting from its use against civilian populations, has limited its potentialfor celebratory mythology.’ 84It is the impact of the actions on the individual veteran of EATS that isexamined here. Boz Parsons has already revealed the question of his response tobombing was frequently asked, and his reply was, ‘If you were there you would never81 For a brief discussion of re-evaluation of social values see Ben Shepherd, A War of Nerves Soldiersand Psychiatrists in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001, 397.82 George Fletcher, Glory and Guilt in the Age of Terrorism, Princeton: Princeton University Press,2002,12.83 Eric Leed discusses this point in ‘Fateful Memories: Industrialized War and Traumatic Neuroses’Journal of Contemporary History 35, 1, 2000.84 Joan Beaumont, ‘ANZAC day to VP day: arguments and interpretations,’ Journal of the AustralianWar Memorial, 40, 2007.203

ask that question.’ 85 The emotional reaction of the individual must be placed within thecultural context, and in the post war debate veterans have become aware of thecontroversy in which unwittingly they played a central role. During the war it wasfashionable to compliment aviators, but as soon as peace reigned, the association withbombing, became an unpleasant part of the war that politicians and historians feltconvenient to forget. It has been frequently suggested that involvement in the death ofcivilians through bombing is a major reason why aerial war has not entered themainstream of commemoration. 86Nicky Barr, a fighter pilot, articulated the problem faced by airmen as theyconfronted guilt. 87 In his observations he was clear in the way airmen justified theiractions:A lot of pilots say they didn’t shoot down men they shot down aircraft.Air war was cleaner than hand-to-hand bayonet or machine gun. But howdeeply do you think people believed that? How much of it wasrationalization. Here again, I think it is difficult to generalize becausepeople’s reaction, like their emotions differ so much that in myexperience it was easy for a fighter pilot to almost con himself into adepersonalized war because it was remote from the reality of war. Theydon’t really think they have killed somebody. They haven’t got thatfeeling; they haven’t seen a man die.Barr commented on the general training propaganda that established attitudes to theItalians, Germans and Japanese. He said he had learned he could depersonalize hisfeelings and the hatred which he felt was not for the individuals but what they stoodfor. To Barr the most difficult aspect of his war experiences had been the basicphilosophical inconsistency between fighting for peace and hating individuals. 88Direct reference to guilt was never mentioned, yet in their reflections veteransconstantly justified their actions, or as Barr observed, ‘rationalised’ actions. Thetraining officer for volunteers at the Shrine of Remembrance, observed that all85 Interview with Boz Parsons.86 Hank Nelson, Chased by the Sun.87 Interview with Nicky Barr, AWM S00939.88 Ibid.204

veterans including airmen, claimed World War II was a ‘good war.’ 89 The reflectivememories of veterans decades after the war were constructed around a highly selectiveprocess of a ‘good war.’ The construction of memories is explained in the words, ‘Weremake our past by remembering and forgetting but it is not simply events which werecall, for the past we recreate becomes a repository of our defences, emotions, desiresand fantasies.’ 90 The argument in the testaments of veterans can be seen as a defenceagainst their own emotions of guilt. Veterans, in their interviews, defended theiractions as a global crusade against the evil and aggressive regimes threatening our freedemocratic way of life. 91 Asked of the moral dilemma surrounding the death ofcivilians in aerial bombing, Arthur Doubleday replied, ‘Well it didn’t worry me. I wasbriefed on lots of targets where I knew civilians would be involved. The workmenwere round the factories and it was the factories we were after… The whole future ofcivilization was at stake. So I had no qualms about it. I know a lot of people did, but Ididn’t.’ 92 In many interviews the claim to be fighting for a cause became anestablished mantra. Guilt was the elephant in the room. Don Charlwood shuffled a pileof papers before he found a page which he had been working on using in part thewriting of Chester Wilmot and asked if he could read. 93In the summer of 42, 400 million people in Europe hung under the yolkof German rule: The Empire of Adolf Hitler. This stretched from theMediterranean to the Arctic from the English Channel to the Black Seaand almost to the Caspian. Singapore and the Far East had long sincefallen and New Guinea had just been occupied. Some of us in ourtraining in Canada had family members who were involved in the Pacificwar, myself included. My twenty-year-old brother Ian was there with themilitias, 39 battalion. Small wonder that when our training was over wewould want to be close to home. Our feelings on reaching England wereambivalent. We had been stationed for some weeks in Bournemouth andtended to be exaggeratedly Australian as we marched around thatbeautiful town with trainees of the RAF and RCAF. We were given leaveand gravitated to London and it was there that I an awakening it was not89 Conversation, Steve Gome, Education Programmer, Shrine of Remembrance, Melbourne19 th June 2008. The justification of the morality of war continues to evoke debate, most recently inMichael Burleigh, Moral Combat: A History of World War II, London: Harper Collins, 2010.90 Joan Wallach-Scott ‘Introduction’ in Luisa Passerini, Autobiography of a Generation: Italy 1968.Middletown Conn. Wesleyan University Press xii.91 See Carl Bridges, ‘Fighting the Good Fight: Australia and the Second World War,’ Quadrant, May,1995, 17.92 Interview with Arthur Doubleday AWM S00546.93 Charlwood was still in the process of writing about his experiences. Chester Wilmot was anAustralian war correspondent during the Second World War often stationed with air force crews.205

so much that we could see the bomb devastation around us and theLondoners continuing around their daily work or even those bombed outsleeping in bunks on the underground platform It was the sight ofdifferent nationalities among the service men in the street PolesNorwegian, Free French, Czechs, Belgians. It struck home that these menhad made perilous escapes by leaving behind family members who mustnow be hostages to Nazism. There were men too of British Regimentswho had escaped from Dunkirk and many men of the Canadian army andalso the first of the Americans. And there were uniformed young women,which we had never seen. It was a remarkable feeling of bondingbetween us. A feeling in the air that these people would eventuallyprevail, undoubtable, the spirit was heightened by Churchill’s speeches.For us it was humbling too to be thanked by civilians for what we weredoing before we had done anything at all. Our excessive nationalismbegan to seem of small account. 94In choosing to read this, Charlwood distanced himself from immediateinvolvement in the destruction of aerial bombing. Central in his memory was the fightagainst ‘the evil force of Nazism,’ where he was united in a universal league ofprotecting civilians. He addressed the guilt he felt knowing he was far from defendingAustralia from another evil. This he justified by being united in a cause that madeAustralian excessive nationalism ‘seem of small account.’Reflections and memories recorded their reasons for enlistment over sixtyyears ago as the fight against aggressive nations. To Peter Isaacson, ‘We were lookingto defend Britain and the monarchy and everything that went with being a member ofthe British Commonwealth.’ 95 Another recalled, ‘I think any war is regretted, and Ithink everyone realises this but in my day and age we felt, as I still do now, that thatwar had to be fought whether you liked it or not because the consequences could havebeen quite drastic for everyone in Australia and everyone in the Commonwealth as itwas in those days.’ 96 The influence of the changing cultural environment was alsoreflected in the use of the word ‘Commonwealth’. 97 A further reflection explained:94 Read in an interview with Don Charlwood.95 Interview with Peter Isaacson.96 Interview with Jack Doyle AWM S00923.97 While a matter of terminology it is symbolically significant. The change from Empire to BritishCommonwealth became official in the 1942 Statute of Westminster Adoption Act, although the exacttransfer remains vague. It is clear from these events, and recognition by the world community, that atsome time between 1926 and the end of World War II Australia had achieved full independence as asovereign state of the world. The British Government ceased to have any responsibility in relation tomatters coming within the area of responsibility of the Federal Government and Parliament, Volume 1206

People forget what a war was really about. The United Nations wasestablished after the war and it established principles on which countriescould achieve some form of happiness despite everything. And it’s allwritten down in a little book you can get from the United Nations and itinvolves freedom of speech, freedom of religion, an education, freedomto work, where you want to and the type of work you want to do, a fairtrial and so on. There are various principles and we tend to forget that alot of people have shed a lot of blood for many years to get that goingand we’d better watch out we don’t lose it. 98Again in retrospect a justification was found, ‘you read history and since thewar I’ve read a lot of it, and when you see what was actually happening, what Hitlerwas doing, we had no alternative.’ 99 Commenting on actions of bombing, DavidLeicester recalled, ‘Well, I had mixed feelings about that. I still do. I can recallwalking around London and seeing the damage that was done there, with the blitz, andsubsequently seeing what happened to Coventry. I don’t know; it shouldn’t be afeeling of “an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth”, but, well, that’s how you feltabout it in wartime, that’s the way you were brought up, you were given a job to doand you obeyed the command’ 100 It was in picking up the prisoners of war andreturning them to England that Reg Moore justified it was all worthwhile. ‘When youread of what Hitler was doing there was no alternative.’ 101Frank Dimmick confronted the issue, suggesting he was very aware of theaccusations made about the moral side of aerial warfare. 102You have to look at the war as a whole. They talk about the atomic bomband are critical of that. If we hadn’t dropped the atomic bomb, Germanywas researching it. If we hadn’t dropped it someone would have wewould have lost tens of thousands of troops going into Japan. Theywould never have laid down they would have died and taken us withthem. If there hadn’t been an atomic bomb someone would have done itsomewhere. Again Dresden was another one. I had nothing to do withof the Final Report of the Constitutional Commission 1998. The report was forwarded to the thenAttorney General of the Commonwealth. Canada had made official use of the term BritishCommonwealth since 1931 and thus used the title British Commonwealth Air Training Plan, notEmpire Air Training Scheme.98 Interview with William Deane-Butcher AWM S00559.99 Interview with Reg ‘Slim’ Moore Interview for Video Wings of the Storm AWM F03457.100 Interview with David Leicster AWM S00524.101 Interview with Reg ‘Slim’ Moore AWM S00987.102 Interview with Frank Dimmick.207

Dresden but Dresden was destroyed and the allies have been criticisedterribly for that bombing. It was part of an out and out war. The countryhad to be beaten Butch Harris Oh, that’s my memory today! It worriesme. Butch Harris, he made some terrible decisions, but he had to. Hehelped us win the war. 103In the situation nearly seven decades later, Frank confronted the moralcriticism. Also of interest is, in interviews, that guilt was never mentioned directly, nordid I ask about emotional responses to combat, but to each veteran it became central,as they reflected upon their actions to place their experiences in a context that wouldbe culturally accepted reflecting the values and expectations of ‘now’. This processwas re-enforced in the words of Siegfried Sassoon as he commented on the art ofreminiscence when writing Sherston’s Progress vowing to ‘show myself as I am nowin relation to what I was doing in the war.’ 104In several accounts actions were justified as the result of moral indignation ofwhat was portrayed to them as ‘absolute evil’ evoked by the actions of the ‘enemy’.An often recounted story was the atrocious fate of Bill Newton. He was shot down andbeheaded by the Japanese in New Guinea. Details of his execution were recorded in aJapanese diary and reported in Australian newspapers in October 1943. Newton wasposthumously awarded the Victoria Cross and became a legendary figure of heroismamong Australian airmen. 105 Interviewees referred to the ‘Newton Affair’, and whilenot directly expressing abhorrence, it was implicit in an attitude to the ‘Japs’. 106 As oneveteran confessed, ‘I don’t think any Australian had any regrets for killing Japanese. Ithink our feelings were, after what they’d done in Malaya and Singapore to ourfellows, and with the treachery of Pearl Harbour, the one particular thing that was inour mind was that… one of the Boston pilots of, I think, 20 Squadron, might be 22Squadron, Flight Lieutenant Newton – Bill Newton – whose aircraft was hit by enemyon beaches north of Milne Bay, he crash-landed in the water and he was taken ashoreand beheaded there. These atrocities gave us no regrets whatsoever in killing every103 Air Marshall Sir Arthur Harris was the head of Bommber Command. His usual nickname was‘Bomber Harris,’ but obviously some chose to call him ‘Butch,’ Harris possible short for Butcher.104 Siegfried Sassoon, Sherston’s Progress, London: Faber and Faber 1936, 37 cited in Watson, J.S.K.Fighting Different Wars: Experience, Memory and the First World War in Britain Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2004, 231.105 Alan Stephens, The Australian Air Force 165.106 See Interview with Arthur Tucker AWMS00701.208

one of the buggers we could see.’ 107 Such circumstances would influence the actionsand emotional responses of fellow airmen. This was not hatred of a specific individualbut group hatred of an impersonal enemy. The tumultuous storms of hatred thatmarked twentieth century conflict, while examined on the public level have receivedlittle attention as impacting on the individual. 108 One veteran explained, ‘You’ve got totake in the fact of what hatred can do. To see Poland overrun was horrendous.’ 109Bobby Gibbes admitted to hate. Interviewed by the AWM in 1990, he insisted ondisclosing an insight into the image he formed of around his experiences as a fighterpilot, far from the glamour of the public image.I think we started off at least I started off without any great feelingabout it. I wanted to shoot down the airplanes. Later, I definitely wantedto kill them. I think I built up a hatred. I think, if you are going to besuccessful and be able to kill people, you have to learn to hate. I managedto get it out of my system fairly soon after the war, but I just wonder at110myself now. How did I feel that way!Killing, by another was described as quite impersonal. Athol Wearne recalled‘I think for the crew it was quite an impersonal thing. On the first occasion there wereno feelings of regret rather jubilation. Good luck to us.’ 111The dispersal of guilt was continued in another account and this reply alsorecognised the moral condemnation that is placed upon the airmen of World War II bytoday’s society. It was Wilfred Arthur who gave his response to the guilt attached toaerial bombing:‘I am now and then very surprised and very shocked at some commentsmade by younger people and so on, that equate some of the things thathappened in the war that I am referring to. There is big emphasis alwayson the Hiroshima stuff, which of course, had the Americans not done thatthen somebody should have been shot for not doing it. That is, thesituation then was that there was only one consideration and that is: savethe lives of other people and destroy the Japanese. You get now, inDarwin especially – perhaps not especially but I know about it more –candle burning for Hiroshima. And you get items in the paper now and107 Interview with Colin Linderman, AWM S00548.108 See Niall Ferguson, The War of the World London: Penguin Press, 2006.109 Interview with Tom Russel AWM S00945.110 Interview with Bobby Gibbes AWM S0938.111 Interview with Athol Wearne, AWM S00755.209

then that refer to the sort of strong moral position the Allies were in untilthe destruction of Dresden. Well, that’s the most terrible thing I’ve everheard of, of course, the Dresden attack was of course done with theintention of demonstrating what would happen to Germany itself if theydidn’t pull out. In other words, it was a perfectly clear, not! Nothingterrorist about it, nothing but a determination to avoid the mad loss of lifethere would have been with a determined army fighting. Youdemonstrate in one go – not to the army –but the nation to do somethingthat’s understandable, horrifying and probably you get the same bloodything happening. 112Guilt of survival emerged in the reflection of several veterans. Suchinternalized guilt at the response to the death of others added a further dimension to befiltered in memories. 113 The response to the death of others in the squadron emerged inmany accounts and, while the associated guilt may never be forgotten, the aviatorfound ways of dealing with it in public discourse. Working as a medical officer withaircrews, Stafford-Clarke noted the reaction to death of friends was ‘one of supremerealism, of matter of fact acceptance of what every one knew was perfectly wellinevitable.’ 114 In diaries and letters, their regret was deep and sincere but not muchdisplayed. It was in reflection in later years that internalized emotions were revealed.Even the most complex, nuanced, and contextualized history of the air warpresents the historian with the difficult challenge of evaluating the morality andlegality of strategies employed in air combat. Debates continue to surround the issue inboth European and Pacific theatres of war. Some have justified it as barbaric andefficient while others flatly condemn such civilian destruction.115The debate washighlighted on the release of the Canadian documentary Death by Moonlight whichrevealed the destruction to German cities but also added another dimension that hadpreviously been silenced. Several aircrew were asked to confront their ‘guilt’ asperpetrators of the destruction. There exists no exploration of the individual emotionallife of Australian airman who were involved in such destruction, but their testamentssuggest, as with the emotion of fear, that those involved had been victims, with the112 Interview Wilfred Arthur, AWM S00731.113 See Cathy Caruth, ‘Violence and Time: Traumatic Survivals’ Assemblage 20, April 1993, 25.114 D.Stafford-Clarke, ‘Morale and Flying Experience: Results of a war time study’ Journal of MedicalScience, Jan. 1949, 15.115 An outline of the recent continuation of the debate is given by Mary Nolan, ‘Air Wars. MemoryWars.’ Central European History 38, 1, 2005, 7-40.210

predominant feeling of powerlessness, as cultural and ethical questions are broughtunder public scrutiny.Martin Francis has offered some insight into the omission of the negativeemotions of fear and guilt, suggesting it was possible that ‘some historians believedthat essentialist arguments about men’s innate capacity for violence rendered the studyof male subjectivities during war time superfluous. Alternatively, acknowledgingmen’s participation in fighting and killing may have been embarrassing to those whohad sought to use a gendered history of men to recover the more sensitive andreflective dimension to men’s lives. 116 It is this particular group of men who enlisted aspart of EATS who have been completely excluded and often silenced in the Australiannarrative.SilencesIt becomes understandable in the cultural environment surrounding the reviewof aerial war, first, in maintaining the Edwardian ideals of masculinity and control ofemotions, and second, in the public condemnation of aerial bombing that aviatorswould choose silence. The challenges to masculinity in the emotions experienced bythe aviator appear deeply unfathomable and were not easily expressed, especiallywhere there is no pleasure in recalling the images. 117 Apart from those who were stillnot prepared to talk, the men whom I spoke with and those who wrote theirautobiographies around EATS, there were discernible silences. Silence has beendefined as a socially constructed space, with three impulses behind silences. Eachfinds application to the stories of the veterans of EATS. 118 First, silence is part of thepublic understanding of war and violence and not speaking enables the individual toengage with the event in his own way and time. Second, it becomes a political orstrategic silence by not referring to events associated with uncomfortable memories.Third, silence carries with it a privilege for those who have the right to speak.116 Martin Francis, The Flyer, 3.117 Paul Ricoeur, Memory, History and Forgetting 413.118 Efrat Ben-Ze’ev, Ruth Ginio, Jay Winter, ed. Shadows of War: A Social History of Silence in theTwentieth Century Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.211

Two life journals were given to me to read with the understanding they werenot for publication and had been written only for the information of the individualfamilies. The authors of these memoirs had both trained in EATS and completed manyoperations over Germany and I expected their recorded stories would outlineexperiences and give indications of emotional responses to their combat record ofdecades ago. Training in Australia and the excitement of Canada and arrival in Britainwas recorded and, then as if pages were missing, one wrote ‘I spent six months as apilot with 466 Squadron. I was still two months off my 21 st birthday when the war inEurope ended.’ 119 That was the short entry. A photograph of the crew of these two menholds a position of honor on the walls of a well-known Carlton wine bar, silent witnessto their masculinities as chivalric aviators. 120According to many psychologists, silence stems from our need to avoid pain. 121As a form of denial, silence certainly helps us avoid pain. The fact that something isconsidered ‘too terrible for words’ indeed often makes it literally unspeakable. Thatexplains the heavy silence that usually surrounds atrocities. As one might expect, whatwe ignore or avoid socially is often also ignored or avoided academically andconspiracies of silence are, therefore, still a somewhat under-theorized as well asunderstudied phenomenon. 122 Such has become the case with EATS. Politically andculturally images of EATS have been excluded and perhaps the individual veteran hasbeen obliged to adopt an informal code of silence governed by such cultural rules.Max Roberts claimed that although he didn’t like being interviewed, and thiswas the first time he had even spoken about it, he would help me now. Max wasuneasy during the interview and nervously drank water as we spoke complaining ofhis mouth being dry. He said his son119 The texts were supplied by Terry Maher journalist and associate member of the Odd Bods. The twounpublished private memoirs were of Anthony Battanta, and Frank Doak both of 466 Squadron.120 The photograph of a crew from 466 Squadron hangs above the bar in Jimmy Watsons, Carlton.121 Evita Zeurbavel, The Elephant in the Room Oxford: Oxford University Press 2006, 5.122 Ibid. 13, also see Herbert Fingarette, Self Deception London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969, 39-51Alina Kwiatkowska, ‘Silence across Modalities,’ in Adam Jaworski ed. Silence: InterdisciplinaryPerspectives Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyer, 1997, 330. Dan Bar-On, The Indescribable andUndiscussable: Reconstructing Human Discourse after Trauma Budapest: Central EuropeanUniversity Press, 1999, 165.212

‘didn’t even know I was in the war. I didn’t want him anywhere near thething at all. Every time I was going to tell him, the opportunity was justnot there. I just couldn’t do it. They are the facts of life. I didn’t want himinvolved.I asked if it was because it was so horrific and Max replied:No, the whole concept of it really. Lots of civilians got killed. Let’s faceit, they were nowhere near the targets and when I stopped and thoughtabout it years later, I thought of the whole futility of the whole bloomingthing and when they started another rash of wars, Korea and Vietnam, Ithought to myself, what is the purpose of this?Despite years of silence after 1945, there is considerable evidence to suggestthat, in their later years, many men did want to talk about their experiences in EATS. 123In interviews conducted by the Australian War Memorial in 1989-90 several of thoseadmitted they would not have agreed to an interview ten years earlier. 124 With thepassing of time, it has also been recognised that it is possible to open up on pastexperiences and this is attested to in the number of memoirs published in the 1990s. 125While my own interviews were all through personal contacts several were stillunwilling to talk. One veteran airman replied, ‘I am sorry dear, but some things arebetter left in the past.’ 126 It was a reply that made me very conscious of how difficult itmay be for some men to recall experiences. Another replied, ‘I really don’t know if Iwould have anything of interest for you.’ 127 On another occasion, in an early interviewwith an old friend I mentioned historians’ criticism of EATS. He became so outragedthat we decided to terminate the interview. 128A biography of David Mattingley was written by his wife. 129 Like Roberts,Mattingley revealed in an interview, he had not spoken of his experiences for over halfa century, until his wife went through his old records. He taught for over forty years atPrince Alfred College and in the interview, Steve Gower, Director of the Australian123 Keith Russi’s opinions were outlined in Chapter 4.124 Interview with Ken Gray AWM S0539.125 The SLV lists 112 published works between 1989-2005 under Australia Royal Australian Air ForceBiography. The National Library of Australia has 148 catalogued.126 Tony Martin contacted by telephone 20 July 2008.127 M. Sands Meeting at RAAFA organization, 28 April, 2008.128 Interview with Alan Hammer, 2 April, 2007.129 Chrisobel Mattingley, Battle Order 204, Crows Nest, N.S.W.: Allen and Unwin, 2007.213

War Memorial, who was a student of David’s said ‘I had no idea he was a decoratedBomber Command veteran.’ 130 The ABC interview concluded, ‘And sadly, inAustralia, their story is not known.’ 131 The silences and what they conceal are boundup with individual identity. Frank Parsons admitted there are some things you wouldnever speak of, and I add, especially when it combined with public criticism of theiractions. The immediacy of their own emotional experience was compounded by publiccondemnation or silence. In recalling memories after seventy years the emotions offear and guilt had made their impact causing a form of anguish that favored reticence.The social construction of masculinity in private and public spaces would not make iteasy for a veteran to admit either his fear or his guilt.ConclusionThe purpose of this chapter was to chart the reaction of the airmen to thechallenges which they faced to their masculinity and the different perceptions thatfiltered through their minds, formed and reformed by the surrounding externalinfluences, as decades later, they attempted to make sense of their experiences andestablish an identity. Specific challenges to the masculinity of airmen came in severalways evoking intense emotional responses. The first of these was the concept of fearconceptualized in the air force as LMF, a term that is still, in the twenty first century,designed to evoke cultural condemnation. The second was the guilt that emergedimmediately at the end of World War II, specifically associated with aerial bombing ofcivilians. While not all EATS veterans were involved with such devastation guiltfollowed through public association. To admit fear and guilt was in completecontradiction to the ideals of masculinity contained in courage and fulfilling one’sduty and a sense of self sacrifice, determined by the broader social, military andcultural environment. It has been noted that ‘we tend to cling hard to some of the mostwell entrenched truisms about masculinity: that it connotates total control of emotions,that it mandates emotional inexpressivity, that it entraps emotional isolation, that boys130 Steve Gower interviewed in 7.30 Report ABC 2, 02 May 2007.131 David Mattingley, 7.30 Report, ABC 2, 02 May 2007.214

in short, don’t cry. 132 R.W.Connell in recognizing the power of cultural script haspromoted the term 'complicity' as the process by which men who do not fully matchthe tropes of hegemonic masculinity nevertheless collude with it in order to receive thedividend accorded to men by patriarchical systems of authority. 133 Concepts that do notcontribute to the central Australian myth of the stoic and heroic warrior have beensifted through a cultural filter as they enter the images created by the veterans ofEATS. The cultural re-evaluation of the importance of these concepts, Empire,masculinity and glory of war, introduced new tensions in the post-war decades, that,although they infiltrated all sections of society, have specific relevance in emotionalresponses of the veterans of EATS surrounded by silences.The public representation of courage was important to all veterans when theyrecalled their experiences as aviators and integral to their identity, and it was necessarythat it be maintained. How masculinity was understood and represented and thenreconstructed, combines masculinity, emotions and memory. How masculinity wasrefashioned with the cultural shifts of post war culture and post war mutationsbecomes a dialogue between reality and the imagination, between combat andculture.134The veterans of EATS did not reject masculinity but reconfigured it and, asthey did, concepts related to EATS were re-written indicating the power of thedominant public narrative and the control of private experience and its articulation.Many veterans returned to the image of the chivalric knight of the air and this providesthe basis of the next chapter.132 See for example, Milette Shamir, Jennifer Travis, ed. Boys Don’t Cry? Rethinking Narratives ofMasculinity and Emotion in the U.S. Jo Goodey ‘Boys don’t cry: masculinities, fear of crime andfearlessness,’ British Journal of Criminology, 37.3 1997, 401.133 R.W Connell, Masculinities, 79-80.134 Martin Francis, The Flyer, 7.215

CHAPTER 8Reinventing The ImageHow quickly has flight, this age old and precious dream, lost everycharm, lost every meaning, lost its soul. Thus one after another of ourdreams are realized to death. Can you have a new dream? 1These words, used by Robert Wohl in reviewing the impact of World War II,reflect the changing image of flight from a symbol of a new age, to one of morbiddestruction. As the concepts of Empire and masculinity were challenged, so too, wasthe glamourised image of the knight of the air. As aviators, the Australian men ofEATS, had known the thrill and the dread of a world in which ‘all that is solid meltsinto air.’ Shattered identities, committed to concepts held in the 1930s, now needed tobe restructured so that veterans could make sense of their experiences and adjust to aconstantly changing world. Solutions to the initial sense of isolation followed differentpaths, found in the responses of the aviators of EATS as they created their memoriesand identities, which interacted with the myth of the glory of the aviator. The valuesthat had attracted men to aerial warfare had changed substantially both during theexperience of combat and in the following decades, as their memories were filteredthrough surrounding cultural responses and their own internalized negotiations. Thepurpose of this chapter is twofold: the first is to chart the responses of the aviators tochanges in images of aerial combat in their memories and which presented, I wouldargue, a complex dialogue between reality and imagination, culture and combat. 2 Thesecond purpose is to follow the actions of veterans responding to theirdisenfranchisement from the Australian commemorative tradition, as they searched for1 Elias Canetti, Die Provinz des Menschen: Aufzeichnungen 1942—1972, Munich: Carl Hanser, 1973,10. In Robert Wohl, The Spectacle of Flight Aviation and the Western Imagination, 277.2 These terms were used by Martin Francis in The Flyer, 7.217

a socially accepted narrative in which their identities could be composed andintegrated into the national story.Challenges to the romance of flight evoked responses in the Australian veteran,which are made complex by several cultural and emotional influences, forcing theimage to assume different dimensions. The strength of the image of the power of flightcontinued to influence the cultural presentation of the aviator hero. While the gloss ofthe romance of flight had been tarnished, sections of the universal public narrativecontinued to mythologize the role of the aviator, depicting promises of adventure,freedom and escape and exhilaration of flight. The duality of the image, encapsulatingthe reality of destruction and the myth of the romance of flight, resulted in paradoxesand contradictions in the narratives of the aviators. The destructive power did not sooften find expression to confront the glamour and exotic attraction. Even in the twentyfirst century the attraction of thunderous ‘fly overs’ is the centre of publicdemonstrations of national power. 3 In exploring the response of veterans to thechallenges of air adventures, many accepted the dominant public narrative, allowing itto influence the shape of the private experience and its articulation.A further influence imposed on the post-war image of the Australian aviator inEATS, was its expanding antithesis to the Australian concept of egalitarianism.Diminished by the association with Empire, it was further compromised in theAustralian context where the image of the elite airman did not fit comfortably with thestereotyped image of the Australian war hero, dominated by the egalitarian concept. Itwas Manning Clarke who asserted that ‘the aviators blotted their copy books in theminds of the people by flirting with political movements opposed to the people’sbelief in equality. Airmen spoke and acted like followers of the Australian version ofVitalism and Nietzschism. Songs composed to celebrate their triumphs did not live onas did the songs about the heroes of the mighty bush.’4This view remains a significantfeature of the Anzac myth, thus marginalizing the airman. There were differences thatdistinguished airmen from the other services in the substantial level of professional3 Fly ‘overs’ are a central feature of Anzac Day and an added attraction to events such as AustralianGrand Prix held in Melbourne.4 Manning Clarke, ‘Heroes,’ Daedalus, 114, 1, 1985, 67.218

training, requiring both higher education and physical coordination such as musclecontrol and night flying vision. 5 Yet the strength of the image was constructed throughthe myth of Air Force elitism had been promoted in popular culture depicting theaviator as an individual and a special kind of hero. 6 The belief that they were goinginto the elite force was a theme that appeared in interviews. 7 Bob Pit recalled; ‘Afterwe graduated we started getting around the town wearing our wings. We did considerourselves above the ordinary.’ 8 While the image of exclusivity and glamour of the airforce continued it was not always so in reality, but it would provide the basis for futuremyths that would not necessarily fit with the Australian national image. 9Further complicating the stories of the veterans were the challenges faced bythem in negotiating and reconciling the subjective and emotional conflict between theinitial attraction of ‘the chance to fly,’ fueled by the public passion for flight,conflicting with his internalised emotional encounters, and the potentialdestructiveness of aerial warfare witnessed. Those who gave public voice to thedisillusionment found in aerial warfare, which replaced their initial enthusiasm forflight were few, and their disturbing accounts provide the initial focus to explore theimages formed around EATS. The brutality of aerial war and the form of devastationpossible through its use and the emphasis on the singularity of the highly skilledairman continued to provide stories that did not sit comfortably within the Australianidentity that celebrated the egalitarian foot soldier and the shared experience of ‘goingover the top’.Sources examined in this chapter are based on memories of the airmen in bothoral testaments and autobiographies recorded when they were in their eighties andnineties, and they have been used, not as records of the facts, but as providing insightsinto the way memories have been shaped as a highly selective experience organized tocontextualise a sense of oneself. Significant in the stories of airmen is their exclusion5 Alan Stephens, The Royal Australian Air Force. 68. A minimum IQ of 110 was required to enlist.6 Michael Paris, ‘The Rise of the Air Man: The Origins of Air Force Elitism 1890-1940,’ MichaelMolkentin, ‘Unconscious of any distinctions? Social and Vocational quality in the Australian FlyingCorps 1914-1918,’ Journal of the Australian War Memorial 40 2005.7 Allen Hulls letter and telephone conversation.8 Bob Pitt Interview, AWM S00581.9 Martin Francis in The Flyer has explored the myth of elitism attached to the RAF.219

of what is not socially acceptable in creating a legitimate voice. Their testaments alsoreveal how cultural and psychic themes interact with memory. While the majority ofaccounts which some men were willing to reveal, were dominated by a return to theromance of flying and the traditional celebration of an adventure culture; severalvoices fought outside the socially sanctioned narrative, and it is here I will begin.Responses challenging the glory of aerial warAlmighty and all present Power,Short is the prayer I make to thee.I do not ask in battle hour,For any shield to cover me.The vast unalterable wayFrom which the stars do not departMay not be turned aside to slayThe bullet flying to my heart.I ask no help to shake my foeI see no petty victory here,The enemy I hate, I knowTo thee is also dearBut this I pray – be at my sideWhen death is drawing through the skyAlmighty God, who also diedTeach me the way that I should die.‘Does that show the glory of war to you?’ Don Charlwood asked. His readingof the poem began our interview; it seemed his intent was to express his perception ofthe individual experience of the airmen, representing the terror of war in his220

narrative. 10 By initiating the interview in this way Charlwood established ownership.The poem was typed on a small piece of aging paper, written by a fellow crewman ofCharlwood’s in 1942, and saved for over sixty years. 11 The poem reflectedCharlwood’s experience, yet avoided the direct expression of his own emotions. Theinterview was interestingly crafted as Charlwood sat surrounded by books and pagesto which he constantly referred. The narrative which he constructed was a coherentand reflective description of the emotional experience of aerial war. The content ofCharlwood’s story and the way it was related provide insight into the complexity ofimages formed around individual memories, especially when the focus is on thedisturbing experience of aerial warfare. This same technique of reading or referring totexts was used by several of the airmen whom I interviewed, enabling them toindirectly reveal their subjective responses as they countered or reiterated the myth ofwar. It is a technique that enables men to remain in control, especially in the highlycharged response to the emotions evoked by war. It becomes a form of self-censorshipoffering access to selective perspectives, although perhaps never exposing full insight.Victoria.I first encountered Charlwood through his diaries in the State Library of12I spent several days absorbed in his experiences as he trained and flew as anavigator under EATS, and in his love affair with Canadian, Nell. Now, in his ninetiesCharlwood is still determined to depict the reality that confronted the young airmen.His humility and honesty as we spoke could quite justify a claim that he had writtenthe ‘Airman’s Prayer.’ He gently stripped away the romantic recollections thatdominate the memoirs of many airmen as he presented stories that reinforced mynaivety in this investigation. Only the man who was there knows. Don was explainingto me the unexplainable that I had pretensions to understand.His technique was skilful in that he read to me several pieces he was currentlywriting which he claimed, wryly referring to his age, would never be published in hislife time. Unobtrusively, his stories evoked the images of chivalry and heroism,10 Interview with Don Charlwood.11 Sgt. H.R. Brodie, RAAF Melbourne. A poem kept in the papers of Don Charlwood.12 Don Charlwood, Private Papers State Library of Victoria Box 3804/2-7.221

qualities that underpinned the stories and characters of aviators, yet still emphasizedthe horror of aerial war. Charlwood began to read from his latest book.We still saw no crew reach the age of 30. Our flights were the hellishtarget. We were bringing, terror, destruction by night on combatants andnon-combatants alike. Sometimes it chanced weather conditions joinedour onslaught and a fire-storm was created. Only on Ruhrtide had wemuch chance of accuracy. For ourselves, violent death was a probability.Nazism had paved the way for Gotterdammerung beyond Wagner’simagining.Again Charlwood countered the collective image of ‘the glory of aerial war.’ 13Charlwood was aware of the impact of his depiction of aerial war, and claimed he hadbeen told by younger relatives of airmen it was only in reading his work that theyunderstood what it had really been like. Charlwood was not alone in wanting toexplode the image of flight as empowering to the aviator. A report of 451 Squadrondescribed air combat like a Dante’s ‘Inferno’. ‘Courageous males were killed outright,others were maimed with fearful injuries. After each raid, burials, courage, sacrificeand tears. The very soul of 451 Squadron was being revealed. There were no trumpetsblowing just a great reverent silence then back to our job.’ 14 Ian Morgan, whotrained in EATS, served with the RAF for four and a half years. His memoirs becomea reflection on the perpetuation of the violence of the century and man’s inhumanity toman. 15 He admitted to the events and experiences of those days as ‘deeply ingrainedupon the memories of the few survivors who participated in them. In the exercise ofmemory, sorrow for the loss of so many of those with whom one trained, flew, got toknow personally, is not diminished with the passing of time.’ 1613 Read from Don Charlwood’s private papers.14 Leonard Barton, Bankstown to Berlin with 451, Sydney: Committee of 451 Squadron Association1996,1.15 Ian Morgan, Into the Valley of Death: an autobiographical account of the experiences of the writeras a pilot in the Royal Air Force during the Second World War, with an analysis and solution to theproblems of our time. Launceston, Tas.: Sprinta Print, 1996.16 Ibid. 2.222

Bobby Gibbes, awarded both the DFC and DSO, was another intent onchallenging the public script. 17 He recollected, in his autobiography, his response aftera particularly horrific dog fight.My morale was at bedrock and I thought that I would not be able to takeit any more, and I spent the whole morning mooching around in a state offunk and dreaded being asked to fly again. I was ashamed of my fear andfrightened that my friends might see it. I kept to myself as much aspossible, but occasionally I would go to the operations tent, pretendingthat I wanted to have another go at the Huns, but frightened that if I wasgiven a job I would not be able to force myself into getting into my18aeroplane.While also addressing the strength of fear experienced by the airman,examined in the last chapter, and in making a public statement, Gibbes does notattempt to present himself as the fearless masculine hero, or to follow a tradition inadding to the mythology of the Australian air ace. He confronted the horror found inaerial war.The admission of experiencing disturbing emotions of hate and rage as he‘came across an Arab mounted on a camel. I lined my gun sight on him and whenabout to pull the trigger, my sanity returned. If I had fired, it would have lived with mealways. I will never understand what devil entered into me on that occasion.’ 19 Suchadmissions reveal the brutality of war providing a contrast to the positive affirmationof war so often encountered in memories of war that locate national inspiration.Gibbes’ last published comments on war were taken from his personal records pastedon 3 Squadron web site titled, There is no glory in warfare. 20 This is an unrelentingdepiction of the horror experienced by the fighter pilot revealing ‘what it is to live fordays, weeks, months, and even years with violent death gnawing at your very guts…amass of spitting, twisting, deadly death. You have seen your comrades die in ones andtwos, watched them plummet earth ward, balls of molten fire and mangled bodies.’ 2117 Commanding Officer of No. 3 squadron in the Middle East later transferred to England, then servedin the Pacific theatre flying from Moratai.18 Bobby Gibbes, You Live But Once: an autobiography, Collaroy, NSW: R. H. Gibbes, 1994.19 A further interview with Gibbes was recorded in 1993 by the AWM S01646.20 www.3squadron.org.au/indexpages [29 June 2008].21 Ibid.223

While certain veterans of EATS have expressed private emotions ‘with theauthority of direct experience,’ the emotional dread, and the helplessness, and thebrutality of aerial war, such stories have not readily been accepted into the nationalnarrative.’ 22 Robin Gerster has detailed the Australian dependence on the war mythand how such ‘bondage to an obsolete image is now applied to different militaryconflicts. 23 Graeme Dawson has also acknowledged that adventure narratives of warveterans are composed as being ideally powerful and free from contradictions, tofunction physically and socially as positive images to set against the fragmenting andundermining effects of anxiety. To identify with heroes meets ‘the wish to fix one’sown place within the social world to feel oneself coherent and powerful rather thanfragmented and contradictory.’ 24 It is the reshaping of the identities around heroicimages that this chapter now turns to examine.Compliance with the Myth of the Glory of the AviatorAn alternative voice emerged in other individual memories of Australianveterans. Rather than challenge the myth, the narratives related by some veterans wereintent to maintain the image of the chivalrous aviator, complying with current culturalidentity. It was in such narratives that a disquieting sense of alienation fell as ashadow, as aviators searched for a script that would establish identities and givemeaning to their war time experiences. 25 The inability to articulate the emotions linkedto the devastation of their aerial war, and their own emotional responses to thedestruction of the concept of the knight of the air has been reinforced by the Australianreluctance to admit emotions into the cultural scene. 26 Attempts to overcome theambivalence between reality and imagination, and the sense of alienation from public22 Joan Beaumont has mentioned aerial bombing as difficult to include in war commemoration in‘Anzac Day to VP day Arguments and interpretations,’ Journal of the Australian War Memorial 40Feb. 2007. Joan Scott, ‘Evidence as Experience,’ in Women , Autobiography, Theory, ed. S Smith and JWatson, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin, 1998.23 Robin Gerster, Big Noting; the Heroic Theme in Australian War Writing, 256.24 Graham Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire and the Imaginings of Masculinity,283.25 Shadow could relate to Freud’s concept of melancholia as the loss and inability to relinquish anobject, place or ideal. They have an ambivalent attachment to a devalued object and have become amarginalized group. See David Eng ‘ Melancholia in the late Twentieth Century,’ Signs, 25, 4, 20001275.26 Graham Little, The Public Emotions: from mourning to hope, 4.224

commemoration, involved incorporating several themes into the stories of veterans.The first theme of these narratives reflected the dominant myth, the idealisedmasculine warrior, referred to by Gerster in the Australian context as ‘Big Noting’. 27The universal appeal of aerial war, while undermined by World War II experiencesstill provides the basis for modern heroic myths that frequently appear in warmemoirs.’ 28 Constructed around the thrill of war providing positive affirmation ofexperience of aerial combat, these alternative accounts provided a sharp contrast to thememories of men such as Gibbes and Charlwood. Airmen had been presented inpopular culture not only as the heroes of modern warfare, but as ‘the ultimate technicalwarriors. Their image was of the elite, the guardians of empire and internationalorder. 29 This, combined with a second theme observed by Jay Winter, ‘in the aftermathof war, there is a tendency for those who create representations of the conflict to wearthe mantle of consolation. Tolerable or sanitized images of combat and violenceagainst civilians are seductive and politically useful, since they present the observerwith elements of hope. They make war thinkable, even in the midst of terriblecarnage.’ 30 It is also what the uncritical social audience wants to hear. A story ofnational heroes is easier to accept than the reality of the horror of war. On this pointGerster observed the tendency of Australians, in writing or telling of war stories toserve the interests of the community. 31 He argued, Australian stories of war werepropagandist in promoting nationalistic sentiment and ideals. The national interestswere not compatible with retelling stories of serving the Empire or the horrors of war,but were willing to encompass Australian heroes.A third complexity for the Australian airman in retelling his story was how tocentre it in the Australian context. A subtle shift had occurred. No longer encouragedto identify with Empire, masculinity in war became linked to the Australian national27 See Robin Gerster, Big Noting; the Heroic Theme in Australian War Writing.28 Jay Winter, Remembering War: Between Memory and History in the Twentieth Century, Michigan:Sheridan Books 2006, 116.29 Michael Paris, ‘The Rise of Airmen: The origins of Air Force Elitism 1890-1918,’ Journal ofContemporary History, 28, 1, 1993, 15830 Jay Winter, Remembering War: Between Memory and History in the Twentieth Century, 238.31 Robin Gerster, Big Noting; the Heroic Theme in Australian War Writing, 21.225

image, in a patriotic interplay between nationalism and masculinity. Thus, inrepresenting themselves, the problem for the EATS veterans was to reconcilethemselves with the myth of Australian nationalism epitomized by the Anzac hero, theinfantry man, unsupported, without training, surviving only because of his innatecombat prowess. Scholars have recognized that the national mythology of Anzac hasinfluenced, and is continuing to influence, the proper assessment of military history.Inspiring narratives all contain symbolic meanings of some sort, often serving socialand /or political purposes. 32 Anzac represented a distinct set of values both imaginedand real. It has grown into an inescapable social force increasingly tied to the nationalidentity. The following selections are not complete narratives but snapshot imageswhich illustrate individual memories of aerial combat. Unable to find expressionthrough national narratives, it often became possible for veteran aviators to createnational fantasies for themselves.The desire to represent the experience of flying as one of transcendence andrelease was a popular theme used by those who maintained that the myth of flight wasa symbol of human progress. The pleasure of aerial war represents the alternativeimage to the horror of war perpetuating the pleasure culture of war, which does notjust belong to Australians. It was well illustrated in the scrapbook of Keith Dunstan ashe recorded the daily progress of the aerial action of World War II.33In joining EATS,Dunstan achieved the goal of his young life. Fourteen, when the war broke out,Dunstan assembled his own version of the pleasure culture of war. Reflecting in hisautobiography, Dunstan admitted to an obsession with flight and a dread that the warmight finish before he could join in. In his fascination with the power of air warfare,he joined with many others young boys mesmerised by the concept of flight. In hisscrapbook Dunstan recorded the progress of the Battle of Britain and the loss of planeslike cricket scores. His collection of newspaper cuttings centred on air combat and heunderlined headings such as, Brilliant Work by RAF, Flying Fortress, Now on Way toBritain, RAAF Smashes Jap Air Attacks.32 Craig Stockings, ‘The Anzac Legend and the Battle of Bardia,’ War In History,17, 2010, 86.33 Keith Dunstan, Papers State Library of Victoria, MS 10469 This scrapbook was also referred to inhis autobiography.226

Dunstan recorded that his early training gave him ‘ecstasy beyond belief.’ Hewrote ‘IM FREE! I’M FREE! I’M GOING SOLO.’ 34 Another high spirited accountbegan:One day when I was flying at 600 metres. I spotted the crack Victorianstreamlined train, the Spirit of Progress. ‘This is Cobber Kane, DFC,swinging to the attack!’ I peeled off in the best Spitfire manner, went intoa shallow dive on the Spirit’s tail and dived and dived and dived. Thespirit was moving at over 110 kilometres per hour. There was a headwindof at least 50 kilometres per hour. Slowly the train pulled away, the easyvictor. My DH82 never had a chance. It was another of my little flying35humiliations.His pride in becoming a pilot was expressed as he recounted, ‘My wings had tobe sewn on my tunics and on all the summer rig shirts. What a pity they could not alsobe worn on pajamas. For a week there was a tendency to walk with the left breastslightly in front of the right.’ 36The account of Gus Officer is one of many autobiographies infused with thrillof flying and adventure romanticizing the heroic spirit. Shot down and captured by theGermans, he spent four years in a Stalag. Details of the technical prowess ofaeroplanes featured and to Officer, ‘the Kittyhawk certainly packed more punch thanthe Hurricane. It could accelerate more quickly in a dive and after a pullout and climbit held its speed for a much longer time.’ 37 The account of being shot down is scriptedcarefully on past narratives empowering Officer with stoic masculinity.Christ! Don’t panic. Stay calm or it’ll be the end of you. Wriggle,wriggle, wriggle. Suddenly I’m thrown clear, but have enough sense tocount to five or maybe four. At any rate the ‘chute opened and there Iwas in a clear blue sky – and as silent as silent – no sound at all. But thena loud bang! A great gout of flame and black smoke as FR218 buriedherself in the desert. I had probably got free of my aircraft with a merefive seconds of life left– very bloody lucky.34 Keith Dunstan, No Brains at All: An Autobiography, Ringwood: Viking, 1990, 42.35 Ibid. 87, It must be recorded, much to his regret, the war ended before Dunstan saw combat.36 Ibid.37 George John Officer, Six O’Clock Diamond: The Story of a Desert Harrasser, Northcote, Vic.:Woodhouse Press. 2008. What is interesting is the autobiography was published by his sons after hisdeath, placing a further dimension on the construction of images and memories.227

Talking of blood, as I floated down I noticed I was dripping a fair bitfrom both thigh and elbow, and a pair of very sore eyes caused by thewhite smoke or fumes. Engine coolant the cause, so the bastard musthave bracketed my kite nicely. Rather an expert shot I’ve alwaysthought. 38The whole incident must have been physically and emotionally horrific and yetit is described in ‘the stiff upper lip’ tone of the strong heroic male involved in thepleasure of aerial combat. The last comment pays a compliment to his opponent aswould be done in a cricket match, emphasizing war as an extension of a sporting code.It is not difficult to join the dots between sport, masculinity and war, and sportand war have long been synonymous with Australia’s national identity. 39 Bothactivities, it is claimed determine how Australians see themselves. 40 In Australianculture sporting interests and prowess have become understood as creating anequalizer. Sport has the ability to link aspects of Australian life that are otherwiseirreconcilable. 41 Crucial to this effect was the fact that sport gained a reputation as anegalitarian and apolitical agency, which alone transcended the normal sectionaldivisions of the colonial social order. 42 The activity of flight had been considered as anextension of sporting prowess in the interwar years. 43 Although given an elite image away to re-establish an egalitarian base, the airman resorted in his memories toreinforce the Australian sporting image. 44 In interviews encounters with Australiansportsmen often became a centre point of the story and by association, the veteran inhis memories, suggested sharing some of the sporting qualities. Even Don Bradmanenlisted in EATS on 28 June 1940 I was told by several. 45 His progress remains thesubject of various folk narratives.38 George John Officer, 45.39 Dale Blair, ‘Beyond the Metaphor: football and war 1914-1918,’ Journal of the Australian WarMemorial, 28, 1996. www.awm.gov.au/journal/j28 [10June 2010].40 Preface to AWM Travelling Exhibition Sport and War S.L.V. June 2008.41 Simon Caterson, ‘War in the time of football.’ Quadrant, June 2004, 20-27.42 Brian Stoddart, ‘Sport, Cultural Imperialism and Colonial Response in the British Empire,’Comparative Studies in Society and History, 30, 4, 1988.43 See Rober Wohl The Spectacle of Flight Aviation and the Western Imagination 1920-1950,Melbourne: University of Melbourne Press, 2005.44 Michael Paris, Warrior Nation: Images of war in British Popular Culture 1850-2000, London:Reaction, 2000, 45.45 Alf Batchelder provided insight in conversation and his two publications: Only Yesterday: DonBradman at the Melbourne Cricket Ground, Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Printing 2007. From228

In cultural tradition, war had been characterised as the supreme test of physicalfitness and wearing the image as the elite warrior, the airman, resorted in his memoriesto reinforcing this image. 46 Many had stories about Keith Miller, ‘the cricketer’ theyassured me, most about some larrikin prank of answering back to British officers. 47Another organised the games, ‘a football match, air force against army blokes, and Iplayed against Lindsey Hasset. He had been sent over to England. One of the mostfamous cricketers, he captained test cricket. Ian Johnson was another one he taught meto fly in Bennalla. Nugget Millar was another. He was a funny one.’ 48 In oneconversation it was confided that the memories formed around Keith Miller were alllegendary and cast doubt on the validity of his claim ‘you don’t know what pressure istill you have a Messerschmitt up your arse.’ It was revealed that Miller only flew tenhours and mostly in England but the Australian public would not allow the legendaround the Australian sporting hero, Miller, to be destroyed. 49 The association ofsporting heroes and the air aces combined the physical prowess with technical skillproviding the basis for a future heroic Australian narrative.An extensive legend has been built around Bluey Truscott, acknowledged as50both Melbourne footballer and a DFC winner, and a true ‘aussie’ larrikin. Hispresence boosted the morale of 76 Squadron when he joined them making it a ‘prettyhappy time’ recalled Colin Lindeman. 51 The Melbourne Football club celebratesTruscott today, illustrating his qualities first as a footballer then as an air hero. ‘Thiswas the boy who put a wreath on the steps of the Collingwood Town Hall to celebratea Melbourne premiership win over the old foe. This was the boy who could clear achange room by making sure the water in the showers was set to freezing, who scaredwith his erratic driving, and who rolled watermelons down footpaths.’ As an air hero,his links to the Club also remained undoubted and lasting, as he wore ‘a “Red Demon”Bradman to Cordner. The Melbourne Cricket Club and its ground 1939-1946, 2004. Copy provided byAlf Batchelder, also an Official Guide RAAF Museum Point Cook 26 June 2008.46 Michael Paris, Warrior Nation: Images of war in British Popular Culture 1850-2000, 45.47 Interview with Trevor Craddock.48 Interview Colin Linderman AWM S0548.49 Conversation with Alf Batchelder.50 Images of Truscott are well represented within the MCC sporting museum and honour boards and onthe Melbourne Football Club web site.51 Interview with Colin Linderman AWM S00548229

as his mascot.’ He excelled in both football and cricket, and playing alongside futureTest cricketer and St Kilda footballer, Keith Miller. He played his final match while onleave in 1942, having been in the country for only two days at that stage. He wore theNo. 1 guernsey, and was named captain for the day. The match at Punt Road Oval, theshelter during wartime MCG exile, was an emphatic loss for Melbourne on thescoreboard, but it was a victory in so many other ways. Around 20,000 attended thematch, guaranteeing record gate takings in wartime conditions, and all were given thechance to pay tribute to Truscott. 52Recalling anecdotes of sporting heroes in accounts has characterizedmany Australian war memories. Simon Caterson has written several articles that areenlightening in examining the accounts of EATS veterans, revealing sport is a chiefagent of Australian conformity. 53 He has noted the link between football and war runsvery deep in Australian culture and this has been attested to in the link to the Anzaclegend. He pithily observed, the folklore of football overlaps with the boys from thebush who went to war. 54 The AFL itself institutionalized this dubious connection byintroducing the Anzac Day football match. Seen as a symbol of hegemonicmasculinity like war heroes, great football players usually experience extensive andserious injury, suffering pain that the exceptional player carries throughout the game,demonstrating the essential quality of physical courage making him a hero. War, itseems, must be understood and discussed with reference to football.Turning to cricket, Caterson concludes sport has played a pivotal role in thecreation of a national identity. Cricket enabled Australia to assert its independence onits own soil, even as it confirmed its sense of British-ness, and still does.55The AshesTest series continues to be the perpetual, low-level, seemingly endless war ofindependence minus the shooting. Cricket was the therapy by which Australiaovercame its early inferiority complexes and, like other forms of self-therapy, thecourse of treatment has no definite end. Caterson also noted that the recent appearance52 Lynda Caroll, Melbourne Football Club site www.melbournefc.com.au/tabid/7415/ [31July 2010].53 Simon Caterson, ‘War in the time of football.’ 25.54 Ibid.55 Simon Caterson, ‘Towards a cricket history of Australia,’ Quadrant, Nov. 2001, 26.230

at Gallipoli of the Australian team wearing slouch hats in some bizarre re-enactment ofthe landing suggests the confusion as to the distinction between sport and war that ledto the expense of lives in the first place. 56 It appears that in using constant reference tosporting heroes, the EATS veterans attempted to place themselves firmly within theAustralian context from which they had otherwise been excluded.It is the larrikin images associated with Truscott that are found incurrent obituaries reflecting the attempt to mould the image of the airman to Australianvalues. It was written of Clive Caldwell, ‘with all the aggressive spirit, dash and skillof the traditional fighter ace, plus a brash and cocky confidence which made him the57very spirit of Oz.’ Of Bobby Gibbes it was said he was a true Australian larrikin. 58Like many veterans, airmen retold stories highlighting the larrikin element associatedwith the Australian Digger, which took on a new dimension in the air force. Typical ofsuch stories was one included in a collection of memoirs from 451 Squadron. Veteransof this Squadron were asked to submit a recollection of their time in combat. Onerecalled,George O’Neill was told to take a Hurricane fitted with a new 90 gallonbelly tank, fly to Cyprus, get the belly tank filled with Keo Veo Brandyand fly back. George had been given a considerable amount of cash topurchase the grog, and when five or six days had passed with no sign ofGeorge, we began to become anxious – not for George but for the grog.At any rate George O’Neill finally arrived back at Daba with only halfthe belly tank filled, and a hang-dog expression on his face. Afterblasting him for his long absence I asked why he had only brought back45 gallons of brandy, and his explanation was – When I landed at Nicosia(Cyprus) I contacted the bootlegger and asked him to fill the tank. Hesaid he would only do so when I paid him. As I wanted to spend a bit oftime with a friend in Nicosia I prevailed on him to half fill the tank, andwhen I was ready to fly out he could fill it right up, and I would pay himfor the 90 gallons then. Unfortunately I was a bit longer in the town, andwhen eventually I wanted to fly back I’d run out of my money and alsothe Mess money, so I virtually had to streak onto the strip and takeoffwithout the bootlegger knowing. Sorry Steve, and I’ll reimburse the59Mess!! what he was doing in the 10 days on Cyprus – I knew!56 Ibid.57 Peter Wykeham, The Independent, Thursday 1 September, 1994.58 Sydney Morning Herald, 13 April, 2007.59 Leonard Barton, Bankstown to Berlin with 451 (RAAF) Squadron, 1941-1946.Sydney: Committee of 451 (RAAF) Squadron Association, 1996, 61.231

The point is not in the story but why this was chosen as the memory. Theimage is one of the larrikin escapades of grog and suggestions of women, supplyingfuel for the masculine ego and it portrays the fun of war and male bonding. As Wintersuggested, perhaps the story provided a mask for hiding the horrors of war. As amemory, it has been constructed to align itself with the Australian cultural narrative.Brian Knight recalled, ‘I just knew everyone was going to the war and I had toand I didn’t know what I was going to. I was a kid. We were 18 or 19, and that waspretty young to be taken away from family life.’ He as many others chuckled over thedrinking stories remembering the mischief they got up to. ‘The war was on and wewere fighting it and when we came on leave we did what we wanted to do. I neverdrank until I was in the airforce.’ 60 Lured to ‘come and have one of these’ and he hadan advocaat and cherry brandy and ‘that was the first alcoholic drink I had. Anywaythat bloke went overseas and was killed over a raid on Germany. We were all kids.’Despite the horror of war many nostalgically recalled it as the most fortunatetime of their life. The lure of adventure that had attracted so many recruits to EATS isalso dominant in reminiscences. Perhaps as Eric Leed observed, the actualities of war61necessitated a movement towards fantasy and myth. Leed also identified war asbeing like sport, as organised forms of conflict function to discharge drives which areblocked from expression in normal social life. Others, he claimed, enjoy the risk andthe spectacle of destruction. 62 Various scholars have viewed war as ritual of passageliberating men from constraints of bourgeois life. 63 EATS veteran, Nat Gouldconfessed, ‘Well, it may sound absurd but I enjoyed the war… I had always wanted tofly. The war gave me that. I flew all the most wonderful aeroplanes that I think haveever been built. I think I am very lucky. I don’t think people will ever, ever have thatopportunity again. I feel rather sorry for a generation that hasn’t had war.’ 64 TomFitzgerald claimed, ‘It was a wonderful trip. I fulfilled several ambitions of my life. I60 Interview with Brian Knight 1July 2008.61 Eric Leed, No Man’s Land: Combat and Identity in World War I, Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress 1979, 118.62 Ibid. 11.63 Ibid. 17.64 Interview Nat Gould, Interview AWM S00578.232

saw Paul Robeson play Othello in London. I saw Olivier, Richardson, Gielgud, PeggyAshcroft. And the paintings in their great National Gallery…So you had thismarvelous conjunction of the highest pleasure with the other job.’ 65 ‘I think that itsounds a dreadful thing in relation to war, but it was an experience I don’t regrethaving had… It was a wonderfully broadening experience.’ were Ken Gray’sthoughts. 66 To Geoffrey Coombes ‘It was all a big adventure really.’ 67 Further glowingmemories of comradeship and common endeavour are acted out in veterans’ groupsattempting to ritualise and preserve those who enjoyed sense beyond social categories.The pleasures in warfare, and joys associated with combat have been recognized inresearch. 68 Men speak of these things, satisfaction and excitement outweighingdistressing experiences and in the example of EATS the one joy felt was in the love offlying. Attracted by the lure of flight in 1939 this same exhilaration remained in thememory of many. There is abundant evidence for what George Mosse has aptly calledthe ‘myth of war experience’ – from combatants on all sides, in many modern wars, inmany places. Returned soldiers were active promoters of the ‘divine’ and‘transcendent’ significance of war, an experience that set them apart from ordinarycitizens. The excitement it had brought to the life of Frank Dimmick was recalled as‘the best time in my life.’ 69Dimmick’s story was memorable for the delight in his voice as hereencountered his adventures. 70 Dimmick was just eighteen when he enlisted in EATS,nineteen when he reached England, and home with the war over for his twentiethbirthday. He considered himself lucky to make the war, and lucky enough to be amember of the crew that got a ‘direct hit on the SS barracks next to Berchtesgarden.’His active service included several food drops over Holland after that. Here, Frankshowed me a book, The Flying Grocer, outlining these adventures and explained‘there is a tendency to write a little bit of the hero into it.’ He continued, ‘we65 Interview Tom Fitzgerald, Interview, AWM S00536.66 Interview Ken Gray AWM S00539.67 Interview Geoffrey Coombes AWM S00551.68 Joanna Bourke, ‘Effeminacy, Ethnicity and the End of Trauma: The Sufferings of Shell-shockedMen in Great Britain and Ireland, 1914-39,’ Journal of Contemporary History 35 1 2000, 57. Also‘The Pleasures of War,’ in An intimate History of Killing.69 Interview with Frank Dimmick.70 Ibid.233

personally got in on the tail end of things. There was no feeling of fear or anything likethat. It was a thrilling era and we enjoyed it. It was our first taste of war. I had comestraight out of school and enjoyed it. It was a wonderful era.’ 71 In his expressedmemories war and flight offered nothing less than freedom, exhilaration and power toDimmick. Dimmick’s script supports Graeme Dawson’s argument that stories aboutmale heroism in battle or in other arenas that test men’s strength and fortitude, are, in asense, training manuals for masculine identity. 72‘If it wasn’t for the killing, war would be fun’ concluded one veteran Iinterviewed. 73 Writing about World War I, George Mosse noted war provided a senseof freedom from the burdens of everyday life. For many veterans, not only airmen, thissentiment is credible and the ways in which memories are constructed are filled withambivalence as other, later influences intrude. 74 The extension of aerial war in theSecond World War introduced a new perspective that did provide men with a ‘headyexperience.’ Stan Guilfoyle remembered, ‘What it did was make a man of you. Onceyou had the responsibility for yourself and others, you feel you can do anything inlife.’ 75 Another, a member of the Pathfinders recalled, ‘Well, there was a certainexcitement to life, of course, and generally speaking, I guess the Pathfinders wererecognized as the elite of the bombing force, or the RAF. You were looked upon as abit of a hero. You had a special badge to wear on the tunic which shows that you’re aPathfinder and I guess there was a certain pride in wearing that and knowing that youprobably took risks that others didn’t take, but it was a duty to be done – it’s war – aduty to be done. ‘You’re young and as I said before, hurrah for the next man that dies.I think it’s just camaraderie and good feeling and a job to be done. We’re trained forit.’ 76 To another, the whole experience was a very worthwhile experience. ‘I’d justturned twenty-four a week before the war finished – and so a sort of feeling that youhad probably during that period, more – in many ways – more power over importantthings than probably ever had since, strangely enough. I don’t think would have been71 Ibid.72 Graham Dawson, Soldier Heroes, 4.73 Interview with George Hannon74 George Mosse, ‘Two World Wars and the Myth of War Experience,’ Journal of ContemporaryHistory 21, 4, 1986, 493-494.75 Interview with Stan Guilfoyle.76 Interview with David Leicester AWM S00525.234

anything like as great if it had not been for that experience. I think I would have been amuch narrower person had it not been for that experience. 77Athol Wearne remembered it ‘as a bloody good war they shouldn’t havestopped it. I’d been lucky I’d had wonderful postings I’d had wonderful experiencesand I just thoroughly enjoyed my war time experience.’ 78 The impact of the culturalnarrative on memories was summed up in the words of Peter O’Connell:Well, I think like many young fellows of my era at the time we thoughtwe were going to be Biggles. You know, we were young, we were goingover there, like the chaps did in World War I, and save the world fordemocracy. We were very young and we had this rather romantic idea79about the whole business.Peter Isaacson spoke of the opportunity to fly and he ‘grabbed it.’ He had a selfassuredness about him as I asked him about his flight under the Sydney HarbourBridge, ‘I thought it would be fun so I did it They wanted to court martial me, but theydidn’t they would have been pretty unpopular.’ This was one of the stories significantin masculine heroism and adventure recounted by men in interviews that signified thefun of war. He was a national hero one woman remembered. ‘We all thought he waswonderful.’ 80 The joy in flying and the liberation which this brought from constraintsof social life was expressed as a way of self realization, perhaps a romantic vision, tocounter the horror of war link. The words of Richard Hillary, ‘it is only in the air thatthe pilot can grasp that feeling, that flash of knowledge, of insight, that matures himbeyond his years; only in the air that he knows suddenly he is a man in a world ofmen,’ were often echoed in interviews.Creating their own narrativeWhile the experiences of aerial warfare is central in life stories of the men ofEATS, they were aware of their marginalization in the Australian memorialisation ofwar that centred on the self reliant egalitarian Anzac hero with mythical links to the77 Interview with Ken Gray, AWM S00539.78 Interview with Athol Wearne, AWM S0075579 Interview with Peter O’Connell, AWM S0052180 Interview with Dr. Majorie Tipping.235

ush. The airman symbolized the age of modernity, and human progress, and with itthe destructive aspect of aerial war, ‘the uncompromising instrument of righteousvengeance against the enemy.’ 81 The result has been as Wing Commander Peter Scullycommented:Even today most Australians do not realise the enormous contribution theRAAF made to final victory in Europe, nor the associated great sacrificesmade by the personnel involved. Kokoda, El Alamein, the Coral Seabattles are well known, but the RAAF’s phenomenal contribution is notand still to this day is barely recognised by our media either throughignorance or dare I say it ‘modern political correctness’ which seems todeny any legitimate relationship between Australia and the UK.Historians and sociologists have insisted on the importance of collectivereinforcement for sustaining individual identities. 82 Dawson has argued for the need tofix one’s own place within the social world, to feel oneself to be coherent andpowerful rather than fragmented and contradictory. 83 Yet, the members of EATS havebeen left to their own rituals of remembrance. In their testimonies, the veteransindicated the various ways which they found to contextualize a sense of themselves ina public forum. Rendered largely invisible from Australia’s public commemorativetraditions, veterans have negotiated their own network of support. Feelingdisconnected and out of place, veterans have forged several avenues where they canconnect shared experience forming a sense of identity.Not Anzac DayDespite nostalgic reminiscences, a sense of alienation from the Australiancollective cultural commemoration haunted the stories of some of the men, especiallyin their attitude to Anzac Day. 84 While there is a presence of the RAAF in Anzac Daymarches, many of the men I interviewed had not marched. Eddie Bradshaw claimed hehad little time for Anzac Day marches. In one interview, David Mattingly explained81 Martin Francis, The Flyer, 153.82 Joanna Bourke, Introduction ‘Remembering War.’83 Graham Dawson, Soldier Heroes.84 This is based only on the interviews which I am aware were limited in number.236

that he chose not to march on Anzac Day as ‘to me it would be ostentatious.’ 85 FrankParsons related that he had marched once on his return and he felt very isolated; ‘Ididn’t know anybody else. He claimed that it was different for those in the army theyall joined at the same time and went to Egypt together and they were at wartogether.’ 86 Whereas, Frank continued his explanation, ‘air force postings wereindividual, particularly air crew so circumstances didn’t develop of looking forward toseeing all these blokes because they weren’t there.’ 87 Another veteran felt that he wasencouraged to march in the Anzac parade to provide publicity for the bank he workedfor. It was diabolical,’ he concluded. ‘I was just not interested.’ 88 Boz Parsons relatedan interesting account of Anzac Day. As a boy in the 1930s, he and his friendsbelieved it was a lot of rubbish and now, in the present, he felt it was a verymanufactured occasion. In all, there appeared little contact between veterans of EATSand Anzac Day. Those who did participate found a different motivation and centred ontheir individual squadron. Both ‘RAAF Europe’ and the ‘Odd Bods’ were formed as aresponse to having no other formal recognition in Anzac Day commemorations.Squadron AssociationsAustralians have rewritten scripts often carefully excluding the part of EATS.Alienated from Australian collective memory, the importance of associations emerged.Frank Dimmick formed his own niche in society. Believing that there was ‘always afeeling that the blokes who went to Europe were being overshadowed by the mass ofblokes who stayed and fought in the war here.’ His enthusiasm for the organization hefounded was infectious as he explained:We always felt we would like some identification of our group and PerceRudda came up with the idea RAAF Europe, representing all the groups,who had served together. He and I started it. We wrote to various groupsOdd Bods, 461, 455, all the groups who had been over there and westarted RAAF Europe. We have a dinner every year on Grand Final Eve.We get 300 or 400 or we did, along to these dinners. This year we had85 David Mattingly ABC 2 Interview 2 May 2007.86 Interview with Frank Parsons.87 Ibid.88 Interview with Trevor Craddock.237

120. We are down because we are all over 80. We have fantasticblokes. 89I was shown the invitations to every dinner and given accounts of the guestspeakers. Frank was very much establishing his identity around EATS. Frank unfurledthe banner that he explained was a history in itself and said they all marched on AnzacDay and it was a wonderful occasion. Yet it seemed his participation in Anzac Daywas very much under the identity of RAAF Europe, as distinct from the national myth.He had his own dream.The formation of the Odd Bods Association reflects the sense ofmarginalization in society experienced by so many veterans of EATS. They haverecorded:In 1946 in the lunch room of the Mail Exchange Building in Spencer St,Melbourne, three disconsolate men sat listening to others prattling onabout the regimental and unit reunions they had attended during AnzacDay commemorations and the three were wondering how they could fitinto that reunion business. 90The result was the formation of the Odd Bods, an association of blokes whohad served outside Australia. Still active today, their current newsletter expresses‘lasting friendship with comrades who endured with them the horrors of the battlesoverseas when Australians rushed to aid their Allies in overthrowing dictatorships andtyrannies every where.’ 91Most squadrons have written their own histories. Number 3 Squadron echoesthese sentiments expressed in many: ‘pride, courage, youth, in the constant presence ofdeath’, build the image of the heroic airman. They don’t mention the personalhardships, sacrifices or dangers but ‘speak proudly of the Squadron's accomplishments... of the part it played in beating an enemy which threatened the freedom of theirfamilies and their country.’ 92 Those who lost their lives are endowed with89 Interview with Frank Dimmick.90 Odd Bods website http://www.theoddbods.org/history.htm7 October 2008.91 Odds’n Ends The Official Journal of the Odd Bods, July 2010.92 Neil Smith, History of 3 squadron, Part 4, also published as a Video History, 1989,www3squadron.org.au/history [31 July 2010].238

‘unconquerable spirit’ from which ‘rises a heritage of camaraderie and respect thatevery 3 Squadron member regardless of rank or time and place of service, can carryforward in perpetuity for as long as the Nation lives.’ 93In his analysis of the Soldier Hero, Dawson recognized that a storyactually told is always the one preferred amongst other possible versions, and involvesa striving, not only for a formally satisfying narrative or a coherent version of events,but also for a version of the self that can be lived with in relative psychic comfort –for, that is, subjective composure. 94 He continued that ‘they not only exist in theimagination of the storyteller, but resonate with the experience of others, as shared,collective identities and realities. It is such a role model story that was created aroundNicky Barr. 95 Although this account was published in 1945 and had its reasons forfollowing the myth of the aviator super hero, it features prominently on the 3Squadron web page.It hath reached me, O auspicious King, that there came into their campone night in the desert a magnificent young man with laughing blue eyes,mounted on a camel, and clothed in the flowing robes of a sheik. And asthey looked wide-eyed and unbelieving he smiled and said: " There is nogod, but the God! God is most great!" Then they knew 'twas he and theyfell to great rejoicings. . . . And Shahrazad perceived the dawn of day andceased to say her permitted say. Squadron-Leader Andrew William Barr,D.F.C. and Bar, hereinafter called "Nicky", inevitably impels thoughts ofthe Arabian Nights.If, jinn born, he had set out with happy smile and eager blue eyes to courtadventure in the air, he could not possibly have gone through a moreremarkable series than what befell him almost as a matter of courseriding fighter planes in the Middle East.To be reported missing four times in six months, to shoot down 12enemy aircraft in combat, to be shot down three times and wounded, toforce land in enemy territory and escape, and finally to be captured andto escape over the snows from a German train after 17 months as aprisoner of war in Italy - who could ask for more?93 Ibid.94 Graham Dawson, Soldier Heroes, 23.95 J.C.Waters Valiant Youth: The men of the RAAF, Sydney: F.H. Johnston 1945.239

Thus, in squadron histories airmen are given the identity of heroes fighting for‘freedom’ to protect families and the ‘Nation.’ Silence surrounds the concept ofempire and these men are projected into their dreams of the heroic airman.Internationalism: Recognition in LondonIt is in the role of flight, its lure and almost supernatural quality, that theveterans of EATS have found an internationalist vision of the power of modernity, inconquest of the air and this united them with not only other members of EATS acrossall dominions but also all those who took part in aerial warfare. Frank Dimmockproudly related that his greatest draw card to the reunion of Air Europe, which heorganized was General Lieutenant Adolph Galland, Knights Cross with Diamond, oneof the highest ranking air aces of the Luftwaffe in World War II. 96 It was for his flyingability that he was guest speaker. His role as an aggressor was irrelevant to the exairmenof this organization. Reflecting on the power of flight, in 1987 to unite men,Michael Sherry saw the international implications:The airplane was the instrument of flight, of a whole new dimension inhuman activity. Therefore it was uniquely capable of stimulatingfantasies of peacetime possibilities for lifting worldly burdens,transforming man’s sense of time and space, transcending geography,knitting together nations and peoples, releasing humankind from itsbiological limits. Flight also resonated with the deepest impulses andsymbols of religious and particularly Christian mythology – nothing lessthan Christ’s ascension. Its realization, then, served as a powerfulmetaphor for heavenly aspirations and even, among the literal-minded, as97the palpable vehicle for achieving them.It was suggested by one RAAF historian that the history of EATS belongsmore with British history, that EATS was formed to provide manpower to the RAFand in recent years recognition has been awarded to Australians who served. 98 Severalother points were made in this conversation, including the importance of Japan in96 Interview with Frank Dimmick.97 Michael S. Sherry, The Rise of American Air Power: The Creation of Armageddon, New Haven:Yale University Press, 1987, 2.98 This was a telephone conversation held with an officer in the history department of the RAAF AirPower Development Center, June 5 2009 (0262661436) He also stressed his views did not represent theofficial view.240

causing the Australian population to realize there was a war, and focusing Australianattention on the Pacific. The fact that material does exist on EATS but there is noencouragement to look for it, and lastly anything to do with Empire has been relegatedto ‘history.’ Each of these points offer what could be considered a valid explanationfor the paucity of information on EATS, but offers little recognition of the individualand the formation of identity.It is perhaps for these reasons that many EATS veterans are drawn tocommemorations in London. The centre of RAF commemoration in London is StClement Dane Church. In March 2009 a group of Australian ex-Spitfire pilots headedfor London and a ceremony to mark their contribution to allied forces during WorldWar II. 99 Now in their late eighties and nineties, and sixty four years after the occasion,the Australian government provided only limited funds for them to attend this service.David Lowy, owner of the Temora Aviation museum, provided the major part of thefunds. Lysle Roberts, one of the veterans, in an interview on Channel 2 said ‘It meansa lot to me and my association… on behalf of all ex-spitfire pilots who are still alive,to have got this opportunity to make this gesture, this dedication in London.’ Anotheradded ‘See there’s so many of the boys who have passed on, so many boys killed inthe war. Veterans like myself must remind people that this was the price offreedom.’ 100 Sid Handsaker was one of the veteran pilots to travel to the Londoncommemoration in 2009, and I was given a copy of the diary which he kept for thistrip. His last words recorded, ‘Highly emotional. A trip I would not like to repeat.’ In apost-script he added, ‘Admitted to Newcastle Private Hospital 27 th October 2009 for16 days diagnosed with crushed vertebrate, pneumonia and Severe Post TraumaticDepression- Not Jet Lag as Supected.’ 101 Decades after the experience, Hansaker’smemories had surfaced in flashbacks of events that were previously not assimilated inhis view of the world. 102A further ceremony was held at St Clement Dane, on the 26th March this year.Association members were invited to attend a dedication of RAAF plaques for 454,99 ABC 1, News coverage Monday March 23 2009.100 Ibid.101 Ibid.102 See Cathy Caruth, Unclaimed Experience, 3-4.241

459 and nine other squadrons. It was reported, ‘The badges join other Australiansquadrons that flew in the European, Middle East and African theatres and are inrecognition of the outstanding service and sacrifice made by those men and women.’ 103In the squadron web site, it was recorded: The ABC news ‘reported that, after sixtyfour years, a tribute was paid to Australian squadrons that for too long and for reasonsvaried, they have been a neglected part of history.’ 104Personal bondingBonding within the individual squadron and shared experiences helped find alegitimate narrative that can place the individual within a convincing identity. Thiswas often spoken of. After the disaster of the Pacific experience, Bruce Brownrecalled:The only thing I’ve always said was there was a tremendous comradeshipcame out of… out of Milne Bay, in particular, and that’s why those thatare still alive today, still get together occasionally and whilst we don’tthrow a lot of lead around the place, we like seeing how old we may havegone as the years have gone on and sit down and have lunch or a chattogether and I believe we respect each other very I much. Yes. 105Brown continued:In attending several squadron functions the close bonding of theseairmen … civilian friendships seem, in the mind, pale copies ofwhat we knew as "comradeship". Some of us were hardly shiningspecimens of manhood, as Kipling said, you wouldn't look inbarracks for plaster saints, but whenever we had looked around forcourage, we could be sure that the profane drunkard we had got tobed many a time would be there - no matter what was flying - atour shoulder. After a few decades you miss him, because nocivilian ever quite filled his great clod-hopping boots. 1062009:Sid Handsaker was to write on the gathering of aviator veterans in London in103 Ibid.104 ABC 1 News Friday March 27, 2009.105 Interview with Bruce Brown AWM, S00583.106 Ibid.242

I remember writing once that I considered all the EATS members asbeing brothers. I felt that having made the acquaintances of so many … Iwas astounded to realize that with these strangers I had so much incommon with them and it dawned on me that we had all our livesregulated by the EATS and we were all moulded the same- we appearedto think and act alike. 107ConclusionThe purpose of this chapter has been to place the Australian airman in thenational cultural setting. First, to chart the responses of the aviators to changes inimages of aerial combat in their memories and this presented a complex dialoguebetween reality and imagination, culture and combat. 108 In examining the testimoniesof veterans, the complexities of the interaction between memory and identity,especially as seen in oral history, emerged. Again, I cite the words, ‘it is not simplyevents we recall, for the past we create becomes a repository of our defences,emotions, desires and fantasies.’ 109 Key myths about the flyers already in place longbefore 1945 and pilots obliged to negotiate these stereotypes, often finding themsimultaneously compelling and repulsive. 110 Reactions to the reality of aerial combatwere internalized and rewritten combining both psychic and cultural influences attimes recreating the dreams they had lost. The second purpose was to follow theactions of veterans responding to their disenfranchisement from the Australiancommemorative tradition, as they searched for a socially accepted niche where theiridentities could be composed. Individual areas of commemoration were found outsidethe national areas of remembrance that prevented the articulation of the narrativesurrounding EATS. These are slowly disappearing, indicating the ‘perishability’ ofcertain memories. 111 This was reflected upon by Max Roberts, ‘I don’t know whyEATS has slipped out of people’s memory. There are a lot of books, but nothing in the107 Sid Handsaker letters and diaries written in 2010.108 These terms were used by Martin Francis in The Flyer 7.109 Joan Wallach Scott, ‘Introduction,’ to Luisa Passerini’s Autobiography of a Generation. Xii.110 These terms were also used by Martin Francis in The Flyer.111 Perishability was a term used by Peter Fritzsche, ‘The Case of Modern Memory,’ The Journal ofModern History, 73, 2001, 102.243

press. I don’t talk about it very much. But sometimes people bring in some thing aboutthe air force and they are so surprised I was there. It has drifted into oblivion.’ 112112 Max Roberts interview244

CONCLUSIONThe ‘I’ now and the ‘I’ thenFigure 23 Commemorative Ceremony SomersOn May 1 2010, this small group gathered at Somers, site of the No.1 InitialTraining School on the Victorian peninsular, to commemorate the seventiethanniversary of the beginning of the Empire Air Training Scheme. There were 18former Somers trainees present, together with airmen of other Initial Training Schools,seated in front of the Memorial Plaque set amongst some of the original huts. Theofficial address was given by Wing Commander Peter Scully whose words245

encapsulated the fundamental complexity contained in the development of the imagesaround EATS, that I have followed in this thesis. Scully articulated ‘the Empire AirTraining Scheme was so enormous in its scope, that looking back now it seemsincredible that such an endeavour was even suggested, let alone that it should achievethe success that it did, yet most of their achievements were not recorded in Australianhistory.’ ‘Even today,’ he lamented, ‘most Australians do not realise the enormouscontribution the RAAF made, nor the associated great sacrifices made of the personnelinvolved.’ 1Scully’s reflections reiterate the initial motivations behind this thesis. Thesewere: first, to determine the key components surrounding the marginalisation of EATSin the Australian narrative. This aspect focused on public representations. The publicposition automatically led to a second line of inquiry, which was to follow theresponses of the individual aviators and their adaptation to changing circumstances.The images from the public and the private coexisted in the progress of thetransformation of social and cultural values from the 1930s, through post-war decadesto the present day. For both the nation and the individual, values and expectationswere brought under scrutiny, unsettling their place in society causing the renegotiationof identity for both the nation and the airman.While the starting point of this thesis was to discover why EATS had becomemarginalized within the Australian narrative and the response, which this evoked inindividual veterans, this led to broader considerations of how we invent and possessthe past. I have asked why we tell the stories we do when we do. This has involved anexamination of the encounters between the present and the past in both the public andprivate spaces. It has also been a study of how the world and the Australian culturalidentity have changed, and in the process both nation and individual discarded the pastand then donned new cultural outfits. It was in the broader cultural framework that Ipositioned the investigation.1 Speech by Wing Commander Peter Scully, May 1, 2010.246

Following the transformation of the Australian national identity and thepositioning of EATS within its framework provides a forceful case study of a national‘invention of tradition.’ 2 The collective Australian narrative followed a process ofcontinual renewal between 1939 and the present, and two themes emerged thatimpacted upon the evolution of the image of EATS within the Australian story. Thefirst followed Australian relationships with Empire. From occupying a central place inAustralian identity in the 1930s, the allegiance to Empire crumbled in the post-wardecades. Australia increasingly sought to define itself free from British connections.Reminders of Australian subservience to Britain were uncomfortable in the nationalnarrative and selectively suppressed. Involvement in EATS provided a particularrendition of the past that did not correspond to the declared emerging ‘new’ Australiannationalism.Embedded in the emerging Australian national identity was a second influencethat would further diminish recognition of EATS. This was the Anzac myth whosepower in the national memory is now indisputable; to the extent it has the ability to3keep other pasts and other renditions from articulating themselves. Australianacademics have expressed some concern at the dominance of Anzac mythology asovershadowing all other stories in the shaping of the Australian nation. 4 While alsomilitary in content, the institution of EATS and the men who flew, has not foundinclusion in Australian war commemoration. The absence was once againencapsulated in the words of Peter Scully as he reiterated, ‘Kokoda, El Alemain, theCoral Sea battles are well known, but the RAAF’s phenomenal contribution is not andstill to this day is barely recognised by our media, either through ignorance or dare Isay it “modern political correctness” which seems to deny any legitimate relationshipbetween Australia and the UK.’2 Term used by Eric Hobsbawn and used as the basis of many ideas in this thesis.3 Rudy Koshar, Germany’s Transient Past: preservation and national memory in the twentieth century,Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998, 313 322, made these observations about thestrength of national memory.4 See especially Marilyn Lake and Henry Renyolds, What’s Wrong with Anzac? The Militarisation ofAustralian History Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2010.247

The focus of Anzac commemoration is on the values and the attitudes of thefoot soldier who sacrificed himself for Australia not Empire. Following the bushheritage, the Anzac embodied the egalitarian nature of Australian society. Anzacdominates the legend of the Australian nation’s coming of age to the exclusion of allother military involvements. The image of the elite airman, master of advancedtechnology, inflictor of civilian deaths, although apocryphal, is the myth thatsurrounds the aviator and stands in complete antithesis to the ‘Digger’. Following thehistory of the image of EATS as it is positioned in the reconfiguration of theAustralian collective imagination, the increasing dominance of the Anzac myth andthe departure of the centrality of Empire offer an explanation why public stories weretold and when they were told. Such changing realms of national identity remain acentral topic for scholars linked to collective memory and the selectivity ofestablishing sense of tradition.While the ongoing change of society and culture reshaped the nationalresponse to concepts surrounding EATS, the interaction between the public andprivate memories, seemed to flow inevitably in the investigation, centring on theimplications that this contained for the nature of individual identities. I found literatureon the aerial operations of World War II focused on technology, tactics and doctrineand that the responses of the individual, the human dimension, have been ignored. Anexamination of the human, aspects of the individual aviator covered the realms ofprivate subjectivity that contribute to the individual versions articulated around imagesof EATS. This was a review of the upheaval faced by individuals as they confrontedthe ever-changing world. To follow the expectations and experiences of the aviatorswas to listen to testimonies that claimed ‘everything has become so different.’ Asyoung recruits, they had begun with beliefs in Empire, the attainment of masculinity inwar, and the glamour of flight. Each belief, in different ways, had been brought intoquestion.The first challenge to be negotiated was prompted by the failure of thenational identity, as it silenced ties with Empire, to authenticate personal subjectivitiesor to privilege their narratives. The initial belief, motivating their enlistment, wherethey were acting as part of the Empire in a united air force, was dismissed in thefollowing decades. Witness to the sense of alienation was heard in the words of EATS248

veterans, beginning with those of Don Charlwood at the opening of this thesis, andfollowed by lack of collective commemoration in Australia for those who served withEATS. Much has been written on the interdependence of the public and private scriptin the development of memories and the relationship between these two spheres playsa critical role in the construction and preservation of images. This becomes especiallyrelevant to EATS, where the presence of a collective context has become moot. It hasbeen recognized that exclusion from the national narrative can lead to a sense ofdisplacement causing, ‘alienation, silence and internalized trauma.’ 5 The narrativesconstructed by veterans in their later years validate this claim, as they offeredjustifications for their actions aware of the lack of public empathy.The second aspect of the human dimension, which influenced the voice of theindividual story, was the emotional intensity that was present in aerial combat, and theway in which aviators dealt with the physical and mental demands, not only during theexperience but in the following decades. Emotional responses, especially those of fearand guilt challenged the social expectations of masculinity. It was not only the directlack of support from the national narrative that contributed to the individual response.The individual story was made even more complex by emotional responses thatneeded negotiation. Articulating or writing about the emotions of those involved in theSecond World War has been avoided, and yet an understanding of the real terror ofaerial combat is crucial if the individual images presented around EATS are to bedefined and interpreted. Emotions passed like shadows through stories confronting thedisplacement of ideals of their youth, the disconnection from the remembrance ofsociety, and the creation of the more personal and the narrative of self.It is to place the emotional experience of the private life within the culturalcontext that makes it possible for people to reflect on their sense of self, to fashiontheir own interior spaces, and to speak for themselves, that I have attempted todevelop, in interpreting the diaries and letters of those involved in the Scheme and inhearing so many of their later accounts. The veterans of EATS were faced with findinga legitimate narrative, which could place the self in a way that is both coherent and5 Alistair Thomson, Anzac Memories, 216, 220.249

convincing. Responses of veterans were not uniform and the stories follow myriadpersonal journeys manifesting expression in making oneself ‘at home in a constantlychanging world.’ 6I have argued that historical space is shared by both private and public agents.The social interaction between the two has implications for the identity of theindividual and the community. The ‘self,’ the identity, of veterans of EATS hasbecome intertwined with the historical period and cannot be seen outside this culturalcontext. This argument has been supported by the notion that historical change appliesnot only to the larger narrative, but it is linked to the lives of individuals who areabsorbed in the inevitable passage of change.In the way which individuals seek to understand their experiences in thechanging world and in the process of creating a personalised space, many veterans ofEATS, complying with the strength of the national image, have developed the abilityto silence the image of EATS. It is only in moments of nostalgia and reflection thatthey allow defensive mechanisms to be lowered, as they did at the commemoration atSomers on May 1 2010. More often, in exploring the private, subjective realms of themen of EATS the masked responses, combined memory with imagination, reflecting adesire to return to an ideal of masculinity defined in terms of the stoic, unreflectivewarrior of the sky. While reports of dispossession, and a sense of being cast off,entered some accounts, reflecting the historical discontinuity of the national narrativethe process of self-renewal in finding a place in society, was asserted as veteranspresented their interpretation of the past. In following the interplay between thenational cultural narrative and the individual voice, I have opened the way to someunderstanding of the Australia ‘now’ and ‘then’ and the ‘I’ then, and the ‘I’ now in thestories we tell and when we tell them.6 Marshall Berman, 6.250

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