The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, v. 59

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vPicturing the Apocalypse:Illustrated Leaves from aMedieval Spanish ManuscriptWilliam D. WixomMargaret LawsonTHE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART

Director's NoteTen years ago, when welcoming the Beatus manuscript leavesfeatured in this Bulletin to the Museum as a recent acquisition,I mentioned that their collective importance was such thatthree years of Cloisters acquisitions funds had been set asidefor their purchase. Selected leaves have since been included intwo major special exhibitions-"The Glory of Byzantium" in1997 and "Mirror of the Medieval World" in 1999-and beenpublished in the accompanying catalogues, but we have not yethad the opportunity to present the entire sequence of illuminationsin all of their visual splendor and expressive power.Now, we take the unusual step of devoting an issue of theBulletin to a single work-and as it happens, the timing of thepublication is noteworthy as well. The title of this Bulletin,"Picturing the Apocalypse," carries an unavoidable resonancein the wake of the tragedies of last September. On the day ofthe attacks, whether watching on television or at closer, moredevastating range, we all sought ways to comprehend the magnitudeof the disaster. We could not help but imagine the worldcaught up in an overwhelming chain of events that could leadto further, even broader catastrophes. We looked for solacewherever we could find it. In the days and weeks that followed,many people came to the Museum to be comforted, to achieveserenity, to be distracted by beauty.The Beatus manuscripts of the tenth to thirteenth centuryare illustrated commentaries on the Apocalypse, the final bookof the New Testament. The illustrations depict the end of theworld quite literally, as described in the biblical text, with hailand fire, plagues of locusts, and trumpeting angels. Medievalreaders of our Beatus would no doubt have been terrified bywhat they saw on its pages, but also consoled by the promise ofredemption offered in the later chapters. We may believe ourselvesto be threatened by a different set of more technological,perhaps more daunting terrors-but let us not forget thatanthrax is one of the oldest recorded diseases, with symptomsdescribed in Exodus and known to Hippocrates. Some nightmares,in other words, remain constant.We are fortunate that William D. Wixom, who retired fromthe Museum in 1998 as the Michel David-Weill Chairman ofthe Department of Medieval Art and The Cloisters, could becoaxed back into service for this publication. Having recommendedthe leaves' purchase-emphatically-back in 1991, heis the ideal person to expound on their intriguing admixture ofstyles. Margaret Lawson, assistant conservator in the ShermanFairchild Center for Works on Paper and Photograph Con-servation, takes a different approach to the manuscript, onethat could almost be described as alchemical. Together, theirtwo perspectives provide a superb introduction to the workawork that cannot, however, be properly appreciated withoutvisits to The Cloisters and to the galleries of medieval art in themain building, where the leaves are exhibited one or two at atime, on a rotating basis.PHILIPPE DE MONTEBELLODirectorThis publication was made possiblethrough the generosity of theLila Acheson Wallace Fund forThe Metropolitan Museum of Artestablished by the cofounder ofReader's Digest.The Metropolitan Museum of ArtBulletinWinter 2002Volume LIX, Number 3(ISSN 0026-1521)Copyright ? 2002 by TheMetropolitan Museum of Art.Published quarterly. Periodicalspostage paid at New York, N.Y., andAdditional Mailing Offices. TheMetropolitan Museum of Art Bulletinis provided as a benefit to Museummembers and is available by subscription.Subscriptions $25.00 ayear. Single copies $8.95. Fourweeks' notice required for changeof address. POSTMASTER: Sendaddress changes to MembershipDepartment, The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, 1000 Fifth Avenue,New York, N.Y. 10028-0198. Backissues available on microfilm fromUniversity Microfilms, 300 N. ZeebRoad, Ann Arbor, Mich. 48106.Volumes I-XXXVII (1905-42) availableas clothbound reprint set oras individual yearly volumes fromAyer Company Publishers Inc.,50 Northwestern Drive #1o, Salem,N.H. 03079, or from the Museum,Box 700, Middle Village, N.Y. 11379.General Manager of Publications:John P. O'NeillEditor in Chief of the Bulletin:Joan HoltEditor: Jennifer BernsteinProduction: Peter Antony, Joan Holt,and Sally VanDevanterDesktop Publishing Assistant:Minjee ChoDesign: Tsang Seymour DesignAll photographs of works in theMuseum's collection, unless otherwisenoted, are by the PhotographStudio of The MetropolitanMuseum of Art. New photographyof the Museum's Cardena Beatusleaves, including the wraparoundcover detail, is by Eileen Travell ofthe Photograph Studio. The photographof the acanthus plant on p. 13is by Peter Zeray of the PhotographStudio. Photographs of the MorganBeatus (figs. 19, 22, 25, 27, 29, 31, 34,35, 38, 39, 41, 44) are courtesy of ThePierpont Morgan Library, New York.Additional credits: BibliothequeNationale de France, Paris, fig. 14;The Cleveland Museum of Art,fig. 15; Courtauld Institute of Art,University of London, fig. 24;National Monuments Record,English Heritage, Swindon, fig. 21;Jerrilyn D. Dodds, fig. 20; The JohnRylands University Library ofManchester, figs. 32, 45; GabinettoFotografico, Soprintendenza BeniArtistici e Storici di Firenze,Florence, fig. 18; Hirmer Fotoarchiv,Munich, figs. 10, 11, 13, 26, 40;Institut Amatller d'Art Hispanic,Barcelona, figs. 12, 23, 28, 43;Margaret Lawson, figs. 46-62;Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,fig. 33; Staatsbibliothek Bamberg,fig. 3; Bruce White, fig. 5On the front and back covers: Detailof Cardena Beatus illumination(1991.232.12b; see p. 40)The Metropolitan Museum of Artis collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve, and extend access toThe Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin ®www.jstor.org

THEAPOCALYPSE". . . the key of things past, the knowledgeof things to come; the opening of what is sealed,the uncovering of what is hidden."- JOACHIM OF FIORE, LATE 12TH CENTURY

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APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE is a class of Jewish andChristian texts produced from about 250 B.C.through the early centuries after Christ. Theseworks were intended to assure the faithful, intheir persecution and suffering, of God's righteousness and thefuture triumph of Israel, or the messianic kingdom. Prominentexamples of the genre include the Old Testament's Book of Daniel,parts of the Dead Sea Scrolls, and the last book of the NewTestament: the Apocalypse, or Book of Revelation. We knowfrom the first chapter of the latter, quoted in part on page 23,that it was written on the island of Patmos, in the southeasternAegean Sea, by a prophet named John, who since the secondcentury has traditionally been identified with the apostle ofChrist and saint who wrote the Fourth Gospel. Scholars datethe work to the last quarter of the first century A.D.The first, second, and third of the Apocalypse's twenty-twochapters contain instructions and admonitions that "a greatvoice, as of a trumpet," commanded the author to deliver to thebishops of the seven Christian churches in Asia Minor:Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamus, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia,and Laodicea. Succeeding chapters project prophecies andvisions of the future for the church of Christ, including a vari-ety of cataclysmic events, the destruction of Christ's enemies,the end of the world, and the triumph of the heavenlyJerusalem. The intensely vivid descriptive imagery is dramaticand often horrendous in its details. Actual wars, plagues, andother real-life calamities over the centuries have led many toseek correlations with John's prophetic text in their owncontemporary world. Facing the colorplates after this introductoryessay are selected quotations that provide the characteristicvisionary flavor of John's text. The excerpts are from anEnglish translation of Jerome's original Latin Vulgate Bible ofthe late fourth century, which was widely used throughout theMiddle Ages.The visual adoption of individual subjects and motifsspringing from John's text was well under way in the EarlyChristian and early medieval eras, as evidenced in the monumentalarts of wall painting and mosaic, particularly in thechurches of Rome. It is not surprising, therefore, to see in subsequentperiods the use of select apocalyptic motifs on altarfurnishings (frontals and crosses) and in the book arts (coversand pages of Bibles, Gospel books, and Apocalypse manuscripts),as well as in sculpted church portals and capitals. Thereare several examples in the collections of The MetropolitanMuseum of Art and The Cloisters. Especially dramatic is anivory book-cover plaque (fig. 1) probably made in southernItaly (possibly in Benevento) between 975 and iooo, whichFIGURE 1Cross Plaque with Lamb of God andSymbols of the Evangelists, froma book cover. Southern Italian(Benevento?), 975-100ooo. Ivory; 91/4 x53/8 in. (23.5 x 13.7 cm). MMA, Gift ofJ. Pierpont Morgan, 1917 (17.190.38)illustrates the four "living creatures" of the Apocalypse (Apoc.4.6-8) surrounding the Lamb of God. These creatures have tra-ditionally been associated with the four evangelists: Matthew(the winged man or angel), Mark (the winged lion), Luke (thewinged ox), and John (the eagle). On the Museum's plaque,each creature holds a book that signifies the correspondingevangelist's Gospel.There is a long history of representing the four evangelistsin this way, in various media; they appear, for example, inChristian mosaics from as early as the fifth century. Bothexegetical tradition (as in the writings of the fathers of theLatin church) and eschatological concern (fear of death andfinal judgment) underlie such depictions, in that the visualOPPOSITE: Detail of a leaf from the Cardena Beatus manuscript (1991.232.7a; see p. 30)-5-

FIGURE 2Dragon (detail). Spanish (Le6n-Castile, Burgos, monastery of SanPedro de Arlanza), 1200-1220.Fresco, transferred to canvas; 6 ft.10 in. x l10 ft. 5 in. (2.1 x 3.2 m).MMA, The Cloisters Collection, 1931(1931.38.1)portrayals gave concrete form to the biblical imagery. PopeGregory I postulated that while a scriptural image teachesthose who can read, an actual image informs those who cannotread but can see. The depiction of the Lamb of God with theevangelists' symbols reminded viewers of the glory and themystery of God: "And the four living creatures had each ofthem six wings; and round about and within they are full ofeyes. And they rested not day and night, saying: Holy, holy,holy, Lord God Almighty, who was, and who is, and who is tocome" (Apoc. 4.8).The characterization of Satan as a dragon who does battle2 with the archangel Michael (Apoc. 12.7-12, 20.2) also elicitedvisual treatment. An imposing dragon fresco in the CloistersCollection (fig. 2), originally from Arlanza, in Burgos, mayhave served more than a delightful heraldic purpose; it mayalso have reflected apocalyptic imagery from beyond theIberian Peninsula, as is suggested by comparison with a 106-page Ottonian Apocalypse manuscript of about 1020 that hasbeen preserved in Bamberg since its donation by EmperorHenry II (r. 1014-24) and his wife, Kunigunde, to the CollegiateChurch of Saint Stephen. On the folio in question (fig. 3), boththe dragon and the archangel appear twice, in mirror image.It is in such illustrated manuscripts as that in Bamberg thatmotifs from the Apocalypse found their fullest, most vividexpression. In these works, assorted texts and images becamemnemonic aids in a way that was entirely typical of medievalbelief systems. Apocalypse manuscripts took varied forms,which scholars have grouped into "families," with extant ex-amples dating from the first quarter of the ninth centurythrough the early fourteenth century. One particularly splendidGothic work, produced in Normandy in about 1320, isin the Cloisters Collection (see fig. 4). This brilliant picturealbum includes only brief quotations from the Apocalypse andno excerpts from any of the later commentaries on John's text.More extensive Apocalypse quotations are the foremost ele-3 ment of the so-called Beatus manuscripts, books of parchmentFIGURE 3pages that also include excerpts from the commentaries.Saint Michael's Battle with the Dragi on, Scholars agree that this composite work was edited andfrom the Bamberg Apocalypse.German (monastery of arranged between 776 and 786 by an Asturian monk and pres-Reichenau),ca. 1020. Temperand gold on byter called Beatus of Liebana (d. ca. 798), whose biography isparchment; folio 115/8 x 8 in. (29.5 x something of a mystery. Near the end of his life, he was engaged20.4 cm). Staatsbibliothek Bamberg in a doctrinal controversy with proponents of Adoptionism(MS Bibl. 140, fol. 3ov, detail)regarding the nature of Christ-specifically, whether Jesus wasdivine from birth or was purely human until God "adopted"him. In Beatus's compilation, an affirmation of orthodox belief,especially in eschatological issues, was paramount. As varioustenets, including the nature of Christ's divinity, were being-6 -

threatened at the time both by heretics among the Christiansand by "infidels" (Muslims), the Beatus manuscripts servedeven more plainly as a bulwark for the orthodox, though thethreats themselves were never mentioned in the text or in thecaptions for the illustrations.The commentary portion of the Beatus text consists ofinterpretations of the quoted biblical passages cast as Christianallegories, which the compiler appropriated from patristicsources in accordance with established exegetical tradition.The sources that Beatus acknowledged in his preface includethe biblical translator Jerome (ca. 347-419/20) and Jerome'sfellow Latin church fathers Augustine (354-430; bishop ofHippo, in Numidia, North Africa), Ambrose (339-397; bishopof Milan), and Gregory I (the Great; 540-604; pope 590-604),as well as Tyconius (active ca. 380 in Numidia), Fulgentius(ca. 540/60-ca. 619; bishop of Ecija, in Spain), and Isidore(ca. 560-636; archbishop of Seville). Twenty-six illuminatedmedieval copies of this compilation are preserved, withillustrations painted in tempera and occasionally heightenedwith gold. The pictorial imagery-literal recapitulations of thefantastic visions of the biblical text-has little or no correlationwith the commentaries.The Beatus manuscripts have been designated by a leadingscholar in the field as "the illustrated text of medieval Spain."Originating in the mid-tenth century in the kingdom ofAsturias-Leon, just beyond the northern reaches of the Islamicconquest, these manuscripts continued to be produced untilthe early thirteenth century. In the best examples, the illustrationsmay be seen as a match for John's vivid words. The textand the miniatures together depict an extraordinary effort onthe part of believers against the evils of false prophets, the beast(later interpreted as the Antichrist), and other instruments ofSatan. The believers' final victory is registered in confidentscenes of exaltation of the heavenly Jerusalem and praise of themystic lamb (see p. 44).Beatus wrote in the preface to his compilation that it was"for the edification of the brethren"-meaning for monks'nonliturgical reading and private contemplation. Indeed, whileproviding a method for remembering the historical, moral,and spiritual import of biblical and patristic knowledge, thevolume also became a cherished and enriching fixture ofmonastic life. Yet more than a century earlier, at the FourthCouncil of Toledo in 633, the Visigothic church had establishedthe Apocalypse as a canonical book to be read in church fromEaster to Pentecost. The symbiosis of these two functions-nonliturgical and liturgical-may account in part for theexplosion of illustrative vigor in the manuscripts.FIGURE 4The Fourth Trumpet, from theCloisters Apocalypse. French(Normandy), ca. 1320. Tempera, gold,silver, and ink on parchment; folioapprox. 121/2 x 9 in. (31.8 x 22.9 cm).MMA, The Cloisters Collection, 1968(68.174, fol. 14r, detail)For the most part, the early Beatus images were rendered inresonant color and with an emblematic simplicity that scholarsbelieve was probably inherited from a lost North Africantradition in Apocalypse manuscripts. The vitality and inten-sity of these very explicit illustrations, many of them full pageand some spread over two pages, rest on their striking linearpatterns, emphatic contours, and sometimes strident contrastsof a restricted number of flat, mostly "hot" colors. The midtenth-centuryBeatus in the Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork, is an outstanding example (see figs. 19, 22, 25, and so on).Nuance, shading, volume, and perspective (both linear andatmospheric) were irrelevant to illuminators working in thisearly style.Curiously palatable to these intrepid artists, however, werecertain Islamic motifs and pictorial details, including thesenmurv (part bird, part lion), the eagle pouncing on a gazelle,the silhouetted tree, the equestrian warrior with streamersflowing from his diadem, and such architectural elementsas stepped crenellations and horseshoe arches. Several of thesemotifs may have been inspired directly by Islamic textilesand reliefs or conveyed indirectly from earlier Byzantineand Sasanian works by way of Islamic culture and its wideMediterranean inheritance. The architectural imagery mayhave referred to Islamic elements already assimilated intoChristian buildings of the tenth century in the northern7-

FIGURE 5Fructuosus (painter; Spanish?).Ferdinand, Sancha, and the Scribe,from The Prayer Book of Ferdinandand Sancha. Spanish (Leon-Castile,Sahagun?, monastery of SantosFacundo y Primitivo?), 1055.Tempera on parchment; folio1214 x 77/8 in. (31 x 20 cm).Biblioteca Universitaria de Santiagode Compostela (Rs. 1, fol. 3v, detail)regions of Spain (see fig. 20 on p. 15). The ongoing hostility betweenthe Christian and Muslim worlds at the time is obviouslynot reflected in these borrowings.Beatus manuscripts in this early style, which erupted nearthe borders of Christian Spain, have typically been labeled"Mozarabic"-a misnomer, because the Mozarabs, meaning"the Arabicized," were Christians living in the Iberian Peninsulaunder direct Muslim rule. To escape persecution many of thesepeople emigrated to the Christian regions of the north, wherethe illustrated Beatus manuscripts were produced. The "Mozarabic"designation has been retained, however, by a number ofscholars for works dating from the tenth century to about1100. In fact, roughly the last sixty years of this period witnessedtwo styles that were juxtaposed and combined: late "Mozar-abic" and early Romanesque. Later in the twelfth century, theBeatus illustrations moved even further away from the insular"Mozarabic" mode and increasingly incorporated stylisticfeatures of pan-European Romanesque painting.The loose parchment leaves illustrated in color after page 13were produced in this later period. They once belonged to aBeatus manuscript said to have come from San Pedro de Cardefna,a monastic foundation that flourished from the tenthcentury onward a short distance from the city of Burgos, in theregion of Castile (referred to herein as Leon-Castile; the kingdomof Leon had already absorbed Asturias in the previouscentury and would be united with Castile, to its east, in fits andstarts beginning in the eleventh). Presumably the manuscriptwas copied and illuminated by monks working in the scriptoriumof this or another monastery in the immediate vicinity.San Millan de la Cogolla has been proposed, less compellingly,as an alternative to Cardefna.This manuscript, which we shall call the Cardefna Beatus,was partially dispersed in the 187os. The majority is now in theMuseo Arqueologico Nacional, Madrid, and other leaves residein the collection of Francisco de Zabalburu y Basabe in theBiblioteca Heredia Spinola, Madrid. Purchased in Paris in 1991,the Metropolitan Museum's pages previously had been in distinguishedFrench collections, namely those of Victor MartinLe Roy at Neuilly-sur-Seine and his son-in-law, Jean-JosephMarquet de Vasselot, in Paris. (The latter was a curator ofmedieval art at the Musee du Louvre, Paris.) The New Yorkleaves, along with the other fragments in Madrid, have beenrecognized in the literature since 1871 (see references on p. 56).A facsimile of all of the extant folios and cuttings from theCardefna Beatus, recombined in close to the original order, hasrecently been published by Manuel Moleiro in Spain. Theaccompanying book of essays, as well as the forthcoming finalvolume of a corpus of all known Beatus manuscripts by JohnWilliams, covers codicological, paleographic, textual, iconographic,and stylistic matters; our particular concern here willbe with iconography and style.IN THE EARLY MEDIEVAL period, from the ninth centuryon, the illusionistic aspects of Carolingian manuscriptpainting, which had initially been inspired byclassical pictorial concepts and conventions, assertedthemselves to varying degrees in manuscripts painted in portionsof northern Europe, especially in Ottonian Germany,Anglo-Saxon England, and Romanesque France. But except forthe system of framed miniatures and the wide color bands forbackgrounds that were ultimately derived from Roman paintingof the fifth century A.D. (as seen in the Vatican Virgil,Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Lat. 3225)-and in spite of8 -

FIGURE 6 FIGURE 7Angel, from the Cardena Beatus. Angel, from the Cardena Beatus.MMA (1991.232.3a, detail; see p. 22) MMA (1991.232.nb, detail; see p. 38)certain iconographic carryovers-the "Mozarabic" Beatusillustrations, with their powerful yet seemingly naive means,both linear and spaceless, were mostly distinct and separatefrom the early Carolingian stylistic tradition.Beatus manuscripts of the twelfth century altered the"Mozarabic" style while building on the few earlier indigenousand tentative efforts to assimilate both Carolingian and contemporaryByzantine styles, such as the portraits of the scribeand patrons in The Prayer Book of Ferdinand and Sancha (seefig. 5). Produced in Leon-Castile in 1055, this work initiated atrend toward a different kind of expressive power and elegance,which gained in momentum over the next century.Speculations concerning the historical background of thisdevelopment are several. One possible factor is that the fervorfor the Christian reconquest of the peninsula had diminishedin this later period with the establishment of a cautious equilibriumbetween the Christian and Muslim powers. Another isthat the monastic reforms of the Benedictine order had spreadsouthward from Cluny, in Burgundy; by 1030 they hadappeared at one of the key monasteries of Leon-Castile, SanPedro de Cardefna. The appointment of Cluniac abbots inseveral widespread bishoprics in the north of Spain broughtoutside influence in terms of the liturgy: the Visigothic ritewas replaced in 1o8o, at the insistence of Pope Gregory VII,with the Roman liturgy. Also, and more gradually, there werechanges in paleography and initial ornamentation. Thesechanges were paralleled in mid-twelfth-century architecturalsculpture that was stylistically derived from the abbey at Cluny,as seen in two Leonese monasteries, San Salvador de Oiia and,again, San Pedro de Cardefa. Finally, the next and last generationof Beatus illustrations became the locus for a creativeamalgam of elements, both Leonese and pan-European.Of course, as in the earlier period, the later Beatus paintingsexhibit a clear variation in their level of quality, especiallywith respect to the characteristics of line and color.When considered in its entirety, the Cardefna Beatus alsoshows something of this variation in quality. Nevertheless,many of its illuminations, including those reproduced incolor after this essay, are remarkable for their refinement andcontrolled expression.Each of the Beatus illustrations in the MetropolitanMuseum may be traced to a comparable subject that appearsin one or more of the earlier, "Mozarabic" Beatus manuscripts.These correspondences in imagery and iconography aredemonstrated on pages 15 to 45 with details from the MorganBeatus, which is one of the earliest preserved illustrated examples.The many similar arrangements and devices foundin these comparisons attest to the strength of the visually literalresponse to the text that was exercised over more than twocenturies. For instance, on the recto of the first folio of theCardefna Beatus (reproduced on p. 14), the unmistakable referenceto Islamic architecture in the repeated horseshoe arches,one set behind the other, is a "Mozarabic" carryover (see figs. 19,20 on p. 15).The style of the illustrations in the Cardefia Beatus is anentirely different concern from their iconography. The delicatepen-drawn heads and coiffures and the crosshatched shadingin some of the draperies show a stylistic homogeneity, eventhough they are not necessarily by the same hand. Distinctfrom this are two specific substyles, or manners, of renderingthe figures themselves and their draperies. A division of laborbetween two or more artists may be the explanation.The first substyle, perhaps the earlier or more conservativeone, may be observed in the five miniatures reproduced onpages 22, 24, 26, 28, and 30. The standing figures in this grouptend to be columnar. The tightly wrapped draperies consist ofred and blue lines over a white ground, with the red and bluedistributed evenly, on all pieces of clothing, rather than usedto distinguish one garment from another. The lines oftenculminate in concentric ellipses delimiting blank white ovals,which represent and emphasize the thighs, hips, and lowerarms (see fig. 6). The result is a variation on the clinging,9 --

FIGURE 8Kneeling King, from an Epiphanyrelief. Spanish (Le6n-Castile,Burgos, Cerezo de Riotir6n), thirdquarter of 12th century. Limestone;h. 491/2 in. (125.8 cm). MMA, TheCloisters Collection, 1930 (30.77.6)FIGURE 9Enthroned Virgin and Child, from anEpiphany relief. Spanish (Le6n-Castile,Burgos, Cerezo de Riotir6n), thirdquarter of 12th century. Limestone;h. 541/8 in. (137.2 cm). MMA, TheCloisters Collection, 1930 (30.77.8)FIGURE 10Figure of Christ in Majesty, WestFacade, Church of Santiago. Spanish(Le6n-Castile, Palencia, Carrion delos Condes), 1170-80"damp-fold" style of drapery that was initially described byWilhelm Koehler in 1941.The second, more forward-looking substyle may be seen inthe eight miniatures reproduced on pages 16, 21, 32, 34, 36, 38,40, and 44. The delineation of the figures in this group is moredescriptive. The suggestion of drapery's natural fall into pleatsand bunches is distantly classical and far less abstract than inthe first group. While the figures in the second group are justas colorful, different elements of apparel are given distinct colors.Thus, a classical pallium, or mantle, might be shown inred, with white used for highlights, while the undergarment ortunic might be depicted in green, with white again used for thehighlights (see fig. 7).The character of the two substyles may be further understoodby observing parallels in Leonese and Castilian objects inother media, such as stone sculptures, ivory carvings, wallpaintings, and enameled goldsmiths' work. A contemporarysculptural Epiphany from Cerezo de Riotiron, on view at TheCloisters, simultaneously exhibits aspects of both manners(see figs. 8, 9). The kneeling king, as well as the side view of theenthroned Virgin (fig. 30 on p. 29), reveals an approach todrapery that is closely akin to the first manner in the CardefinaBeatus in its utilization of elliptical lines and smooth ovoidsfor the shoulders, elbows, and thighs. Yet at the same time aparallel for the second Cardefna manner can be seen in thepleats of the Virgin's veil and the overlapping folds about herfeet. The two manners again appear side by side in theroughly contemporary exterior reliefs of the church ofSantiago in Carrion de los Condes, as suggested by JohnWilliams. One of the apostles there particularly recalls thedamp-fold manner of the Cardenia miniatures (see fig. 28 onp. 27), and the second manner finds a special resonance in theheavily pleated draperies of the imposing central relief ofChrist in Majesty (fig. io). There are still other examples of thisdual stylistic emphasis in contemporary monuments atOviedo and San Antolin de Toques (see figs. 11, 12). The twomanners are combined into a nearly seamless, organic whole inthe champleve enamels of Christ and the apostles from theurna (tomb) of Saint Dominic of Silos, produced in Silos orBurgos around 1150-70 and preserved in the Museo de Burgos.- 10 -

FIGURE 11 FIGURE 12Column Figures of Saints Peter Crucifixion Group. Spanish (Le6nandPaul, Chapel of San Miguel, Castile, Galicia-Asturias, monas-Cdmara Santa, Oviedo Cathedral. tery of San Antolin de Toques),Spanish (Le6n-Castile, Asturias, late 12th centuryOviedo), 1165-75FIGURE 13Arca Santa of Oviedo (detail).Spanish (Le6n-Castile, Asturias),late nth or early 12th century. Blackoak and gilded silver; h. (overall)283/4 in. (73 cm). Camara Santa,Oviedo CathedralNot new to Leon-Castile, this composite style had antecedentsin Leonese ivories dating from the mid-eleventh tothe early twelfth century (see fig. 42 on p. 41); in the previouslymentioned Prayer Book of Ferdinand and Sancha of 1055(fig. 5); and in the gilded silver reliefs and engraved panels of alarge reliquary in Oviedo Cathedral (the Arca Santa; see fig. 13),which is now attributed to the late eleventh or early twelfthcentury. The sources for the style, while speculative, wereprobably multiple. The underlying stimulus over time, besidesEarly Christian Roman and Carolingian art, was undoubtedlyByzantine, either directly through Byzantine objects that hadbeen brought to the Latin West, such as figured silks and ivoryicons, or indirectly through the prism of Western works thathad already assimilated iconographic and stylistic elementsfrom Byzantium.If we concentrate on the first substyle in the CardeinaBeatus, it is possible to consider English manuscript painting assuch an intermediate source. Examples dating from the secondquarter of the twelfth century were produced at the abbey ofBury Saint Edmunds, at Christ Church, Canterbury, and at thecathedral priory of Saint Swithun in Winchester. The CardeinaBeatus's Majesty illustration (see p. 22) provides an especiallystriking echo of the clinging drapery powerfully advanced inboth the Bible of about 1135 from Bury Saint Edmunds (seefig. 24 on p. 23) and the first volume of the Dover Bible, a workof the scriptorium at Christ Church in Canterbury dating toabout 1155 (Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 3, fol. 168v).A variant of this style may be seen in the wall painting SaintPaul and the Viper of about 1163 in Saint Anselm's Chapel,Canterbury Cathedral (fig. 21 on p. 18). A possible avenue forthis potential English influence at Cardefia may have been theextensive pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela from abroad,not only from England but from elsewhere in Europe. Thepilgrims' route across northern Spain included Burgos, andthe monastery of San Pedro de Cardefna was one of the parishesof Burgos, as established by Pope Alexander III's bull of 1163.11

FIGURE 14The Crucifixion, from a lectionary.French (Burgundy, abbey of Cluny),early 12th century. Tempera onparchment; folio 167/8 x 123/4 in. (43 x32.5 cm). Bibliotheque Nationale deFrance, Paris (MS nouv. acq. lat.2246, fol. 42v, detail)Accordingly, another variation on the damp-fold mannermay have been available through the influence of paintingfrom the abbey of Cluny in Burgundy. Examples of Cluniacpainting include the Ildefonsus manuscript of about 11oo(Biblioteca Palatina, Parma, MS 1650, fol. 102v); illustrated lectionaryand Bible fragments in Paris (fig. 14) and Cleveland(fig. 15); and the imposing frescoes at Berze-la-Ville. Thesepaintings, like some of the cited Spanish works in other media,actually combine the damp-fold and pleated, descriptive substyles.The connection with Cluniac painting may have beenfacilitated by pilgrimages and by the previously mentionedBenedictine reforms and appointments of Cluniac abbots inthe north of Spain. Another factor, as suggested by JohnWilliams, may have been the close ties with Cluny that werebased in part on Spanish gold. Muslim tribute to the kingdomof Leon, ruled by Ferdinand I (the Great; r. 1037-65) and thenby Alfonso VI (r. lo065-1109), thus enabled substantial supportfor the construction of the immense third church at Cluny atthe end of the eleventh century.Turning the focus more exclusively now to the second, ordescriptive, manner, in which the draperies are almost always14 layered in pleats with zigzagged or stepped edges, we see thatthe figures in this group suggest the low-relief configurationsof Middle Byzantine ivory icons (see fig. 16), a few of whichhad reached the Iberian Peninsula as early as the late eleventhcentury. This patrimony is confirmed by the use of suchByzantine conventions as the Virgin's veil, or maphorion, andher high seat or throne, with its footstool and cushion, in theCardefna Adoration of the Magi miniature (see p. 21). Yet it isnot certain whether this pleated style was conveyed directly orindirectly, through English or French sources. Some of thedraped figures in the historiated initials in the first volume ofthe above-mentioned Dover Bible come to mind. An evenmore convincing source could possibly have been Cluny, asseen in the Cleveland portrait of Saint Luke (fig. 15).Attention should be drawn, in closing, to the elegant acanthusbar terminals on the genealogy pages of the CardeinaBeatus (see pp. 19-21) and to the foliate capitals and bases thereand elsewhere. When arranged symmetrically, the acanthus15leaves often flank a bud or flower, which can easily be seen atvarious times in the actual acanthus plant at The CloistersFIGUREfo(see fig. 17). An English source for the Cardefna Beatus's useSaint Luke, from a Bible. French(Burgundy, abbey of Cluny), ca. 1100oo. of the acanthus may be suggested by the manuscripts citedTempera and ink, with gold and above, particularly the Bury and Dover Bibles, as well as by asilver, on parchment; 63/4 x 63/8 in. small, secular oak chest of about 1150, attributed to Canterbury(17.1 x 16.2 cm). The ClevelandMuseum of Art, Purchase from theand preserved in the Louis Carrand collection in the MuseoJ. H. Wade Fund (1968.190, detail) Nazionale del Bargello, Florence (fig. 18).- 12 -

1716As indicated in the foregoing and on many of the pagesopposite the colorplates that follow, there is nothing particularlyinnovative in the surviving illustrations of the CardeinaBeatus in terms of their iconography. Yet the style and thequality of execution are, for the most part, quite extraordinaryand creative, even in the utilization of borrowed elements."Mozarabic" tradition is still evident, but in a limited way, as inthe flat, broad color bands of certain backgrounds and in theoccasional use of horseshoe arches and other such details.These features are totally subsumed within a new style, however-onein which the linear patterns and proportions, thetreatment of figures as both monumental and kinetic, andthe judicious use of color demonstrate an intrinsic authority,an unwavering aesthetic, and a mastery of pan-EuropeanRomanesque painting of the highest order.FIGURE 16Book Cover, with Icon of theCrucifixion. Panel: Byzantine-WILLIAM D. WIXOM(Constantinople), second half ofloth century. Ivory, with traces ofgilding; 53/8 x 35/8 in. (13.7 x 9.1 cm).Setting: Spanish (Arag6n, Jaca),before 1085. Gilded silver, withpseudofiligree, glass, crystal, andsapphire, over wood core; lol/2 x71/2 in. (26.7 x 19.1 cm). MMA, Gift ofJ. Pierpont Morgan, 1917 (17.190.134)18FIGURE 17Acanthus plant (Acanthus mollis)with flowering spikes, grown in thegardens of The CloistersFIGURE 18Casket (detail). English (Canterbury),ca. 1150. Oak; h. (overall)31/8 in. (8 cm). Museo Nazionale delBargello, Florence (Louis CarrandCollection)- 13 -

1991.232.1A

Commentary on the Apocalypse by Beatusof Liebana (Cardefia Beatus)Spanish (Leon-Castile, Burgos, probably monastery of SanPedro de Cardefna), ca. 1175-80. Tempera, gold, silver, andink on parchment; each folio approx. 175/8 x 117/8 in. (44.8 x30.2 cm); bifolium (1991.232.2) 173/8 x 231/4 in. (44.1 x 59.1 cm).MMA, Purchase, The Cloisters Collection, Rogers and HarrisBrisbane Dick Funds, and Joseph Pulitzer Bequest, 1991(1991.232.1-.14)As in the earlier Beatusmanuscripts, a series ofprefatory leaves preceded thebiblical texts and commentariesin the Cardefna Beatus.The page at left shows twobays of an arcade withgolden horseshoe archessupported on tall, narrowcolumns with lush foliatecapitals and bases. A secondarcade of four blue archesappears to stand behindthe first, although all fivecolumns rest on a commonground line.Drawn, painted, and partiallygilded on the recto ofa folio without any text orcaption, the elegant architecturalscheme might be seenas purposeless. The artistmay have intended it, however,to offset the parchmentsheet's fully painted verso(see p. 16), which over timehas become a ghost imageon the recto.An ancestor of theCardefnarcade may beobserved in the Beatus manuscripthoused in the PierpontMorgan Library, NewYork (see fig. 19). That earlierexample, in which the arcadeframes and embellishes thegenealogy tables of Christ,has, by contrast to the Cardefnaversion, no hint ofdepth or space. Both designsrecall actual architecturalexamples found in thenorthern regions of Spain.The monastic church of SanMiguel de Escalada, builtin 913 just east of Leon, isnotable for the high horseshoearches of both its naveand the tall screen separatingthe choir from the nave(see fig. 20).FIGURE 19Commentary on the Apocalypse byBeatus of Liebana and Commentaryon Daniel by Jerome (MorganBeatus). Spanish (Asturias-Le6n,Le6n), mid-loth century. Temperaand ink on parchment; each folioapprox. 15/4 x 111/4 in. (38.7 x 28.5 cm).The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 5r)NOTE:All Apocalypse quotations arefrom an English translation of theLatin Vulgate Bible (the Douay-Rheims version) as revised byBishop Richard Challoner in 1749-52. The selections correspondoselyto those chosen by Beatus of Liebanato precede the commentaries.FIGURE 20Interior, San Miguel de Escalada.Spanish (Asturias-Le6n), 91315 -

I:1tS,:*^H -i;1991.232.1B

Without any inscription orcaption, this frontispieceimage nevertheless recallsseveral passages in the Apocalypsetext: for example,"I am Alpha and Omega,the beginning and the end,saith the Lord God, who is,and who was, and who isto come, the Almighty"(Apoc. 1.8).The lamb is a mysticalimage of Christ used frequentlyin the Apocalypsetext, as in 7.17 ("For theLamb, which is in the midstof the throne, shall rulethem, and shall lead them tothe fountain of the waters oflife") and 22.14 ("Blessed arethey that wash their robesin the blood of the Lamb").Poles for the spear andsponge used to tormentChrist during the Passionrise out of the lamb's back,along with the tapered standof a gold processional cross.The Greek letters suspendedfrom the cross's crossbar,alpha and omega, are toggleboltedin place. The threenails of the Crucifixion areheld by one of the angels.One might at firstsuppose that the elegantcross, which dominates thefrontispiece, could refer toone of the two highlyrevered wood-and-goldcrosses in the treasury ofOviedo Cathedral. Thosetwo crosses may be consideredemblems of theAsturian rulers in northernLeon: Alfonso II (r. 791-842)and Alfonso III (r. 866-91o).The earlier and smaller ofthe crosses, dated 846 (8o8by the modern calendar), isrepresented frequently onthe frontispiece pages of"Mozarabic" Beatus manuscripts.Yet that cross, withits flared arms of equallength, as in a Greek cross,is obviously not the onerepresented here. Nor is theCardefna cross a likenessof Oviedo's second andlarger cross, with its slenderwooden core encrusted withintricate gold decorationand gems and its upper armsconfigured with trefoilextensions. The encasementof that piece, known asthe Cross of Victory, datesto shortly before its presentationto Oviedo Cathedralin 908.John Williams has writtenof the interconnectionsbetween the Carolingianmonastery of Saint Martin atTours, in France, and earlySpanish illuminated manuscripts,with a particularfocus on Leonese initialdecoration and such specificiconographics as the lambdepicted with instrumentsof the Passion, namelythe spear and sponge. Hepostulates that a TouronianBible of the ninth centurywas present in the northernportion of the Spanishpeninsula as early as thesecond quarter of the tenthcentury. A review of thecorpus of extant Touronianmanuscripts reveals severalparallels in the depiction ofthe cross, the suspendedalpha and omega, and thelamb with the spear, sponge,and flanking angels. There-fore, the Cardefna cross maybe designated as a Carolin-gian or Touronian type andnot a "Mozarabic" one.This change is a partialconfirmation of the pan-European orientation ofthe figure style discussed onpages 9 to 12.The prefatory portion ofthe Cardefna Beatus contin-ued with leaves identifyingeach of the four Gospelswith paired figures groupedbeneath column-supportedhorseshoe arches. The leavesfor Matthew and Mark, pre-served in Madrid, are fragmentary;those for Luke andJohn are missing entirely.The exuberantly foliatedcapitals and bases on thesurviving fragments arecousins to those supportingthe arcade on the recto ofthe Cardefia frontispiece(see p. 14).- 17 -

The next installment ofprefatory leaves consisted ofan extensive series of tablestracing the ancestry ofChrist back to the beginningof the world. (TheApocalypse text itself, ofcourse, follows this historythrough to the end of theworld.) The bifolium in theMetropolitan Museum givesan indication of the appearanceof all of the Cardeinagenealogical diagrams, withtheir linear connectionsbetween inscribed medallionsand architecturalelements. The particularschema of the Incarnationthat is reproduced, in part,on the opposite page culminatesin an illustration ofthe Magi adoring the Christchild, who is held beforethem by the enthronedVirgin (see p. 21); an angelstands at the left.Byzantine elements havealready been observed withrespect to the Virgin's veiland footstool, her high,cushioned throne, and theother figures' pleateddraperies with zigzaggededges-all of which may berelated to the importationof Byzantine ivory iconsinto the Iberian Peninsula(see p. 12 and fig. 16). Aspecifically Anglo-Byzantinepatrimony may underlie thekneeling king, whose forwardmovement and clingingdraperies recall (inreverse) those of the greatfigure of Saint Paul in SaintAnselm's Chapel, CanterburyCathedral (fig. 21).FIGURE 21Saint Paul and the Viper (detailof fresco). English (Saint Anselm'sChapel, Canterbury Cathedral),ca. 1163-18-

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APOC. 1.1-6he Revelation of Jesus Christ,which God gave unto him, tomake known to his servants thethings which must shortly cometo pass: and signified, sending by his angel tohis servant John,2 Who hath given testimony to the word ofGod, and the testimony of Jesus Christ, whatthings soever he hath seen.3 Blessed is he, that readeth and heareth thewords of this prophecy; and keepeth thosethings which are written in it; for the time isat hand.4 John to seven churches which are in Asia.Grace be unto you and peace from him thatis, and that was, and that is to come, andfrom the seven spirits which are before histhrone,5 And from Jesus Christ, who is the faithfulwitness, the first begotten of the dead, andthe prince of the kings of the earth, who hathloved us, and washed us from our sins in hisown blood,6 And hath made us a kingdom, and priests toGod and his Father, to him be glory andempire for ever and ever. Amen.FIGURE 22Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 23r, detail)FIGURE 23God the Father, from a Bible.Spanish (Le6n-Castile, Burgos,monastery of San Pedro deCardena), ca. 1175. Tempera onparchment; folio 201/2 x 145/8 in.(52 x 37 cm). Biblioteca Provincialde Burgos (MS 846, fol. 12v, detail)The placement of theenthroned Christ, flankedby two angels, in the upperregister and of an angeladdressing John and anunidentified companion inthe lower register is carriedover from earlier Beatusillustrations (see fig. 22). Thearchitectural framing, suggestiveof a church interior,is new. The three closedbooks depicted in the Cardefnaminiature probablyrepresent the New Testament(held by Christ) and John'sApocalypse text (held by oneof the large angels and bythe small figure below). TheByzantine "damp-fold"drapery style, with ovalor teardrop accentuationsof the thighs, knees, andforearms, is closest to examplesin English manuscripts(see p. 11 and fig. 24).This feature, as well as theFIGURE 24Master Hugo (English, activeca. 1125-52). Ezekiel's Vision of God,from the Bury Bible, vol. 3. Abbeyof Bury Saint Edmunds, ca. 1135.Tempera on parchment; folio 201/4 x14 in. (51.4 x 35.5 cm). CorpusChristi College, Cambridge (MS 2,fol. 281v, detail)pronounced entasis of theengaged columns, is sharedwith another manuscriptfrom Cardefia, a Bible ofabout 1175 (see fig. 23). Thenarrow, columnar characterof the Cardefna angels recallsthe elongated column statuesin Oviedo Cathedral (seefig. 11). The zoomorphicfaldstool supporting Christ,with its animal-head terminalsand claw feet, is aWestern type that alsoappears in one of the earlytwelfth-centurynielloimages on the back of thereliquary diptych of BishopGundisalvo Menendez inthe Camara Santa, OviedoCathedral. Christ's puffedupcushion, however, isByzantine in origin, as isthat beneath the Virgin inthe Adoration of the Magiminiature (see p. 21).- 23 -

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APOC. 3.1-6A t nd to the angel of the church ofSardis, write: These things saithhe, that hath the seven spirits ofGod, and the seven stars: I knowthy works, that thou hast the name of beingalive: and thou art dead.2 Be watchful and strengthen the things thatremain, which are ready to die. For I find notthy works full before my God.3 Have in mind therefore in what manner thouhast received and heard: and observe, and dopenance. If then thou shalt not watch, I willcome to thee as a thief, and thou shalt notknow at what hour I will come to thee.4 But thou hast a few names in Sardis, whichhave not defiled their garments: and theyshall walk with me in white, because they areworthy.5 He that shall overcome, shall thus be clothedin white garments, and I will not blot outhis name out of the book of life, and I willconfess his name before my Father, andbefore his angels.6 He that hath an ear, let him hear what theSpirit saith to the churches.FIGURE 25Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 66r, detail)FIGURE 26Master Mateo (Spanish[Le6n-Castile, Galicia], active 1168-88).Figures of Apostles, Right Jamb,Central Portal, P6rtico de la Gloria,Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela.Le6n-Castile (Santiago deCompostela), 1168-88There are few iconographicdifferences between the Cardefiaillustration and theearlier version of the samesubject in the Morgan Beatus(fig. 25). Chiefly, elements ofthe composition have beenreversed; hot colors havebeen abandoned in favor of amore subdued palette; andthe figural and architecturalstyles have gained in sophisticationand complexity.Certain details have beenaltered as well. An altar isnow visible inside the church,and John presents his letterin the form of a clearly openbook to the angel, who gesturesin response. The framingis narrower and subjectto breach by both figures'toes and one of the angel'swings; the church towersalso disrupt the picture'srectangularity. Finally,gold has been added to thehalos and to portions ofthe architecture.The rendering of draperyon the Cardefia page exhibitsa combination of the dampfoldand pleated substyles,which again recalls contemporaryarchitectural sculpturein northern Spain,especially, in this case, thehigh-relief column sculpturesat Santiago de Compostela(see fig. 26). The church inthe Cardefia illumination,with its interlocking roundarches, foliate capitals, andcolonnaded towers, is representativeof a pan-EuropeanRomanesque architecture.-25-

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APOC. 3.7-13A t nd to the angel of the churchof Philadelphia, write: Thesethings saith the Holy One andthe true one, he that hath thekey of David; he that openeth, and no manshutteth; shutteth, and no man openeth:8 I know thy works. Behold, I have given beforethee a door opened, which no man can shut:because thou hast a little strength, and hastkept my word, and hast not denied my name.9 Behold, I will bring of the synagogue ofSatan, who say they are Jews, and are not, butdo lie. Behold, I will make them to come andadore before thy feet. And they shall knowthat I have loved thee.o10 Because thou hast kept the word of mypatience, I will also keep thee from thehour of temptation, which shall come uponthe whole world to try them that dwell uponthe earth.1 Behold, I come quickly: hold fast that whichthou hast, that no man take thy crown.12 He that shall overcome, I will make him apillar in the temple of my God; and he shallgo out no more; and I will write upon himthe name of my God, and the name of thecity of my God, the new Jerusalem, whichcometh down out of heaven from my God,and my new name.13 He that hath an ear, let him hear what theSpirit saith to the churches.Here, John offers his visionarytext, in the form of aclosed book, to anotherllimiii 11111111111 - - I --angel (this one representingPhiladelphia, the sixth of thechurches of Asia Minor),whose gestures suggest bothinstruction and wonder.Except for the details of thisaction and the presence ofan altar and eucharisti chalice-which,as on the previ-ous Cardefna leaf, hint at theinterior architectural spaceof an apse-the iconographyremains unchanged fromthat of the correspondingillustration in the MorganFIGURE 27Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 70ov, detail)FIGURE 28Apostle Figure, West Facade, Churchof Santiago. Spanish (Le6n-Castile,Palencia, Carri6n de los Condes),1170-80Beatus (fig. 27). Yet the hotcolors, including an intenseyellow, of the earlier manuscripthave again given wayto a less strident and simplercolor scheme, notwithstandingthe addition of gold. Thetwo figures now suggest lowrelief. The damp-fold styleof drapery in the figure ofJohn, which is especiallyclose to that of the largerangels on the Majesty page(see p. 22), may be comparedto an analogous apostlefigure in Carri6n de losCondes (see fig. 28).-27-

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APOC. 6.9-11A t nd when he had opened thefifth seal, I saw under the altarthe souls of them that wereslain for the word of God, andfor the testimony which they held.10 And they cried with a loud voice, saying:How long, 0 Lord (holy and true) dost thounot judge and revenge our blood on themthat dwell on the earth?11 And white robes were given to every one ofthem one; and it was said to them, that theyshould rest for a little time, till their fellowservants, and their brethren, who are to beslain, even as they, should be filled up.Iconographically, this subjectis anticipated in several ofthe earlier Beatus manuscripts,including the onein the Morgan Library (seefig. 29). The three registerscontaining broad bands ofcolor, the altar and suspendedvotive offerings, the soulsof the dead as doves, thefocal figure of the blessingChrist, and the clusteredmartyrs are common to themall. The two trees with elegant,curling branches thatflank Christ in the Cardeinaillustration appear to beunique (and displace theaforementioned doves fromthe middle to the upperregister).The draperies in the lowertwo registers, exponents ofthe damp-fold substyledescribed on page 9, are ulti-mately Anglo-Byzantinein nature. The martyrs overlapone another enough tocreate a sense of space, howevershallow, and this effect isin tension with the ellipses ofblue and red over white thatmarch in rhythmic sequenceacross the lower register ofthe illustration. The smoothovoid shapes, especially onthe thighs, recall those at thesides and on the shoulders ofthe contemporary sculpturesfrom Cerezo de Riotironthat are now in the CloistersCollection (see fig. 30).FIGURE 29Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. lo9r, detail)FIGURE 30Enthroned Virgin and Child, froman Epiphany relief. Spanish (Le6n-Castile, Burgos, Cerezo de Riotir6n),third quarter of 12th century. Limestone;h. 541/8 in. (137.2 cm). MMA,The Cloisters Collection, 1930 (30.77.8)-29

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APOC. 7.1-3A t fter these things, I saw fourangels standing on the fourcorners of the earth, holdingthe four winds of the earth,that they should not blow upon the earth,nor upon the sea, nor on any tree.2 And I saw another angel ascending fromthe rising of the sun, having the sign of theliving God; and he cried with a loud voice tothe four angels, to whom it was given to hurtthe earth and the sea,3 Saying: Hurt not the earth, nor the sea, northe trees, till we sign the servants of our Godin their foreheads.The iconography persistsfrom the earlier Beatus (seefig. 31). A dramatic blue surroundstill represents the sea(yet without the fish), andthe central area with a treerepresents the earth. TheCardefia image lacks theinscriptions MARE and[T]ERRA, which were realizedin the Morgan Beatus withwidely spaced letters, to beread counterclockwise andclockwise, respectively; alsomissing is the sun's inscription,SOL. The compositionhas been simplified as well;there are fewer figures, andthe artist has adopted thedamp-fold manner to delineatethem. This manner, alsovisible in the Cardefna Bible(see fig. 23), is diluted andcombined with the pleatedsubstyle in other late Beatusmanuscripts, such as theexample in Manchester (seefig. 32), where it results in arandomly cursive effect. Thetrumpets in these laterBeatus manuscripts, oursand Manchester's, take theform of southern Italiantenth- to eleventh-centuryivory blast horns, known asoliphants (see fig. 33).FIGURE 32Angels Restraining the Winds, fromCommentary on the Apocalypse byBeatus and Commentary on Danielby Jerome (Manchester Beatus).Spanish (Leon-Castile, Burgos?),late 12th century. Tempera onparchment; folio 177/8 x 127/8 in.(46 x 32.6 cm). John RylandsUniversity Library of Manchester(Lat. MS 8, fol. liv, detail)FIGURE 31Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 115v, detail)FIGURE 33Blast Horn (Oliphant). SouthernItalian (Sarazen), loth-nth century.Ivory; 1. 21 in. (53.4 cm). Museum ofFine Arts, Boston, Frederick BrownFund and H. E. Bolles Fund(50.3425)31

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APOC. 8.6-7A t nd the seven angels, who hadthe seven trumpets, preparedthemselves to sound thetrumpet.7 And the first angel sounded the trumpet, andthere followed hail and fire, mingled withblood, and it was cast on the earth, and thethird part of the earth was burnt up, and thethird part of the trees was burnt up, and allgreen grass was burnt up.The cataclysm described inthe Apocalypse is interpretedliterally in both the earlyMorgan Beatus (see fig. 34)and the Cardefna example atleft. While in each the angelis oriented to be read fromthe side, the pictorial meansdiffer greatly. The clarity andorder of the Cardefna angel,as well as the overall regularizedcomposition, make thisillustration perhaps the lessfrightening of the two. Thenarrowing trail of wordsquotes the end of the seventhverse of the Latin text:"... et omne fenum virideco[m]bustum e[st]."The trumpeting angelis a fine example of thepleated, or descriptive, manneralso exhibited in the firsttwo illustrations with figuresin the Metropolitan's portionof the Cardefna Beatus (seepp. 16, 21). The remainingleaves continue in this substyle,which is discussed onpages 1o and 12.FIGURE 34Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 134v, detail)-33-

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APOC. 8.12-13A t nd the fourth angel soundedthe trumpet, and the third partof the sun was smitten, and thethird part of the moon, and thethird part of the stars, so that the third partof them was darkened, and the day did notshine for a third part of it, and the night inlike manner.13 And I beheld, and heard the voice of oneeagle flying through the midst of heaven,saying with a loud voice: Woe, woe, woe tothe inhabitants of the earth: by reason of therest of the voices of the three angels, who areyet to sound the trumpet.FIGURE 35Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 138v, detail)Iconographically, this illustrationagain coincides withearlier examples (see fig. 35).The deleted third of thesun and third of the moon,following "Mozarabic" precedent,are treated as removalsfrom a pie dish.The Cardefna illustrationhas a remarkable clarity andpotential largeness of scale,as if it had been made inpreparation for a mural. Therich color and vigorous linearpatterns in the drapery, wings,and hair give the angel a specialmagnificence and monu-mentality. The sure handlingof the pen establishes this elegantfigure as a tour de forceof draftsmanship. The eagle,equally eloquent, could almostbe a design for metalwork.Although not historicallyrelated, a slighter but no lessfierce falcon sculpture atThe Cloisters (fig. 36) comesto mind. Each raptor haspowerful talons, a tightlyimbricated body, an incisivehooked beak, and an intensityof gaze.The broad bands of backgroundcolor, traditional inearlier Beatus illustrations,provide a dramatic, stagelikesetting for the protagonistsand for the heavenly bodies.The three animistic treeswith Anglo-Byzantine acanthusleaves and blossoms(see p. 12) in the lower registerbehave most alarmingly,yet with the subtlety ofVenus's-flytraps.The text enclosed in atrapezoid in the right margingives a clear instruction:"Reader, think deeply aboutwhat you have read."FIGURE 36Falcon. Southern Italian, ca. 1200.Copper alloy (bronze?), with tracesof gilding; h. 10o3/4 in. (27.3 cm).MMA, The Cloisters Collection, 1947(47.101.6o)-35-

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APOC. 9.1-6A t nd the fifth angel sounded thetrumpet, and I saw a star fallfrom heaven upon the earth,and there was given to him thekey of the bottomless pit.2 And he opened the bottomless pit: and thesmoke of the pit arose, as the smoke of agreat furnace; and the sun and the air weredarkened with the smoke of the pit.3 And from the smoke of the pit there cameout locusts upon the earth. And power wasgiven to them, as the scorpions of the earthhave power:4 And it was commanded them that theyshould not hurt the grass of the earth, norany green thing, nor any tree: but onlythe men who have not the sign of God ontheir foreheads.5 And it was given unto them that they shouldnot kill them; but that they should tormentthem five months: and their torment wasas the torment of a scorpion when hestriketh a man.6 And in those days men shall seek death, andshall not find it: and they shall desire to die,and death shall fly from them.FIGURE 37Valve of a Mirror Case. English,1180-1200. Copper alloy, withgilding; diam. 4/8 in. (11.1 cm). MMA,The Cloisters Collection, 1947(47.101.47)FIGURE 38Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 14ov, detail)The parallels with theMorgan Beatus (see fig. 38)are dear. The random orien-tation of the figures, almostentirely without regard togravity, intensifies the otherworldlyawesomeness of thesubject in each miniature.The Cardefna angel, to be readfrom the side, exemplifies thepleated substyle. He stepsforward gently, almost hesitantly,with wings outspreadand blows on his upturned,oliphant-like horn (see fig. 33).The other figures-theundead recognizable by theirheavy-lidded or closed eyesassumevarious attitudes ofpleading or collapse. Thelocusts, menacingly stripedin black and white in theCardefia illustration, stingtheir victims with long, segmented,scorpion-like tails.Their heads are seen onlyfrom above in the Morganminiature, whereas in thelater work they are also seenin profile. With their froglikebodies, animated articulation,and nodular spines andtails, the Cardefia locustsseem to resemble no knowncreature. Loosely comparableexamples in art, however,may be the dragon-lizards incontemporary Romanesquemetalwork (see fig. 37). Andclosely related in the manuscriptitself are the profiledragon's heads of Christ'sfaldstool on the Majesty page(see p. 22).37-

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APOC. 9.13-16A t nd the sixth angel sounded thetrumpet: and I heard a voicefrom the four horns of thegolden altar, which is before theeyes of God,14 Saying to the sixth angel, who had thetrumpet: Loose the four angels, who arebound in the great river Euphrates.15 And the four angels were loosed, who wereprepared for an hour, and a day, anda month, and a year: for to kill the third partof men.16 And the number of the army of horsemenwas twenty thousand times ten thousand.And I heard the number of them.All of the iconographic elements,even the fish in theEuphrates, mirror those inthe earlier Morgan Beatus(see fig. 39). One of the fishin our illustration-the onewith the upturned snoutappearsto represent a sturgeon.The celestial arc in theupper left corner of eachminiature frames a figureof the enthroned Christ. TheCardefia Christ, however,sits on an animal-headedfaldstool and a deep pillowsimilar to those beneathChrist on the Majesty page(see p. 22). The significanceof the shift from Christ'sopen book in the olderBeatus to a closed andtightly clasped volume inthe Museum's miniature isopen to conjecture.The Cardefna figureshave a particular subtlety ofmovement. While, as in theMorgan Library illustration,they make exclamatory gestures,they also seem to betaking small steps or shiftinglightly on their feet, theirmulticolored and pleateddraperies gathered aboutthem. There is a suggestion ofmodeling and corporeality.The Christ figure, offering ablessing, combines featuresof both the damp-fold andpleated manners (see pp. 9-lo). This portrayal, whileactually very small, is large inconcept-imposing andmonumental. One of theclosest stylistic parallels insculpture is the trumeaufigure by Master Mateo inthe cathedral of Santiago deCompostela (fig. 40).FIGURE 39Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 144r, detail)FIGURE 40Master Mateo (Spanish[Le6n-Castile, Galicia], active 1168-88).Figure of the Apostle James theGreater, Trumeau of Central Portal,P6rtico de la Gloria, Cathedral ofSantiago de Compostela. Le6n-Castile(Santiago de Compostela), 1168-88-39-

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APOC. 11.15A nd the seventh angel soundedthe trumpet: and there weregreat voices in heaven, saying:The kingdom of this world isbecome our Lord's and his Christ's, and heshall reign for ever and ever. Amen.The Morgan Beatus (seefig. 41) contains a similarinterpretation of John'sverse, the end of which isfamiliar from the HallelujahChorus of Handel's Messiah.The angels in both minia-tures, instead of holdingtheir books, literally standon them. The Cardefna illustration,while emulating thewide color bands of theearlier tradition for itsbackground, takes a newdirection with its variationon a Romanesque stylerooted in Byzantium-wellknown to us by now as thepleated substyle or descriptivemanner. What is remarkablein several of theCardefna Beatus miniaturesis the sense of figural movement,sometimes tentative,sometimes arrested, but herein full swing with the twisting,gesticulating angelcompletely enveloped inintricate and oscillatingdrapery. This regard for therhythmic torsion of a figurehas an ancestry in some ofthe ivory reliefs carved inLeon during the first quarterof the twelfth century (seefig. 42).FIGURE 42Noli me tangere (John 20.17:"Touch me not"), detail of reliquaryplaque. Spanish (Le6n-Castile,Le6n), ca. 1115-20. Ivory; overall10/8 x 51/4 in. (27 x 13.2 cm). MMA,Gift of J. Pierpont Morgan, 1917(17.190.47)FIGURE 41Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 156r, detail)-41-

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APOC. 13.18TH T ere is wisdom. He that hathunderstanding, let him countthe number of the beast.For it is the number of aman: and the number of him is six hundredsixty-six.Although Beatus quotes thesix intricate verses dealingwith the apocalyptic beastthat precede this especiallyenigmatic verse, he omitsthis one. He does, however,address its content in hiscommentary. The beast,interpreted by Beatus andothers as the Antichrist, issaid to bear the number666, which is written fourtimes diagonally, in Romannumerals, at the center ofthe table shown at left. Suchtables were a labyrinthineattempt to calculate "thenumber of the beast" andwere accompanied by Beatus'sequally puzzling commentarybased on an unidentifiedsource. Similar tables arefound in at least nine otherBeatus manuscripts (seefig. 43), though the MorganBeatus is missing its comparabletable. According topatristic speculation, theAntichrist could hold bothan eschatological and acontemporary (historical)significance. Therefore, hehas been identified variously,at different times, with theRoman emperor Nero, Belialof Jewish eschatology, Satan,Simon Magus (whose reputationsurvives in the word"simony"), the prophetMuhammad, Emperor FrederickII, Pope Boniface VIII,Pope John XXII, MartinLuther, and others. Theauthor John's descriptionsend with final events-theend of history, or the end ofthe world-when the beastis conquered by the faithfuland by the second comingof Christ (see, for example,Apoc. 15.1-4, illustratedon p. 44).Readers of UmbertoEco's unforgettable novelThe Name of the Rose (1980)may well remember Alinardoof Grottaferrata's ominouswords: "The beast is roamingabout the abbey.... Heis about to come, the millenniumis past; we awaithim.... The calculation isdifficult. Beatus of Liebanamade it.... But the time isripe. Did you not hear theseven trumpets?"FIGURE 43Commentary on the Apocalypse byBeatus of Liebana. Spanish (Asturias-Leon), 975. Tempera on parchment,153/4 x 111/4 in. (40 x 28.6 cm). MuseuCapitular de la Catedral de Girona(Num. Inv. 7 [11], fol. 185v)- 43-

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APOC. 15.1-4A t nd I saw another sign in heaven,great and wonderful: sevenangels having the seven lastplagues. For in them is filled upthe wrath of God.2 And I saw as it were a sea of glass mingledwith fire, and them that had overcome thebeast, and his image, and the number of hisname, standing on the sea of glass, havingthe harps of God:3 And singing the canticle of Moses, theservant of God, and the canticle of the Lamb,saying: Great and wonderful are thy works,0 Lord God Almighty; just and true are thyways, 0 King of ages.4 Who shall not fear thee, 0 Lord, and magnifythy name? For thou only art holy: for allnations shall come, and shall adore in thysight, because thy judgments are manifest.John Williams, discussingthe comparable illustra-tion in the Morgan Beatus(fig. 44), noted the conjunctionof "the two majorthemes that alternate in theApocalypse, celebration ofthe Godhead and punishmentfor those outside hischurch." While the fourregisterformat on theMorgan Library's page isreduced to two registers inthe Cardefna Beatus-so thatthe punishers stand poiseddirectly above the celebrants,rather than being separatedfrom them by a band ofabstract pattern-and whilethe musicians have acquiredbows for their instruments,the iconography remainsessentially the same. Thevessels holding the sevenlast plagues continue tobe represented in cross section;the Lamb of God stillcarries the Greek type ofprocessional cross.The stylistic change ismajor, however-as wehave seen throughout. TheByzantine-derived pleatedfolds observed in the previousfive miniatures (and ontwo other folios earlier in thesequence; see pp. 16, 21);the fine, pen-drawn angel'swings; the heads shown inthree-quarter view; and theelegant, gentle movement ofall of the figures togetherlend this image a particulargrace and delicacy. The subtletyof this expression isabsent in the ManchesterBeatus, which has beenassumed in the past to bethe model for the CardefinaBeatus (see figs. 32, 45).However, the hesitant draw-ing of the Manchester illustrationssuggests instead theefforts of a copyist. More-over, the color harmony ofthe Cardefna illustration isfinely tuned, and the symmetricalfoliate ornament onthe face of the altar support-ing the lamb is an especiallyFIGURE 44Miniature from the Morgan Beatus.The Pierpont Morgan Library, NewYork (MS M. 644, fol. 181v, detail)45 -

efined example of theAnglo-Byzantine type ofacanthus (see p. 12).This last Cardefia illus-tration in the MetropolitanMuseum's collection, as wellas the other leaves reproducedhere, provides a vividintroduction to the oncecomplete work. The manu-script would have representedthe glorious culminationof a major textual and icono-graphic tradition. Stylisticmodifications transformedthe Cardefna miniatures,despite the "Mozarabic"iconography that they largelyretained, and moved theminto the mainstream of lateRomanesque Europeanpainting. No longer insular,these illustrations take theirplace as important exemplarsof a style often described as atransitional one, at the verythreshold of the Gothic.This pivotal style was firstclearly demonstrated to anAmerican audience morethan thirty years ago in thegreat exhibition "The Year1200," held at The Metro-politan Museum of Art at theend of 1970.Any fine illustrated man-uscript such as the CardeinaBeatus is far more subtle andintricate than first appearancescan reveal. Analysis oficonography and style, com-parison with other works,and a review of the historicalcontext help to sharpen ourperceptions, as suggested inthe foregoing discussion.Yet here the authority ofexecution and the aestheticcoherence demand evenmore of us. How can wegrasp more fully the compositionaluse of color, theexpressive character of thepen-drawn lines, the decorativeaccents of strategiccross-hatching, the tensionof figures in movement, andthe careful interrelationof all of these engaging ele-ments as part of a purposefuland expressive plan? Inten-sive examination over time isessential to this effort.Observations of the tech-nique and the use of specificmaterials are additional aidsto perception. A study ofthis aspect, as presented byMargaret Lawson in the fol-lowing essay, can only helpto make the leaves from theCardefna Beatus even morekeenly understood and richlyrewarding.- WILLIAM D. WIXOMFIGURE 45The Lamb of God Presiding overthe Sealing of the Elect, from theManchester Beatus. Spanish (Le6n-Castile, Burgos?), late 12th century.Tempera on parchment; folio 177/8 x127/8 in. (45.4 x 32.6 cm). JohnRylands University Library ofManchester (Latin MS 8, fol. n13r,detail)46

The Techniques and Materialsof the BeatusA CONSERVATOR'SINQUIRYT THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, it isstandard procedure for new acquisitions to beexamined by staff conservators for informationabout their condition and materials. Whenthe twelfth-century Cardefna Beatus leaves first came to theMuseum, in the summer of 1991, William D. Wixom, thenthe chairman of the Department of Medieval Art and TheCloisters, had them delivered to the Department of PaperConservation for examination and said simply, "Margaret isgoing to tell us all about them."I had never seen anything quite like them. We treat manyobjects on a daily basis but rarely have the opportunity to analyzethe materials in depth. The study of medieval materialsand technologies that I began in order to fulfill Wixom'srequest was to fascinate me. What I learned changed how Iviewed nature and the world and turned me into an enthusiasticherbalist. This essay begins with a discussion of how theproject came about-the goals, problems, and analytical methodsused to acquire information-followed by a descriptionof how medieval illuminated manuscripts were produced,specific observations about the Museum's Beatus manuscript,and some of the information gained about the materials in thecourse of the study. Findings in the final section on pigmentsdirectly support Wixom's stylistic propositions.The purpose of my investigation was, first, to identify,where possible, the materials and techniques used to create theBeatus leaves; second, to explore the nature of these materialsand understand them from a conservator's point of viewbefore considering treatment; third, to perform any necessaryconservation treatments, such as consolidation of flakingpaint, and to house the leaves in special mats for safe handling,storage, and exhibition; and last, to identify which materialsmight be particularly fugitive or sensitive in order to protectthe leaves from unnecessary degradation in the future.The Beatus illuminations are unique, very precious, andmuch smaller than the overall page size of about 173/8 by117/8 inches; thus, they required nondestructive methods of anal-ysis. No samples were taken unless it was deemed extremelyimportant to do so, after all of the nondestructive methods hadbeen exhausted; then, they were taken from smudges, drips, orloose flakes.The initial phase of the examination was performed withthe aid of a stereo binocular microscope, a polarizing lightmicroscope, a light box, a 35mm camera, short- and long-waveultraviolet lamps, and a beta plate (a small, radioactive sourcethat emits beta rays and is used in conjunction with X-rayfilm). The methods of photographic documentation includedblack-and-white and color ultraviolet visible fluorescence,black-and-white infrared, false-color infrared, and beta radi-ography. The information provided in such photographs canhelp to distinguish one pigment from another, reveal under-drawing and written notations to the painter, and disclosecharacteristics of the support beyond what can be seen withthe eye in normal illumination.A critical problem from the beginning was that theMuseum did not have positively identified, discrete samples ofmedieval materials to use as a control, nor were they readilyavailable elsewhere when I began the project ten years ago. Ithas since become easier to obtain some materials, and a num-ber of excellent reference books have been published. But atthe time, for the purposes of the nondestructive analysis, Ineeded to create my own samples of medieval materials inorder to document them with the various photographic tech-niques and compare them with the relevant portions of theBeatus leaves, photographed under the same conditions. I alsowanted to examine and compare the new samples and themedieval illuminations under the microscope.I began by reading translations of the major treatises on theart of painting written in the years leading up to 1200,order to learn about the techniques of the period. These manualsdescribe the preparation of materials and the techniquesused for drawing, writing, gilding, dyeing, bookbinding,in47

glassmaking, metalworking, and even the arts of candymakingand warfare. They include Theophilus, De diversis artibus;Eraclius, De coloribus et artibus Romanorum; Ibn Badis, Bookof the Staff of the Scribes; and Mappae clavicula (see referenceson p. 56).The language, nomenclature, and methodologies in themedieval treatises are often not clear or easily interpreted, andtranslations may be awkward. Reading other treatises writtenas recently as the nineteenth century aided in understandingmany of the earlier procedures. The recipes for inks and dyesin the later treatises are more descriptive and include moredetails. The products resulting from those recipes could thenbe compared with the results obtained from the older recipes.The range of materials cited in the recipes is vast andincludes minerals, earths, and metals; animal parts and products(skin, dung, bones, and urine); insects; and botanical partsand products (roots, stems, leaves, berries, flowers, gums,resins, wine, and vinegar). Some of the ingredients were to becombined or processed. Often they could be found or wereusable only at a specific time of year. Some would spoil if theywere not worked with immediately, while others required timeand purposeful fermentation before they could be used.My initial response to reading many of the medieval recipeswas that they were outrageous, fantastic, full of imagination,very difficult to decipher, and probably impossible to follow. Asimple example would be gold. There are many recipes for imitatinggold, which was cherished for its brilliance on the pagebut expensive to obtain. One of the shortest recipes for gold inMappae clavicula is number 18: "Making proven gold. Twoparts of armenium, one part of zonitidos. Grind them all, adda fourth part of bull's dung and an equal part of cadmia. Meltit and it will be rather heavy. Do the same thing also in copper."Perhaps easier to visualize is number 44, which appears to befor a gold ink, given the final directive: "Another recipe forgold. Mix native sulfur, the skin of pomegranate, the insides offigs, a little fissile alum, and a liquid gum. After adding a littlesaffron, write."As I gained familiarity with the treatises, I began to gathersome of the more common ingredients and to make the morefrequently mentioned colors. I started with medieval verdigris,for which there were a number of different recipes. The laboratory'sfume hood and my own kitchen became medievalworkshops. When a scrap of twisted copper wire left in redwine for a few months produced a beautiful green precipitate,I was thrilled. I wanted to compare that green to other recipeswith copper and to other inorganic and organic greens. Thevariety of colors obtainable from copper, even beyond greensand blues, was remarkable (see fig. 46), as was the range ofFIGURE 46Samples of colors from recipesand experiments with copper and avariety of other ingredientsgreens and other colors that could be derived from plants. Icould not stop. Lead white (number 243B in Mappae clavicula)was easy to make by hanging lead sheets in a jar over strongvinegar and leaving them undisturbed in a warm area. I triedmore and more recipes, sometimes with good success andsometimes with questionable end products.I also initiated my own variations on experiments, becauseit seemed that pH was an important factor in the recipes andthat our rainwater and drinking water might be different incomposition and pH from the water of eight hundred yearsago. I made lye and olive oil soap, as medieval recipes regularlycall for them, although the plant soapwort is sometimes usedinstead. Gradually, I was also able to purchase some pigmentsand dyes from Kremer Pigmente's New York store and wasfortunate enough to obtain additional pigment samples frominterested colleagues. With gratitude I acknowledge contributionsof urine, a common ingredient in many recipes, fromunidentified generous friends. I did not seek out pig's or cock'sblood. My pet rabbit supplied rabbit dung. Varieties of berriesand branches were found in the wild.To allow for more experimentation with organic materials,I started a garden at home as a source for dye plants, includingwoad, indigo, flax, cornflower, weld, dyer's broom, safflower,madder, lady's bedstraw, saffron crocus, violet, alkanet, iris,parsley, rue, soapwort, and tansy. As an example of a typicallogistical problem, madder must grow three years before theroots should be harvested. Time, patience, and organizationwere important in medieval procedures. The ingredients mayneed to be left in the sun to dry. Portions may require heating(with fire or dung), fermenting, mixing, pounding, straining,or any number of other processes. It can take hours, days,months, or years for the final product to form. Sometimes, one-48-

FIGURE 47Samples of pigments, lakes, and dyespainted onto ragboardFIGURE 48Samples of pigments and dyespainted onto parchment47 48ingredient in a recipe eluded me. For example, certain plantsnative to Europe, such as Chrozophora tinctoria (a dye plantof the Euphorbiaceae family) and thapsia (a member of theUmbelliferae family that was also used in dye preparations),are extremely difficult to find in this country.Once a group of the more common medieval pigments,lakes (organic coloring matter precipitated on a substrate), andbinders had been assembled, samples were painted onto ragboard(see fig. 47). Pigments and lakes were mixed with glair(egg white), a common binder, unless egg yolk was specified inthe recipe for a given pigment. Samples of the binders and ofadditives such as gums, honey, fish bladder, and hide glue werealso applied by brush in pure form. Ragboard was used formost of the samples because it was readily available anddurable, while parchment was in limited supply and veryexpensive. However, a piece of parchment was also paintedwith a number of the more common pigments and dyes (seefig. 48). A beta radiograph was made of the painted parchment,as well as of individual portions of the Beatus illuminations.The appearance of the colors in the manuscript could then bechecked against the appearance of the "knowns" under each ofthe nondestructive photographic observation methods. Ofcourse, it is impossible to know if the colors in the Beatus havealtered from their original appearance. It is also problematicto assume that the "re-created" lakes, inks, and pigments areappropriate without being completely certain about all of thematerials and techniques in the treatises.The samples were also used for environmental tests, in-cluding light fading. A closed book protects the pigments on itsindividual pages from exposure to light and air pollutants.Once a manuscript has been unbound, as this one was, mostlikely in the 187os, the individual leaves are more vulnerable.A single page reacts more readily than a complete book tochanges in relative humidity and temperature. Among theprepared organic samples that were found to have faded ordiscolored are brazilwood, buckthorn, cornflower, dragon'sblood, flax, iris, oxgall, parsley, saffron, violet, and various mixtures.Some of the inorganic pigment samples altered or darkenedwhere exposed, including massicot (or litharge; yellowmonoxide of lead) and red lead-natural tan. Realgar (the naturalorange-red sulphide of arsenic, which is closely relatedto orpiment, the yellow sulphide of arsenic) lightened, whileorpiment-indigo mixtures looked darker after exposurebecause they appeared to have lost some of their yellow color.These alterations are not surprising and confirm that individualpigments and lakes are sensitive to various conditions evenover a relatively short period of time. It is for this reason thatwe limit the light levels and exposure times for illuminatedmanuscripts and other art on exhibition.Once the information from all of the nondestructive methodshad been correlated, discrete sample sites on the manuscriptleaves were selected for analysis to confirm, clarify, or disprovethe suggested findings. Necessary instrumental analysis of theBeatus ink and pigments was conducted by scientists in theMuseum's Sherman Fairchild Center for Objects Conservation:George Wheeler, using open-architecture X-ray diffraction(XRD); and Mark Wypyski, using scanning electron microscopywith energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDS). Otherrecently acquired instruments, such as an energy-dispersiveX-ray fluorescence spectrometer (XRF-EDS), an infraredvideo camera, and a Raman spectrometer, will aid in furtherinvestigations.tA MEDIEVAL ILLUMINATED MANUSCRIPT wasmade in a series of steps, many of which leftphysical evidence that we can still see. TheMetropolitan's leaves from the Cardefna Beatusdo not form a gathering, or complete consecutive unit, becausethe individualeaves and one full folio sheet, or bifolium, wereremoved more than a century ago from various locations in-49-

FIGURE 49Pattern of hair follicles in the skin,near the edge of one of the foliosFIGURE 50Contact print of a beta radiographof part of the Antichristable (seep. 42), revealing a radiotransparentspinal area (the lighter passageunder the word ANTICHRIST) andveins branching off it to either side49 50the manuscript. Thus, some of the information ordinarilyapparent from the manner in which the parchment leaves arebound is not available. Although the basic steps were standard,p. 42), a stitched repair was made during the initial processingof the skin to control the expansion of a cut or hole when theskin was stretched under pressure. Although the thread is nophysical evidence on the pages can increase our understanding longer present and may not have been for some time, the slitof the process.First, the parchment maker had to prepare the animal skin(usually of a cow, sheep, or goat): wash the skin in a stream,soak it in a tub of lime until the hair dissolved, scrape it with acurved knife to remove the hairs on the hair side and excessflesh from the flesh side, wash it to remove the lime, stretch itwhile still wet on a frame to dry under tension, and, when ithad dried, scrape it still more, until the surface was soft andeven. The parchment would be further prepared with chalk orpumice and folded into gatherings (quires). The leaves wouldthen be pricked for layout, the guidelines ruled, the text writremainsin plane as if held by invisible thread.Calcium has been verified on the surface of the skin by XRFand also, by SEM-EDS, in an ink sample from one of theminiatures. The presence of calcium could be due to residuallime from the processing of the skin and/or to a surface coatinglike chalk. Without such a surface treatment, the ink andpigments would have adhered less well and tended to flake offmore easily.Once the individual leaves and quires were formed, thepages were pricked to provide points from which guidelinescould be drawn for the text. With the exception of the bifoliumten in by the scribe, the illuminations laid out with sketched containing the genealogical chart (see pp. 19-21), the prickingunderdrawing, the design lines reinforced in ink, and the gessoand/or bole and the gold leaf applied. Then, the gold leafwould be burnished. The next step was to paint the faces,pattern for the individual leaves follows a 2-3-1 pattern at thetop and bottom of the recto, with thirty-six pricked holes atthe side (see fig. 51). When the pricked marks were connectedrobes, and details of the figures, landscape, and architectural by ruled lines, they formed two vertical columns for text.features, after which the solid-colored backgrounds were supplied.The final stage was the addition of a black outline toemphasize selected parts of the design on the page.Irregular holes above or beside the illuminations were not partof this scheme but were the points of attachment for protectivecloth covers used in the past. In some places, knots of threadThe type of skin used as the support for the Cardeina remain, although the protective covers themselves have beenBeatus is undetermined, but the follicle pattern suggests sheepskinor goatskin (see fig. 49). On some folios the spine of theanimal, where the hair follicles tend to be closer together, is visiblein transmitted light and beta radiographs, oriented horizontallynear the middle of those pages (see fig. 50). A slit in theparchment of one of the prefatory leaves (see p. 14) may havebeen made deliberately, in order to reduce a strong undulationhalfway down the right side of the recto; this location may beroughly equivalento the neck or tail of the animal. A horny,irregular edge, which corresponds to the edge of the animalskin, can be seen at or near the outside corners of some of theleaves. On the folio bearing the table of the Antichrist (seeremoved. In the genealogical chart, there is a hole from a compasspoint at the center of each of the circles. A number of referencesto the use of the compass are found in Theophilus,as in chapter 17 on the laying out of windows: "[T] ake the measurements,namely, the length and breadth of one section in awindow, and draw it on the board with a rule and compasseswith [a point made of] lead or tin."Under magnification, the appearance of the text guidelinesin the Beatus varies from silvery to grayish black to reddishbrown. In some cases, there is no visible deposit from the toolbut only a smoothly indented, scored line. Mark Wypyski'selemental analysis with SEM-EDS of the differently colored-50-

52 53FIGURE 51Diagram of the pricking pattern andruled lines on a typical page of theCardefna BeatusFIGURE 52 FIGURE 53Making hawthorn inkSmall guide letter a at theedge of a manuscript page51guidelines shows the composition of all three to be primarilylead and tin. This information correlates with the Mappaeclavicula recipe for a "leaden writing" (number 92E): "Melttogether two parts of tin and three parts of lead. When youhave done this, polish it, file it, and grind it. Then add water-glueand polish." It also conforms to Theophilus's recommendationthat a lead or tin metalpoint be used in a compass.The basic text ink of the Beatus commentary is a richbrown. We do not know whether or how much this color mayhave changed over the centuries, but there is no evidence of theink's having eaten through or into the parchment, as sometimesoccurs with iron gall ink. I tried a number of ink recipesfrom the treatises and noted a similarity in appearance andcomposition between the Beatus ink and the hawthorn barkink from Theophilus. This labor-intensive recipe requires pickinghawthorn branches at a specific time in the spring, dryingthe branches for several weeks, pounding the thorns to removethe bark, soaking the bark in water for eight days, and boilingthe mixture down (see fig. 52). It is then cooked down a secondtime with some wine.Because uncertainties remain about what kind of ink hawthornactually was, and in particular what was meant by theingredient atramentum, I made two kinds of hawthorn ink.Atramentum is usually translated as iron vitriol (metal sulfate),but it could also mean previously prepare dry ink from a vari-ety of preparations, including those based on tannin, carbon,and/or metal sulfate. Some of the confusion may have arisenbecause the final direction in Theophilus states that if the inkis not black enough, a red-hot iron poker could be thrown intoit. One might think that this was to thicken it or add some iron,but according to the Museum's late armorer Robert Carroll, itwould have served the purpose of carbonizing the material.The XRF and SEM-EDS equipment used at the time of thisstudy did not have the capability of detecting carbon.Elemental analysis by Mark Wypyski reveals many similaritiesbetween the Beatus ink and the sample of hawthorn inkmade without metal sulfate. Initial experimentation with ourinfrared video camera (a FIND-R-SCOPE) shows that, as ischaracteristic of bark inks, both the hawthorn ink and theBeatus ink disappear with the filtration at 850 nanometers. Interms of the manuscript's symbolism, it would be interesting ifthe text ink had been made from hawthorn bark. According tosome legends, the hawthorn tree (genus Crataegus) was thesource of Christ's crown of thorns. For centuries, the plant wasthought to be holy and to offer protection. Although this kindof symbolism is not mentioned in the treatises, it would havebeen a clever touch to write a commentary on the book of theApocalypse in an ink that legend finds so sacred.Besides the dark brown commentary text, there are alsorubrics (passages written in red), as well as red and blue ornamentalcapital letters. The rubrics consist of epigraphs, shortexplanatory headers, and the biblical material taken directlyfrom the Apocalypse. The rubrics in the Cardefia Beatusappear to have been written in vermilion. The large capital lettersat the beginning of each section of text alternate betweenred and blue, with a decorative acanthus leaf in the oppositecolor flourishing within them. They are usually two or threelines high.On the verso of the folio reproduced on page 28 there isa small, red letter a at the edge of the parchment to the left ofthe ornamental capital letter A, which served as a guide forthe rubricator (see fig. 53). On the verso of the next folio in theMuseum's sequence, small letters in faint brown ink at the veryedge of the parchment mark the beginning and end of therubric at the bottom of the second column of text. Most likelythere were more notations for rubrics in the manuscript,but because the leaves were cut down, some of this evidencewas lost.-51-

FIGURE 54Loose underdrawing on the leftshoulder of the angel to the left of thelamb on the frontispiece (see p. 16)FIGURE 55More precise underdrawing definingthe lamb's head on the frontispiece55FIGURE 56Pink bole under the microscope,showing particles of unidentifiedred matterFIGURE 57Detail of the tip of the lance onthe frontispiece, where silver leaf hasflaked off to reveal crimson wash5756With the aid of a microscope, it is possible to see a limitedamount of underdrawing in the illuminations, both as sketchy,free suggestions for figure layout (see fig. 54) and as more carefulor skillful delineations of features, as for the lamb's headin the frontispiece image reproduced on page 16 (see fig. 55).Although those lines that are visible appear confident andskilled, they were not necessarily followed very closely in thelater stages, when the design was outlined in ink, gilded, andpainted. Because the underdrawing in this manuscript is veryfaint and often covered by paint or glazes, it has not yet beenanalyzed. Black-and-white infrared film is sensitive from 250 to910o nanometers in the infrared range, but the sketch lines areso soft and faint that the film does not provide a high enoughresolution. Also, as the final black outlines are carbon-based,underdrawing beneath them may be obscured, because theinfrared rays do not pass through carbon.Gold is found on every illuminated page. In most cases, thegilding is raised and applied over a pinkish gesso, which, whenviewed under the stereo zoom microscope, contains what lookto be deep red, garnetlike particles (see fig. 56). The particlesdo not appear to exhibit the characteristics of the red mineralpigments used at the time. Neither the gesso nor its reddishcomponent has yet been analyzed or identified. In a few cases,the gold leaf seems to have been laid directly onto the parchment.These flat examples could have been applied with glair,gum, resin, glue, oil, or a combination of adhesives. A varietyof different methods and materials for gilding are described inthe early sources.Silver, now oxidized to black, has been confirmed by XRFon the tip of the lance in the frontispiece image and on the stafffor the cross being held by the lamb on the last folio in theMuseum's set of leaves (see pp. 16, 44). On the blackened lance,where the silver leaf has flaked away, a crimson wash can bediscerned over the pink gesso (see fig. 57). A crimson glazing isalso found over the gold leaf in the shape of a ball at the end ofthe lamb's staff on the last folio, just below the Greek cross.Although it is not discussed in the treatises, one might reasonthat the red wash was simply the specific sizing material usedto apply silver leaf; or, that it was purposeful and symbolizedthe potential for redemption inherent in the Passion of Christ,the Lamb of God, and the Apocalypse itself.A petal design with a small circle in the center can be foundwith the aid of a microscope and/or in transmitted light underthe gold stars on two of the folios. The design resembles that of-52-

FIGURE 58Detail of Christ's hand graspinga book (see p. 22), with goldextending beyond the originalbole and black ink overlappingthe leafFIGURE 59Head of an angel from the firstgroup of Cardefia illuminations(see p. 22), flesh side of theparchmentFIGURE 60Head of an angel from the secondgroup of Cardefna illuminations(see p. 38), hair side of theparchment59 60the stars drawn in the Morgan Beatus (see fig. 35 on p. 35). Onthe first of the Metropolitan's examples, reproduced on page 34,most of the stars are six-pointed, but some are seven-pointed.On the second, on page 36, the stars have seven or eight pointsand are much less clearly defined. Undoubtedly, they weremore difficult to paint and, over time, some of the fine bluedetail has flaked off the gold. As spectacular as the gilding is inmedieval illuminations, the applied gold leaf usually extendedbeyond the underdrawing, and it was often the work of thepainter to define the final shape of the gold in the design bypainting over some of the leaf (see fig. 58).7A S INDICATED ABOVE, the painting of the miniatureswould have been one of the last stages inthe creation of the manuscript. The CardefnaBeatus designs are striking, and the colors arevery bold and bright. To investigate this aspect of the work, thecolors were first evaluated on the basis of the following visualcharacteristics: overall appearance, texture, matte or glossysurface, opacity or transparency, and density. The paintingsappear to have been accomplished with a limited palette, withthe same colors repeating on different leaves. Generally, thepainted areas are dense and opaque and look similar togouache of today, while other colors are clear and transparent.More precise identification of the pigments and lakes in themanuscript is difficult. Colors that appear similar may in factbe different, some colors may be mixtures, and, as mentionedearlier, some colors may have altered over time.In William D. Wixom's introductory essay and extendedcaptions, visual examination of the Metropolitan's Cardeinaleaves indicates two distinct styles, which are most readilyidentifiable in the treatment of drapery, figures, and wings.Variations in styles of painting may indicate different hands.Pigment analysis enabled elements in these two groups to becompared, ultimately revealing differences in the palettes andtechniques used.The miniatures in the first grouping of leaves, reproduced onpages 22, 24, 26, 28, and 30, are rendered in a relatively simple,flat, and "Byzantine" style (Wixom's damp-fold manner). Thegarments provide the figures with some degree of volume bymeans of the prominent white ovals surrounded by concentric,alternating bands of blue, red, green, and yellow. Despite thiscolorful pattern, the style implies that the fabric is not coloredbut white. In this first group, the top portions of the angels'wings either are empty or contain brown pen lines indicatingfeathers, and the faces are rendered simply, with minimal lines(see fig. 59).In the second group of leaves, which exhibit Wixom's pleatedsubstyle (see pp. 16, 21, 32, 34, 36, 38, 40, 44), the figures areclothed in garments made up of several solid-colored fabrics.The tops of the angels' wings in these paintings contain one ofthree colored patterns: overlapping scallops, overlapping scallopswith a blue dot at the top of each scallop, or cross-hatching.In general, a considerable amount of descriptive detail work wasaccomplished with both pen and brush, such as additionalinesand brushstrokes around the eyes that define the shapes of theeyeballs, eyelids, and sockets (see fig. 60).In comparing results of the nondestructive photographicdocumentation, an interesting material difference shows upbetween the two groups in the use of the color green. The trees- 53-

FIGURE 61False-color infrared photograph ofthe folio reproduced on page 28, fromthe first group, showing the green treesas magentaFIGURE 62False-color infrared photograph ofthe folio reproduced on page 32, fromthe second group, showing the greentrees as blue6162in the first group appear white in the black-and-white infraredphotographs and magenta in the false-color infrared film (seefig. 61), which indicates that they were painted with an organicgreen. Chromium green is also known to appear magenta infalse-color infrared film, but this pigment was not used untilthe nineteenth century and XRF does not detect the presenceof chromium.On the other hand, the trees in the second group, whichare smaller, appear dark gray in the black-and-white infraredphotographs and blue in the false-color infrared film (seefig. 62). This is characteristic of a copper green, and copperhas since been confirmed by XRF. This discovery of a materialdifference between similar motifs in the two groups substantiatesthe visual observation that two distinct hands maybe present. The organic green is not found anywhere in thesecond group, but in the first group it appears in the towersof the miniatures reproduced on pages 24 and 26, as well asin the trees.Along with the copper greens, pigments verified to date inthe Beatus by a combination of the Museum's analyticalinstruments include orpiment, red lead, vermilion, azurite,ultramarine, malachite, and carbon black, as well as variousmixtures with one or more of these colors. In addition, thereappear to be a number of organic colors not yet identified butincluding yellows (possibly saffron), reds (possibly brazilwoodor madder), and a brownish background color that may be ared kermes (see the miniature reproduced on p. 44). It wouldbe intriguing if this red-brown, insect-based dye turned out tohave been used in the Cardefna Beatus. Harvested in the springat the time of the Feast of Saint John, kermes was often calledSaint John's blood, and John, as we know, is the reputed authorof the Apocalypse.As more and more information is gathered about theBeatus leaves and their materials, none of it has been surprisingin terms of medieval methods. The materials and techniquesare as described in the treatises. What has been astonishingand wonderful to me is the deep working knowledge of naturethat existed in the medieval world. Mappae clavicula begins:"Every skill is slowly learned, step by step. The first of thepainter's skills is the preparation of pigments. Then your mindshould turn toward mixtures. Then begin your work, but checkeverything by the fingernail in order that what you have paintedmay be a thing of beauty and as freshly born. Afterwards, asmany talents have given testimony, skill will advance the workas this book will teach." Much the same could be said ofBeatus's Apocalypse, which, through this ongoing investigation,has slowly revealed the knowledge, order, and beauty ofanother time.- MARGARET LAWSON54

Notesp. 3 "what is hidden"Joachim of Fiore, Expositio inApocalypsim (Venice, 1527; reprint,Frankfurt am Main, 1964), fol. 3r;cited in Bernard McGinn, "John'sApocalypse and the ApocalypticMentality," in The Apocalypse in theMiddle Ages, edited by Richard K.Emmerson and Bernard McGinn(Ithaca, 1992), p. 19.p. 6 delightful heraldic purposeRegarding the heraldic aspect of theArlanza frescoes and for relevantcomparisons, see Walter Cahn,"The Frescoes of San Pedro deArlanza," in The Cloisters: Studies inHonor of the Fiftieth Anniversary,edited by Elizabeth C. Parker andMary B. Shepard (New York, 1992),pp. 87, 95, 103.p. 6 later commentaries on John's textThere have been many commentatorson the Apocalypse text or onportions of it. Among the mostimportant active in this exegeticaltradition, beyond those mentionedon p. 7, are the following:Victorinus, bishop of Pettau,Pannonia (modern Styria, Austria),d. ca. 303; Cassiodorus, b. ca. 485in Scyllacium (Calabria, Italy), d.ca. 580 in Vivarium; VenerableBede, b. ca. 672/73 in Northumbria,England, d. probably 735 in sameregion; Ambrosius Antpertus,active 758-67 in Benevento(Lombardy, Italy), d. 781; Alcuin,b. ca. 735 in Northumbria, d. 804 inTours, France; Haimo of Auxerre[France], active ca. 840, d. ca. 875;Berengaudus of Ferrieres [France],active second half of 9th century;Anselm of Laon, d. 1117 in Laon,France; Rupert, abbot of Deutz,Germany, b. ca. 1075 probably inLiege (present-day Belgium), d. 1129in Deutz (on the Rhine, oppositeCologne); and Joachim of Fiore, b.ca. 1130 in Celico, d. 1201/2 in Fiore(Calabria). For Joachim, see the epigraphof this Bulletin.p. 7 "the illustrated text"John Williams, Early SpanishManuscript Illumination (New York,1977), p. 24.p. 7 lost North African traditionSee John Williams, The IllustratedBeatus: A Corpus of the Illustrationsof the Commentary on theApocalypse, vol. 1 (London, 1994),p. 32.p. 8 and early RomanesqueSee Mireille Mentre, IlluminatedManuscripts of Medieval Spain,translated by Jenifer Wakelyn(London and New York, 1996), p. 227.p. 8 in the immediate vicinityThe oldest preserve depiction of amedieval scriptorium appears in theBeatus manuscript originating fromthe monastery of Tabara (Leon),dated 970. Emeterius, the scribe incharge, is shown working with assistantson the second floor of a structureabutting the tall stone tower atTabara (Archivo Hist6rico Nacional,Madrid, Cod. 1097B, fol. 168r).p. 8 an alternative to CardenaSee Manuel Sanchez Mariana, "TheHistory of the Codex," pp. 33-34;and Angela Franco Mata, "TheIllustrations in the San Pedro deCardena Beatus," p. 256; both inBeato de Liebana: C6dice del Monasteriodi San Pedro de Cardena, textvol. (Barcelona, 2001).p. 1io described by Wilhelm KoehlerSee Wilhelm Koehler, "ByzantineArt in the West," Dumbarton OaksPapers 1 (1941), pp. 61-87.p. o10 aspects of both mannersSee Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo,"The Epiphany Relief from Cerezode Riotiron," in Cloisters: Studies,pp. 110-45.p. 10io as suggested by John WilliamsSee John Williams, "Commentaryon the Apocalypse by Beatus ofLiebana," in The Art of MedievalSpain, A.D. 500 -1200 (exh. cat.,The Metropolitan Museum of Art,New York, 1993), p. 301.p. 11 Alexander III's bull of 1163See Annie Shaver-Crandell andPaula L. Gerson, The Pilgrim'sGuide to Santiago de Compostela: AGazetteer (London, 1995), p. 150.p. 12 immense third church at ClunySee John Williams, "Le6n and theBeginnings of the Spanish Romanesque,"in Art of Medieval Spain,p. 167. Ferdinand undertook Europeanizinginitiatives, includingan alliance with Cluny, which he admiredfor its spirituality. Alfonso VI,Ferdinand's son, was also a heavysupporter of Cluny. After the deathof Alfonso's wife Agnes, a daughter ofthe duke of Aquitaine, he marriedConstance, a daughter of the duke ofBurgundy and niece of Abbot Hughof Cluny. See also Marilyn Stokstad,Santiago de Compostela in the Ageof the Great Pilgrimages (Norman,Okla., 1978), p. 17.p. 12 Adoration of the Magi miniatureSee William D. Wixom, "Leaves froma Beatus Manuscript," in The Glory ofByzantium: Art and Culture of theMiddle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843-1261,edited by Helen C. Evans andWilliam D. Wixom (exh. cat., TheMetropolitan Museum of Art, NewYork, 1997), p. 479.p. 15 separating the choir from thenave See Jerrilynn D. Dodds,Architecture and Ideology in EarlyMedieval Spain (University Park, Pa.,1989), pp. 47-77.p. 17 namely the spear and the spongeSee John Williams, "Tours and theEarly Medieval Art of Spain," inFlorilegium in Honorem CarlNordenfalk Octogenarii Contextum,edited by Per Bjurstrom, Nils-GoranHokby, and Florentine Mutherich(Stockholm, 1987), pp. 197-208.p. 17 spear, sponge, and flanking angelsSee Wilhelm Koehler, Die Schule vonTours, vol. i of Die karolingischenMiniaturen (Berlin, 1930), pls. 35, 46g,56b, 65g, 83, 89n.p. 18 angel stands at the leftIn the complete manuscript, before itwas unbound and dispersed-and asreconstructed in the facsimile editionpublished in 2001 (see Beato deLiebana in the list of references thatfollows)-there were actually eightintervening pages between the tworeproduced on pp. 2o and 21. Onemay assume that these eight pageswere in fact two bifolia, folded andplaced one inside the other and theninside the Museum's bifolium beforebeing sewn together, like a signatureof a book. Thus, medieval readersof the Cardena Beatus would nothave encountered the spread as wehave shown it here (opposite theAdoration of the Magi miniaturewas a later folio in the genealogysequence). The spread does, however,faithfully reproduce the object nowowned by the Museum-that is, oneside of the bifolium (1991.232.2b, c).p. 43 based on an unidentified sourceSee John Williams, A SpanishApocalypse: The Morgan BeatusManuscript (New York, 1991), p. 195.p. 43 missing its comparable tableWilhelm Neuss reproduced nine similarrectangular tables from otherexamples in Die Apokalypse des Hl.Johannes in der altspanischen undaltchristlichen Bibel-Illustration,vol. 2 (MuinsterWestfalen, 1931),pls. 145-47.p. 45 "those outside his church"See Williams, Spanish Apocalypse,p. 198.p. 45 the efforts of a copyistIn keeping with my early conviction,the derivative nature of theManchester Beatus illustrations hasalso been proposed, on the basis ofquite different evidence, by AngelaFranco Mata in "Illustrations in theSan Pedro de Cardena Beatus," p. 118.p. 46 the end of 197oSee Konrad Hoffmann, The Year1200 (exh. cat., The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, New York, 1970). ForSpanish works, see nos. 51,132, 238.p. 46 essential to this effortSelections from the Museum'sCardena Beatus folios are exhibitedon a rotating basis in the treasuriesof The Cloisters and/or inthe galleries of medieval art in themain building.p. 48 a garden at homeReaders are encouraged to visitthe wonderful medieval gardens atThe Cloisters in Fort Tryon Park,Manhattan, where many of the plantsthat I grew may be seen, plus manymore. To obtain seeds and growplants, see the suppliers listed inRita Buchanan's A Weaver's Garden:Growing Plants for Natural Dyes andFibers (New York, 1999).- 55 -

Selected References forthe Cardefna BeatusIn Chronological OrderSelected References forthe Conservation ProjectIn Alphabetical OrderAcknowledgments1871. Juan de Dios de la Rada yDelgado and Juan de Malibran.Memoria quepresentan al Excmo. Sr.Ministro de Fomento, dando cuenta delos trabajos practicados y adquisicioneshechas para el Museo Arqueol6gicoNacional, p. 26. Madrid.19o09. P. Andre Lemoisne."Miniatures et dessins." In PaulLeprieur, Andre Perate, and P. AndreLemoisne, Catalogue raisonne dela collection Martin Le Roy, vol. 5,pp. 131-40. Paris.1931. Wilhelm Neuss. Die Apokalypsedes HI. Johannes in der altspanischenund altchristlichen Bibel-Illustration(das Problem der Beatus-Handschriften),vol. 1, no. 19, pp. 51-53;vol. 2, p. 41, fig. 60. Munster inWestfalen.1976. Peter K. Klein. Der altereBeatus-Kodex Vitr. 14-1 der BibliotecaNacional zu Madrid: Studien zurBeatus-Illustration und der spanischenBuchmalerei des o10. Jahrhunderts,pp. 412,414. Studien zur Kunstgeschichte,vol. 8. Hildesheim andNewYork.1986. Luis Revenga, ed. Los Beatos,no. 16, pp. 52, 58,115, ill. Exh. cat.,Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid.1991. Actas [del] Simposio internacionalsobre "0 P6rtico da Gloria ea arte do seu tempo," Santiago deCompostela, 3-8 Outubro de 1988.[Santiago de Compostela.] Essays:Joaquin Yarza Luaces, "La miniaturaen Galicia, Le6n, y Castilla en tiemposde Maestro Mateo," pp. 323-24,figs. 5,13,15. John Williams, "ImagineriaApocaliptica en el romanicotardio espanol," pp. 371-80.1992. William D. Wixom. "Leafroma Beatus Manuscript." In "RecentAcquisitions: A Selection, 1991-1992,"The Metropolitan Museum of ArtBulletin 50, no. 2 (Fall), pp. 20-21,cover and color ill.1993. Esther Alonso Cardona."Aproximaci6n al Beato del MuseoArqueol6gico Nacional de Madrid."Boletin del Museo Arqueol6gicoNacional (Madrid) ii, pp. 63-78.1993. John Williams. "Commentaryon the Apocalypse by Beatus ofLiebana." In The Art of MedievalSpain, A.D. 500-1200, no. 153,pp. 300-301, color ills. Exh. cat.,The Metropolitan Museum of Art,New York.1995. Esther Alonso Cardona."Estructuraci6n del Beato del MuseoArqueol6gico Nacional." Boletindel Museo Arqueol6gico Nacional(Madrid) 13, pp. 85-102.1997. William D. Wixom. "Leavesfrom a Beatus Manuscript." In TheGlory of Byzantium: Art and Cultureof the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D.843-1261, edited by Helen C. Evansand William D. Wixom, no. 315,pp. 478-79, color ills. Exh. cat., TheMetropolitan Museum of Art,New York.1999. William D. Wixom. "Leavesfrom a Beatus Manuscript." InMirror of the Medieval World,edited by William D. Wixom, no. 92,pp. 77-80, color ills. Exh. cat., TheMetropolitan Museum of Art,New York.2001. Beato de Liebana: C6dice delMonasterio di San Pedro de Cardena,passim. Reconstructed facsimile ed.,with text vol. in Spanish and English.Translated by Anne Barton de Mayor.2 vols. Barcelona.FORTHCOMING (2002). JohnWilliams. The Illustrated Beatus:A Corpus of the Illustrations of theCommentary on the Apocalypse,vol. 5; Catalogue: The Twelfth andThirteenth Centuries, no. 21, with fullbibliography. London and Turnhout,Belgium.Buchanan, Rita, ed. Dyes fromNature. Plants and Gardens, BrooklynBotanic Garden Record 46, no. 2.Brooklyn, 1990.Cannon, John, and MargaretCannon. Dye Plants and Dyeing.Illustrated by Gretel Dalby-Quenet.Portland, Ore., 1994.de Hamel, Christopher. Scribes andIlluminators. Medieval Craftsmenseries. London, 1992.Feller, Robert L., Elisabeth WestFitzHugh, and Ashok Roy, eds.Artists' Pigments: A Handbook ofTheir History and Characteristics.3 vols. Washington, D.C., 1986-97.Kushel, Dan. "Photodocumentationfor Conservation: ProceduralGuidelines and PhotographicConcepts and Techniques." Paper presentedat the annual meeting of theAmerican Institute for Conservation,San Francisco, May 1980.Levey, Martin. Mediaeval ArabicBookmaking and Its Relation toEarly Chemistry and Pharmacology.[Includes translations of portionsof Ibn Badis.] Transactions of theAmerican Philosophical Society, n.s.,52, pt. 4. Philadelphia, 1962.Merrifield, Mary P. Medieval andRenaissance Treatises on the Arts ofPainting: Original Texts with EnglishTranslations. [Includes translation ofEraclius.] Mineola, N.Y., 1967.Reed, R[onald]. Ancient Skins,Parchments, and Leathers. Londonand New York, 1972.Smith, Cyril Stanley, and John G.Hawthorne. Mappae Clavicula: ALittle Key to the World of MedievalTechniques. Transactions of theAmerican Philosophical Society, n.s.,64, pt. 4. Philadelphia, 1974.Theophilus [pseud.]. On DiversArts:The Foremost Medieval Treatise onPainting, Glassmakingand Metalwork.Translated by John G. Hawthorne andCyril Stanley Smith. NewYork, 1979.William D. Wixom wishes tothank his several readers for theircomments and suggestions. HIe isespecially indebted to ProfessorJohn Williams of the University ofPittsburgh and to colleagues at TheMetropolitan Museum of Art: PeterBarnet, Barbara Boehm, LisbethCastelnuovo-Tedesco, and CharlesLittle. Each is exonerated for anyerrors and misinterpretations thatmay have appeared here. He is particularlygrateful to Peter Barnetand Joan Holt for their encouragementof the project and to JenniferBernstein for her expert and alwayscheerful editing.Margaret Lawson would especiallylike to thank Bill Wixom forproviding the challenge, Helen Otisfor her support at the project's inceptionand during the study, andMarjorie Shelley for her support inthe later stages. Many departmentsand individuals at the Museum (bothcurrent and former staff and fellows)provided generous assistance, includingMaryan Ainsworth, Ann Baldwin,Martin Bansbach, Peter Barnet, LisaBarro, Jennifer Bernstein, BarbaraBoehm, Christine Brennan, BarbaraBridgers, the late Robert Carroll, LeeAnn Daffner, Helen Evans, BettyFiske, Tony Frantz, Thomas Frontini,Robert Goldman, Shelley Greenspan,Joan Holt, Nobuko Kajitani, DeirdreLarkin, Chuck Little, Susan Moody,Rachel Mustalish, Douglas Nishimura,Christine Paulocik, StewartPollens, Elena Phipps, Bruce Schwarz,Dick Stone, Eileen Travell, Yana VanDyke, Tom Vinton, George Wheeler,Ed Widdows, Karin Willis, MarkWypyski, and Akiko Yamazaki-Kleps.Olga Souza Marder, Judith Reed,and Dorrie Rosen at the New YorkBotanical Garden in the Bronx providedhelpful information, as didDan Kushel and Chris Tahk at theState University College at Buffalo.The author is also extremely gratefulto Esther Alonso Cardona, DominiqueCardon, Abigail Quandt, andJohn Williams.-56-

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