not speaking a language that is mine - National Translation Mission

NOT SPEAKING A LANGUAGETHAT IS MINEANJALI GERA ROYAbstract: This paper aims to highlight theappropriation of languages by Islamic, Hindu andSikh nationalisms before, during and after thePartition of the subcontinent in 1947 that signalledthe end of the shared Punjabi ethnolinguistic memoryby focusing on the displaced· Hindu Punjabiexperience. The fashioning of the Indian citizensubject through the national language causes aschizophrenic split in the Hindu Punjabi subject, withits ethnicity in conflict with language. The displacedHindu Punjabi subject converts its multipledisplacements from homeland, culture and languageto construct itself in the new land through a hybridlanguage, which is neither Hindi nor Punjabi thatadequately articulates its split location ..I speak a language that is not mine. I I don't speak alanguage that is mine. My mother tongue is Punjabi. But Idon't speakit. To be more precise, I am not as fluent in it as Iam in Hindi, the national language, in colonial English, or evenin the local Bengali.' But ever since I can remember, I haveTranslation Today Vol. 1 No.2 Oct. 2004 © ClIL 2004

Not Speaking A Language That Is Mine 27entered 'Punjabi' in the column where one has to enter amother tongue. I am not alone in making this contradictoryclaim, for I discover it to be a disability I share with other'displaced' Hindu Punjabis of my generation." How can onestake a claim to a mother tongue one speaks haltingly,softening its heavy consonants and lengthening its vowels?How can one demand the membership of a linguistic groupwithout speaking its language? This paradoxicaldisengagement of language from ethnicity occurs at the'displaced' sites of the Indian nation place. It foregrounds thelanguage/ethnicity elision in the pre-national Indian imaginarysuperscripted by print nationalism. I will trace the linguisticdislocations of Partition displacement to examine theproblematic constitution of the Indian subject converging on anational language.The 'Indian nation' myth essentially aimed tooverwrite, in a unifying national script, linguistic-culturalidentifications. The middle-aged nation's failure at nationallanguage implementation speaks volumes about the tribalmothers' recalcitrance to learn the new patois. The strongresistance to Hindi language implementation, in the South aswell as in non-Hindi speaking states, is rooted in the elision oflanguage and ethnicity in the Bharavarshiya imaginary'. Thenational language comes metonymically burdened with thehomogeneity of the nation narrative in this interlocking oflanguage with ethnicity. National language implementation isshot with a strong ambivalence that mirrors the Indian subject'sproblematic constitution. The 'one as many' slogan of theIndian nation, voiced in the national language, is greeted witha loud wail in the vernacular tongues, which apprehend thenation's unifying impulse as eroding their regional difference.

28 Anjali Gera RoyThe stubborn attachment to the mother tongue is a vociferousprotest against the feared dissolution of the many into one. Thetransnational era has signaled the return of the 'tribes'following the tracks of these tribal tongues buried under thenational unconscious. What happened to the dialects that diedwith the last survivors? To which tribal songs may theirdescendants turn to claim tribal ancestry? Will the permanentloss of these dialects drum the birth of new idiolects? I shallattempt to explore these issues by tracing the linguistic habitsof three generations of a displaced Hindu Punjabi family,which resettled in Lucknow, the capital of Uttar Pradesh in theHindi heartland."My analysis, grounded in a family narrative, isrestricted to the experience of a micro community of displacedHindu Punjabis dispersed after United Punjab's partition in1947 to different parts of India. My arguments are based onmy routine interactions and conversations with members ofsimilar displaced Hindu Punjabi families in the Indian citiesand towns I have moved from 1964 to 2003, coveringSrinagar, Jammu, Jaipur, Lucknow, Delhi, Nainital, Chennai,Bombay, Kolkata and Bangalore. 'Stories' have acquiredlegitimacy as an alternative research methodology in thehumanities and social sciences in the recent years. I follow anintuitive method drawing from my readings in post-colonialtheory, subaltern, diaspora and culture studies. I have groundedmy explorations in a self-narrative in the hope that it will becorroborated by the narratives of other displaced HinduPujnabi families. I believe that such 'storytelling' can besubstantiated and supplemented by empirical sociologicalmethodologies. In my opinion, self-narratives like the onesused in this text could fill up the gaps that sociologizing andanthropologizing have not been able to account for. They can

Not Speaking A Language That Is Mine 29provide a close-up focus that zeroes in on the minutiae ofeverybody life and practices from which one can pan across towider theoretical frames. Partition narratives, in particular,have been suppressed, distorted or homogenized through theelision of linguistic, regional, ethnic or sectarian differencesundergirding them. These little self-narratives, as paradigmaticstories of displacement trauma, could be fruitfully utilized inthe theorizing of displacement in the discourses of nationalism,diaspora and post-colonialism.'Until a couple of decades ago, the nationality columnin all Indian government documents carried a footnotespecifying the special category of the displaced distinguishingit from other citizenship qualifiers such as birth, descent, ordomicile. The displaced Hindu Punjabi temporality invokes thenation's double time linguistically. Here is one communitywhich suffered the nation's birth pangs, which entitles it to aparticularly intimate kinship with the infant nation. Calendartime and dates of the nation compete with village event-time inthe displaced Punjabi memory with the traumatic Partitionexperience forming the most significant temporal rupture. Thesecularized displaced Hindu Punjabi time traces its history tothe birth of a secular nation carved out of an ancient communalcore. Temporal breaks are marked here not by the prophets'births but deaths in the name of gods. The double time of thedisplaced Hindu Punjabi history is the pre-historic time of thetribal past, Partition ton Pehlaan (before Partition) and thesecular nation time, Partition ton Baad (After partition) 6.Partition ton Pehlaan was roughly the time of the spokendialects; Partition ton Baad was the time of print languages,particularly the print language used in official docurnents.How did the dialectal subject negotiate the vocabulary of

30 Anjali Gera Roycitizenship? The Punjabi subject transformed into the nationalcitizen by learning the rules and regulations governing theidiom of nationness. The bordercrossing translation ritualliterally took place in the interstices of the nation, markingmany crossings - from the old to the new, from the sacral tothe secular, from caste to class. Ramesh Sippy's telenovellaBuniyaad captured this translational moment in the train thedisplaced family boards to India. Lajoji, whose gendered taleslants Sippy's Partition Narrative, chooses a Hindi, not aPunjabi, name for her newborn grand daughter. Her name -Bharati - ejects her from both her grandmothers' traditionalPunjabi (Lajo, Veeranwali) and her mothers' modem Punjabi(Babli,) Narrative into the Hindi narrative of the modernIndian nation. By the time Bharati's daughter, Aditi, comes ofage in the Indian English or Hinglish universe of millennialNew Delhi in Mira Nair's Monsoon Wedding, Punjabi hasbecome a vestigial trace emerging as slippage in moments ofintimacy or emotion. But diasporic Punjabi filmmakers DeepaMehta and Gurinder Chadha have joined hands with Nair inupgrading Punjabiness to an exoticized global vernacular.Partition ton Pehlaan (Before Partition)From Pujandi to Satya KumariPujandiShe was named 'Pujandi' in her native dialect. Herprogressive Arya Samaji husband made her enter the GreatIndian Narrative by renaming her' Satwanti'. Her son changedit to Satya Kumari in tune with post Independence trends inHindu women's names. The story of several losses - of home,language and community - underwrites my grandmother's

Not Speaking A Language That Is Mine 31inhabitation of her many names on which the nation's script isoverwritten. Till her death in the mid nineties, she remained analien in her own country, her foreignness accentuated by 'theforeignness of languages'. She spoke her singsong Miyaanwalithat sounds alien even to East Punjabi speakers. Conversely,she never quite 'settled' in the Hindi heartland to which thefamily migrated. She located her home in a North WesternFrontier Province, in a pind (village) called Bhakkhar. For her,the nation narrative was framed within a migrant narrative,first from the village to the city and then to another linguisticregion. Her imagination translated the nation's alien geographyas the loss of a home village and as the necessity of having tomaster a foreign language. Therefore, the first generationdisplaced Hindu Punjabi tenancy of the local dialect, a foreigntongue in the new land, problematizes the clash of oldimaginings of the nation with the new. The lost home andcommunity, without the compensating 'myth of return', arerecovered in the traces of the dialect. Dialects, unlike the printlanguages on which the nation is imagined, speak of and fromsmall places of face-to-face speech communities. They alsoremain the last resistive spaces in the homogenizing movementof print nationalism.The pre-national Indian imagining of homeland wasessentially a very small locality based in a region and on adialect. The synonymy of home with a linguistic region in theIndian imaginary, invariably a small locality, becomesparticularly problematic when the region turns overnight into aforeign country. The citizen' subject reclaiming a home inanother nation is a contradiction of the condition ofcompliance underwriting the formation of the national subject.Adrift in a nation that is not home, he zooms in so close on the

32 Anja1i Gera Royhomeland that macro boundaries go out of focus. Home for thedisplaced Hindu Punjabi is a Punjabi suba frequentlyinterchangeable with the mulk/watan or nation. The homeland,located in a narrowly defined Punjabi region with itsparticularized dialect, is a geographically boundedneighbourhood (river, mountain range, and climate.) Take, forexample, the case of Miyaanwali's geographical constituency.Miyaanwali binds the district lying between Jhelum andSindhu River on the North West Frontier Province, now inPakistan. Across the Sindhu are other dialect regions, forinstance, Derewaali in Dera Ghazi and Ismail Khan andBannuwaali in Bannu.SatwantiBesides, the proposed national language had to writethe new nation on the traces of the Moghul scribal lingua. Itmust be noted that the communicational languages of oldempires did not ever encroach on the cultural territories ofspeech. The switch from Urdu to Hindi as the official languageheralds the emergence of the nation from the remains of theEmpire. Courtly Urdu marks the graphocentric phase in thegap separating phonocentric dialects from print languages. Prepartitioneducational practices reflect this transitional momentin a linguistic split between the Hindiwallahs and theUrduwallahs. 8 As the nation's birth becomes imminent, thenation-making process is expedited by the sharp switch-over toHindi from Urdu.The dialect and language divide splits the private andpublic spaces of modern civil society. The citizen subject isborn in the separation of the dialect or private speech fromlanguage or public discourse. Pujandi's offspring, ill at ease in

Not Speaking A Language That Is Mine 33the face-to-face intimacy of Miyaanwali, articulate theiraspirations to Standard Punjabi's urbane inflections. Dialecthas a strange meeting with language in the domestic spacewhere Puj andi 's rustic Miyaanwaali utterances are greeted withStandard Punjabi responses. Instead of resisting it, the dialectgives in to Punjabi's unifying space in the construction ofmodernity. The erasure of dialectal differences in StandardPunjabi enables the imagining of a unified Punjabi community.Standard Punjabi's modernity writes its difference from theclosed space of local dialects, which circumscribe identity inrigid kinship structures of belonging.Anderson's point about the homogenizing impact ofprint languages on speech communities is illustrated by thenatural death of the dialect in the evolution of modem Indianprint languages. The development of modem Punjabi opens upnew identity routes on which the nation's myth might beengraved. But the inscription of the nation in modem Indianlanguages, be it Punjabi or Bengali, reveals a markeddivergence from the unifying script the Indian nation sought toinscribe itself in. The adoption of modem Punjabi by educatedspeakers in Lahore and Lyallpur is a move away from smalldialect-based identifications towards the beginnings of amodem Punjabi kaum. Speakers of different dialectscongregate in the public sphere of a standardized Punjabi toconstruct a unified linguistic space, which will be seen toreveal a deep communal cleavage.The imagining of the nation in the Punjabi languageproduces slippages of religion translating into separatistdemands for two pure lands, Pakistan and Khalistan. Thoughthe latter is also couched as a linguistic demand, the Hindu

34 Anjali Gera RoyPunjabi's linguistic nationalism is a disjuncture in the sacralpre-national communities. The convergence of Arya Samaaj'sHindu reformist programme with the Indian nationalist projectoffers the Hindu Punjabi a politically right path out of aprospective minority location. 9 Hindu Punjabis allegedly enter'Hindi' as their mother tongue in the plebiscite for Khalistanand are dubbed traitors by the Akaali Dal. Punjabi enters thegrand Indian masternarrative as the namesake of theMahabharata queen Satwanti, as the Arya Samaaj movementsweeps over Punjab dissolving tribal names, gods and dialectsin a 'return to the Vedas' Hinduism.Satya KumariTom between Muslim and Sikh separatism, the PunjabiHindu community's allegiance to Indian nationalism puts it in alinguistic bind. Consent to the nation narrative is interpreted asa tacit agreement to exchange place and language identities fora homogenous nation space signified by the national language.Mastery of the national language is flashed as a secretpassword to the citizenship of secular nation space. No otherlinguistic space cleared as wide a passage for the incursion ofthe national language as that of the displaced Hindu Punjabi. Itbetrays a n'aive faith in the reality of the nation myth, whosefragments interrogate its existence today.Pujandi's family sought refuge from religiouspersecution in the dream of a secular nation forged in anational language. Its attempts to enter the nation narrative bylearning the national language yielded much amusement. Howdoes one get oneself understood in another language withoutmaking expensive mistakes? Lengthening Punjabi sounds

Not Speaking A Language That Is Mine 35gives cause for unintentional humour and confusion. ButPujandi, now Satya Kumari, valiantly fights her way throughthe maze of Hindi to get across basics, no matter if her strangeaccent causes much merriment, Displaced from both thedialect and the vernacular tongue, the family's increasingfluency in the national language is an indicator of the successof the rehabilitation scheme. Shuttling between the Punjabiplace of the resettlement colonies and the nation space ofpublic places, their uneasy tenancy of the new language andplace is accentuated by the differences in pronunciation,everyday practices and rituals. Punjabi's tribal rhythmstranslate into a harsh Hindi underlining the violence of theresettlement scheme. Though an entire generation comes ofage in the resettlement colonies, home Punjabi still conflictswith public Hindi to produce an atrocious accent. Like all otherold world customs, Punjabi speech might be practiced withinthe confines of the ghetto. But Hindi is the currency to beexchanged for assimilation into the new milieu. Though strainsof Punjabi might still be heard in extended families where thefirst two generations find comfort in the home languagenuclear set ups are almost Hindiized. These homes, saddledwith the baggage of a foreign Punjabi in the new land, adjust tothe changed surroundings by switching over to the nationallanguage the children bring home from school. The strangediscourse between Punjabi and her children is repeated inanother generation with the dialect being replaced by StandardPunjabi. It would take three decades for a booming Punjabiindustry to transform the shame of refugee existence into asaga of pride and adventure. Though Punjabi cannot berestored, the employment of Punjabi Hindi in the public spherewill write not Punjabi foreignness but Punjabi difference. And

36 Anjali Gera Royit would be another couple of decades before Punjabi returnsas the loudest voice in the Indian popular cultural space."The myth of return distinguishes the self-constitution ofother migrants from refugees. While most migrants arestrangers, refugees are particularly vulnerable because they areunwelcome both at home and abroad. While other migrantsfind refuge in language and ethnicity from their estrangementin foreign tongues and nations, refugees fleeing from ethnicviolence know the price of etlmic difference too well. Theyrush to eradicate every trace of foreignness by wiping off allvisible signifiers of ethnicity. They make a conscious attemptto adopt local dress, manners and languages. The new settlers'status is decided by their political clout. Conquerors demandhomage; the vanquished receive contempt, or pity, at best.When the homeless are given shelter in others' homes, theymake space for themselves by making themselves small. Thehidden spaces of the home alone remain the preserve ofethnicity. Here one may speak tribal dialects, observe archaicrituals, relish exotic cuisines, and sing primeval songs withoutthe fear of reprisal. Refugees must acquire a workingknowledge of the local language and customs to be able to dobusiness in the adopted land. But they return every evening tothe security of the dialect of the ghetto where the old place isreconstructed through memory in the dwellings, the food, theattire, and everyday habits.Unfortunately, certain identity markers, such as thebody or the accent, cannot be cast away as easily. The bodyand the accent inscribe their foreignness in the land of 'others'.The Punjabi language and ethnicity signified to the olderresidents an inferiorized refugee identity. The filth and squalorin refugee camps, eyesores on the nation's ancient cultural

Not Speaking A Language That Is Mine 37capitals - Delhi, Kolkata and Lucknow - were internalized bydisplaced Hindu Punjabis as metaphors of cultural debasement.If Punjabi dialects sounded harsh and uncouth, Lahori Urduwas designated a poor countrycousin to the chaste Lakhnavi.Punjabi costume, designed on Muslim patterns, paraded itsforeignness against the backdrop of starched dhotis and sarees.Punjabi music sounded too loud and cacophonous to classicalHindustani ears. Displaced Hindu Punjabis were willing tomake any adjustment, linguistic or cultural, to make a home inthe new nation. The displaced Hindu Punjabi male learned towrite Hindi to know his rights and duties as citizen subject andworked overtime to enter the nation as producer. The displacedHindu Punjabi female learned to speak Hindi to participate inthe nation's public sphere and went through a completecostume changeover to recast herself as an Indian woman. Theacquisition of the national language, Hindi, and the removal ofvisible Punjabi ethnocultural signifiers signaled Punjabi'sdeath, which coincided with the displaced Hindu Punjabisubjects' transmutation into the Indian citizen. It took a coupleof generations to make them shed their strong Punjabi accentand yet another to tone down their skin colour and physicalfeatures. It also took two generations for them to come hometo the loss of a dialect and to the discovery that thesubmergence of the home in the dream of the nation waspermanent.Partition ton Baad (Post Partition)Rushdie's deconstruction of English in Midnight'sChildren was viewed as signposting a significant moment inthe decolonization process. But the deconstruction of Hindi acouple of years later in commercial filmmaker's magnum opuson the small screen, on the other hand, went completely

38 Anjali Gera Royunnoticed in literary circles. But his homage to Punjabi Hindi,the way Hindi is spoken by Punjabi speakers, opened theIndian skies to regional variations of Hindi. Hindi films andHindi language television have switched over to spokenvernacular Hindi registers frorri stilted Standard Hindi, thanksto Ramesh Sippy's mega tele-serial following the rags to richesstory of a displaced Punjabi Hindu family. However, longbefore the titan of Hindi filmdom made the Punjabi Puttar partof South Delhi's haute couture, Hindi had always beendeconstructed in Punjabi homes. I I The way Rushdie works thestructure of English outwards to inflect it with Hindi rhythms,displaced Hindu Punjabis altered Standard Hindi to infuse itwith Punjabi 'structures of feeling'. The first, and perhaps thesecond, generation's Hindi vowel and semi-vowel disability, isturned by the third generation into an act of linguisticdeconstruction.v' Speaking its difference from Standard Hindi,displaced Punjabi Hindi scripts a difference in the Indianmaster narrative inscribed in the national language.European Nationalism, converging on a print language,proved to be far from modular when confronted with themultiplicity of Indian languages. Followed to its logicalextreme, cultural identifications, clustered around languages,disrupted the homogeneity of the nation space. The idea of thenation, a derivative discourse, required a link language toapproximate to the European model. But fifty-five years afterthe birth of the nation, Indian languages are more likely to berelegated to oblivion by global English than by national Hindi.The ambivalence in the adoption of the national language bynon-Hindi populations is replicated in the reluctant assent tothe idea' of the nation. Linguistic returns of the transitional eradrive home the strength of these linguistic memories on whichthe nation myth was superimposed.

Not Speaking A Language That Is Mine 39Identities are always relational and accretive. When anIndian meets a European, he identifies himself as an Indian;when he meets another Indian, he specifies his linguisticidentity; when he meets another member of his linguisticgroup, he particularizes the region. Unlike that of other Indianlinguistic groups, the displaced Hindu Punjabi's particularizedplace is not relational and accretive but disjunctive. Recalling aregion-based memory preserved in the dialect that the nationalmemory erased forever along with the homeland, thisdisjunctive small regional memory recalls the violence of thenational superscript. As the sole signifier of a particular ethnoculturalidentity, the loss of dialect is particularly poignant as agrim reminder of the permanence of the loss of the homeland.The displaced Hindu Punjabi's subjectivity is barbwiredagainst real geographical space. Unlike the materiality ofregional spaces inhabited by other dialects, the geo-regionsurvives virtually as a memory. The displaced Hindu Punjabi'ssmall regional memory reverses the rea1/imaginary dialectic ofthe region and the nation through this act of double imagining.While the indelibility of vernaculars enables otherlinguistic returns, speakers of vanishing dialects can disrupt thehomogenous nation space only by writing difference in thenational language. The national language does not meetregional language difference but is repeated with a difference,a difference that does not return as the same. The repetition ofthe national language fractures its unified structure to inscribethe absence of the dialect. Neither Hindi nor Punjabi, the newlanguage calls forth the violence of the idea of the nation. Likeits speakers, the hybrid idiom is articulated in the transitoryspace of displacement. Neither at home in the new Hindi; nor

40 Anjali Gera Royin the forgotten Punjabi, has the displaced Hindu Punjabiwritten through his discomfort in the loss of both home. Thedisplacement narrative cannot be inscribed in a pre-givenlinguistic origin but a linguistic rupture that writes the loss ofhome. It constructs cultural identifications from a language ofnegation, which borrows familiar signs to signify differencerather than identity.I speak Hindi, a language that is not mine. I don't speakPunjabi, which is my language. I speak Hindi because it is theonly language I have. I speak Hindi fluently but with adifference that signifies my non-identity with its nativespeakers. I speak it with a trace ofPunjabi to make it mine.Notes1. See Jacques Derrida's collection of essays in 'Speaking aLanguage that is not my Own' where he relates his ownsituation - a Mehrabaian speaking French - to the nature oflanguage.2. I am beholden to Tutun Mukherjee for this phrase and forleading me to believe that my little story has its place in themega national narrative. I have discovered through myroutine conversations with other Punjabis that thisdisability is confined to displaced Hindu Punjabis forced tosettle outside Punjab, especially those raised in nuclearhomes and through Sikh Punjabi language irrespective ofthe place of resettlement or migration.3. I will use the term Bharatvarshiya to designate the prenationalcommunity that the notion 'Indian' replaced. Ichoose this over the later term Hindustan because of its

Not Speaking A Language That Is Mine 41sectarian and regional connotations. My preference is notrooted in any originary desire but the inclusivenessaccorded by its anteriority, which locates all subsequentempires into a pre-national temporality.4. Ironically, Punjabi speakers were in the habit of usingHindustan to refer to this region and Hindustani to thespeakers of Hindi from whom they distinguishedthemselves. This linguistic slip, pointing to older linguisticcommunities, writes them out of the nation .'5. Diaspora theory has largely addressed itself to linguistic,ethnic or sectarian Diasporas overseas. Similar intranationaldiasporas have not been theorized. Interesting, BillAshcroft's Post-colonial Transformations illustrated placeand displacement by citing the Partition diaspora.6. Among the Partition-displaced, Partition serves as the mostimportant marker in dividing generations. The mostimportant difference is those who were born beforepartition and those born later.7. Though modem Punjabi evolved well before the IndianPartition, dialects continued to flourish in Punjab. Thetemporality of both modem Punjabi and Hindi is at oddswith dialect time.8. Khushwant Singh makes a jocular reference to the dividebetween the Hindi and Urduwallahs in GovernmentCollege, Lahore in his obituary to the Hindi writerBhisham Sahni. Though Hindi might have been availableas an option, Urdu was the preferred language up to a

42 Anjali Gera Roycertain point. The majority of Punjabi Hindu males whowere in high school before Partition have no knowledge ofU~u. .9. Punjab's demographic profile has changed after its severalPartitions. Hindu Punjabis, a considerable majority inundivided Punjab, are a minority in present day Punjab.10. The nineties have signaled the return of Punjabi to Indiavia the Punjabi diaspora whose international success hascreated a global space for the Punjabi. Today noBollywood film is complete without a Punjabi number.11. puttar 'son' is an endearment used to address both maleand female children by elders. Vaishna Narang, the linguisttold me in a private conversation in October 1995 thatDelhi Punjabis switched over from the Hindi equivalentbeta 'son', to puttar post Buniyaad.12. Punjabi speakers had problems with Hindi semi-vowels asin sounds ending with kra or dra. But it can be used tosignify Punjabi difference, such as pronouncing fikra(anxiety) asfikar in Punjabi Hindi.ReferencesAshcroft, Bill (2001). Post-colonial Transformation. NewYork: Routledge.Bhaba, Homi K. (1990). Nations and Narrations. London:Routledge.

Not Speaking A Language That Is Mine 43Chadha, Gurinder (2002). Bend it Like Beckham. (Film)Chatterjee, Partha (nd). The Nation and its Fragments.Delhi: OUP.Derrida, Jacques (1982). Margins of Philosophy.Bess. Chicago: Chicago Univ Press.Trans. AlanHall, Stuart (1996). "New Ethnicities" in Critical Dialogues inCultural Studies. (ed) David Morley & Kuan-HsingChan, London: Routledge.Nair, Mira (2001). Monsoon 'Vedding. (Film)Sippy, Ramesh(1984-85) Buniyaad. (TV Serial)