vagabondage is strictly connected with the disintegration <strong>of</strong> the feudal system. As early as thethirteenth century we find isolated epochs <strong>of</strong> this kind, but only at the end <strong>of</strong> the fifteenth andbeginning <strong>of</strong> the sixteenth does this vagabondage make a general and permanent appearance.These vagabonds, who were so numerous that, for instance, Henry VIII <strong>of</strong> England had 72,000<strong>of</strong> them hanged, were only prevailed upon to work with the greatest difficulty and through themost extreme necessity, and then only after long resistance. The rapid rise <strong>of</strong> manufactures,particularly in England, absorbed them gradually.With the advent <strong>of</strong> manufactures, the various nations entered into a competitive relationship, thestruggle for trade, which was fought out in wars, protective duties and prohibitions, whereasearlier the nations, ins<strong>of</strong>ar as they were connected at all, had carried on an in<strong>of</strong>fensive exchangewith each other. Trade had from now on a political significance.With the advent <strong>of</strong> manufacture the relationship between worker and employer changed. In theguilds the patriarchal relationship between journeyman and master continued to exist; inmanufacture its place was taken by the monetary relation between worker and capitalist - arelationship which in the countryside and in small towns retained a patriarchal tinge, but in thelarger, the real manufacturing towns, quite early lost almost all patriarchal complexion.Manufacture and the movement <strong>of</strong> production in general received an enormous impetus throughthe extension <strong>of</strong> commerce which came with the discovery <strong>of</strong> America and the sea-route to theEast Indies. The new products imported thence, particularly the masses <strong>of</strong> gold and silver whichcame into circulation and totally changed the position <strong>of</strong> the classes towards one another,dealing a hard blow to feudal landed property and to the workers; the expeditions <strong>of</strong>adventurers, colonisation; and above all the extension <strong>of</strong> markets into a world market, whichhad now become possible and was daily becoming more and more a fact, called forth a newphase <strong>of</strong> historical development, into which in general we cannot here enter further. Through thecolonisation <strong>of</strong> the newly discovered countries the commercial struggle <strong>of</strong> the nations amongstone another was given new fuel and accordingly greater extension and animosity.The expansion <strong>of</strong> trade and manufacture accelerated the accumulation <strong>of</strong> movable capital, whilein the guilds, which were not stimulated to extend their production, natural capital remainedstationary or even declined. Trade and manufacture created the big bourgeoisie; in the guildswas concentrated the petty bourgeoisie, which no longer was dominant in the towns as formerly,but had to bow to the might <strong>of</strong> the great merchants and manufacturers. Hence the decline <strong>of</strong> theguilds, as soon as they came into contact with manufacture.The intercourse <strong>of</strong> nations took on, in the epoch <strong>of</strong> which we have been speaking, two differentforms. At first the small quantity <strong>of</strong> gold and silver in circulation involved the ban on the export<strong>of</strong> these metals; and industry, for the most part imported from abroad and made necessary by theneed for employing the growing urban population, could not do without those privileges whichcould be granted not only, <strong>of</strong> course, against home competition, but chiefly against foreign. Thelocal guild privilege was in these original prohibitions extended over the whole nation. Customsduties originated from the tributes which the feudal lords exacted as protective levies againstrobbery from merchants passing through their territories, tributes later imposed likewise by thetowns, and which, with the rise <strong>of</strong> the modern states, were the Treasury's most obvious means <strong>of</strong>raising money.The appearance <strong>of</strong> American gold and silver on the European markets, the gradual development<strong>of</strong> industry, the rapid expansion <strong>of</strong> trade and the consequent rise <strong>of</strong> the non-guild bourgeoisieand <strong>of</strong> money, gave these measures another significance. The State, which was daily less andless able to do without money, now retained the ban on the export <strong>of</strong> gold and silver out <strong>of</strong> fiscalconsiderations; the bourgeois, for whom these masses <strong>of</strong> money which were hurled onto themarket became the chief object <strong>of</strong> speculative buying, were thoroughly content with this;privileges established earlier became a source <strong>of</strong> income for the government and were sold formoney; in the customs legislation there appeared the export duty, which, since it only [placed] ahindrance in the way <strong>of</strong> industry, had a purely fiscal aim.The second period began in the middle <strong>of</strong> the seventeenth century and lasted almost to the end<strong>of</strong> the eighteenth. Commerce and navigation had expanded more rapidly than manufacture,which played a secondary role; the colonies were becoming considerable consumers; and afterlong struggles the separate nations shared out the opening world market among themselves. This
period begins with the Navigation Laws [2] and colonial monopolies. The competition <strong>of</strong> thenations among themselves was excluded as far as possible by tariffs, prohibitions and treaties;and in the last resort the competitive struggle was carried on and decided by wars (especiallynaval wars). The mightiest maritime nation, the English, retained preponderance in trade andmanufacture. Here, already, we find concentration in one country.Manufacture was all the time sheltered by protective duties in the home market, by monopoliesin the colonial market, and abroad as much as possible by differential duties. The working-up <strong>of</strong>home-produced material was encouraged (wool and linen in England, silk in France), the export<strong>of</strong> home-produced raw material forbidden (wool in England), and the [working-up] <strong>of</strong> importedmaterial neglected or suppressed (cotton in England). The nation dominant in sea trade andcolonial power naturally secured for itself also the greatest quantitative and qualitativeexpansion <strong>of</strong> manufacture. Manufacture could not be carried on without protection, since, if theslightest change takes place in other countries, it can lose its market and be ruined; underreasonably favourable conditions it may easily be introduced into a country, but for this veryreason can easily be destroyed. At the same time through the mode in which it is carried on,particularly in the eighteenth century, in the countryside, it is to such an extent interwoven withthe vital relationships <strong>of</strong> a great mass <strong>of</strong> individuals, that no country dare jeopardise itsexistence by permitting free competition. Ins<strong>of</strong>ar as it manages to export, it therefore dependsentirely on the extension or restriction <strong>of</strong> commerce, and exercises a relatively very smallreaction [on the latter]. Hence its secondary [importance] and the influence <strong>of</strong> [the merchants] inthe eighteenth century. It was the merchants and especially the shippers who more than anybodyelse pressed for State protection and monopolies; the manufacturers also demanded and indeedreceived protection, but all the time were inferior in political importance to the merchants. Thecommercial towns, particularly the maritime towns, became to some extent civilised andacquired the outlook <strong>of</strong> the big bourgeoisie, but in the factory towns an extreme petty-bourgeoisoutlook persisted. Cf Aikin, etc. The eighteenth century was the century <strong>of</strong> trade. Pinto says thisexpressly: ‘Commerce is the rage <strong>of</strong> the century.’ ‘For some time now people have been talkingonly about commerce, navigation and the navy.’ [In French in the original]This period is also characterised by the cessation <strong>of</strong> the bans on the export <strong>of</strong> gold and silver andthe beginning <strong>of</strong> the trade in money; by banks, national debts, paper money; by speculation instocks and shares and stockjobbing in all articles; by the development <strong>of</strong> finance in general.Again capital lost a great part <strong>of</strong> the natural character which had still clung to it.[4. Most Extensive Division <strong>of</strong> Labour.Large-Scale Industry]The concentration <strong>of</strong> trade and manufacture in one country, England, developing irresistibly inthe seventeenth century, gradually created for this country a relative world market, and thus ademand for the manufactured products <strong>of</strong> this country, which could no longer be met by theindustrial productive forces hitherto existing. This demand, outgrowing the productive forces,was the motive power which, by producing big industry - the application <strong>of</strong> elemental forces toindustrial ends, machinery and the most complex division <strong>of</strong> labour - called into existence thethird period <strong>of</strong> private ownership since the Middle Ages. There already existed in England theother pre-conditions <strong>of</strong> this new phase: freedom <strong>of</strong> competition inside the nation, thedevelopment <strong>of</strong> theoretical mechanics, etc. (Indeed, the science <strong>of</strong> mechanics perfected byNewton was altogether the most popular science in France and England in the eighteenthcentury.) (Free competition inside the nation itself had everywhere to be conquered by arevolution - 1640 and 1688 in England, 1789 in France.)Competition soon compelled every country that wished to retain its historical role to protect itsmanufactures by renewed customs regulations (the old duties were no longer any good againstbig industry) and soon after to introduce big industry under protective duties. Big industryuniversalised competition in spite <strong>of</strong> these protective measures (it is practical free trade; theprotective duty is only a palliative, a measure <strong>of</strong> defence within free trade), established means <strong>of</strong>communication and the modern world market, subordinated trade to itself, transformed allcapital into industrial capital, and thus produced the rapid circulation (development <strong>of</strong> thefinancial system) and the centralisation <strong>of</strong> capital. By universal competition it forced allindividuals to strain their energy to the utmost. It destroyed as far as possible ideology, religion,
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is thus the only reality, the movem
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smudge over all historical differen
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elations. Thus e.g. the relation of
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a rise of wages, because every reac
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equally spent upon all articles of
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Apart from some years of failing ha
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enable a currency to adapt itself t
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Smith and his French predecessors h
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conditions of production, with a gi
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in a commodity constitutes its valu
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y working which the working man wou
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just seen that the surplus value co
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increased value of his labour, like
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altogether, is sure to have his wag
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theory, which consists in putting a
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Preface to A Contribution to the Cr
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Capital, Volume I (1867)From the Pr
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A use value, or useful article, the
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imposed necessity, without which th
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embodiments of one identical social
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abstract. The twofold social charac
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ased on the production of commoditi
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Capital Vol. III. Chapter 2. The Ra
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specific relationship to surplus-va