The Communist Manifesto(February 1848)A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre <strong>of</strong> communism. All the powers <strong>of</strong> old Europe haveentered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot,French Radicals and German police-spies.Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents inpower? Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach <strong>of</strong> communism,against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?Two things result from this fact:I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself a power.II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face <strong>of</strong> the whole world, publish theirviews, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale <strong>of</strong> the Spectre <strong>of</strong> Communismwith a manifesto <strong>of</strong> the party itself.To this end, Communists <strong>of</strong> various nationalities have assembled in London and sketched thefollowing manifesto, to be published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish andDanish languages.I. Bourgeois and ProletariansThe history <strong>of</strong> all hitherto existing society is the history <strong>of</strong> class struggles.Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in aword, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on anuninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in arevolutionary reconstitution <strong>of</strong> society at large, or in the common ruin <strong>of</strong> the contending classes.In the earlier epochs <strong>of</strong> history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement <strong>of</strong>society into various orders, a manifold gradation <strong>of</strong> social rank. In ancient Rome we havepatricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters,journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all <strong>of</strong> these classes, again, subordinate gradations.The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins <strong>of</strong> feudal society has not doneaway with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions <strong>of</strong> oppression,new forms <strong>of</strong> struggle in place <strong>of</strong> the old ones.Our epoch, the epoch <strong>of</strong> the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinct feature: it hassimplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two greathostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other – Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.From the serfs <strong>of</strong> the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers <strong>of</strong> the earliest towns. Fromthese burgesses the first elements <strong>of</strong> the bourgeoisie were developed.The discovery <strong>of</strong> America, the rounding <strong>of</strong> the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the risingbourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the colonisation <strong>of</strong> America, trade with thecolonies, the increase in the means <strong>of</strong> exchange and in commodities generally, gave tocommerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to therevolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.The feudal system <strong>of</strong> industry, in which industrial production was monopolised by closedguilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing wants <strong>of</strong> the new markets. The manufacturingsystem took its place. The guild-masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturingbourgeois; division <strong>of</strong> labour between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face <strong>of</strong>division <strong>of</strong> labour in each single workshop.Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacturer no longersufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionised industrial production. The place <strong>of</strong>manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry; the place <strong>of</strong> the industrial bourgeois byindustrial millionaires, the leaders <strong>of</strong> the whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
Modern industry has established the world market, for which the discovery <strong>of</strong> America pavedthe way. This market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, tocommunication by land. This development has, in its turn, reacted on the extension <strong>of</strong> industry;and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportionthe bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background every classhanded down from the Middle Ages.We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product <strong>of</strong> a long course <strong>of</strong>development, <strong>of</strong> a series <strong>of</strong> revolutions in the modes <strong>of</strong> production and <strong>of</strong> exchange.Each step in the development <strong>of</strong> the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding politicaladvance <strong>of</strong> that class. An oppressed class under the sway <strong>of</strong> the feudal nobility, an armed andself-governing association in the medieval commune: here independent urban republic (as inItaly and Germany); there taxable “third estate” <strong>of</strong> the monarchy (as in France); afterwards, inthe period <strong>of</strong> manufacturing proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as acounterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, cornerstone <strong>of</strong> the great monarchies in general,the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment <strong>of</strong> Modern Industry and <strong>of</strong> the world market,conquered for itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive political sway. The executive<strong>of</strong> the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs <strong>of</strong> the wholebourgeoisie.The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal,idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his“natural superiors,” and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than nakedself-interest, than callous “cash payment.” It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies <strong>of</strong>religious fervour, <strong>of</strong> chivalrous enthusiasm, <strong>of</strong> philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water <strong>of</strong>egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place <strong>of</strong> thenumberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom –Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it hassubstituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.The bourgeoisie has stripped <strong>of</strong> its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up towith reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man <strong>of</strong>science, into its paid wage labourers.The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the familyrelation to a mere money relation.The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display <strong>of</strong> vigour in theMiddle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found its fitting complement in the mostslothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man’s activity can bring about. It hasaccomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothiccathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses <strong>of</strong> nations andcrusades.The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments <strong>of</strong> production,and thereby the relations <strong>of</strong> production, and with them the whole relations <strong>of</strong> society.Conservation <strong>of</strong> the old modes <strong>of</strong> production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the firstcondition <strong>of</strong> existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionising <strong>of</strong> production,uninterrupted disturbance <strong>of</strong> all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitationdistinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with theirtrain <strong>of</strong> ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed onesbecome antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy ispr<strong>of</strong>aned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real conditions <strong>of</strong> life, andhis relations with his kind.The need <strong>of</strong> a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over theentire surface <strong>of</strong> the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connectionseverywhere.The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation <strong>of</strong> the world market given a cosmopolitan characterto production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin <strong>of</strong> Reactionists, it hasdrawn from under the feet <strong>of</strong> industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established
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enable a currency to adapt itself t
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Smith and his French predecessors h
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conditions of production, with a gi
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in a commodity constitutes its valu
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y working which the working man wou
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just seen that the surplus value co
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increased value of his labour, like
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altogether, is sure to have his wag
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theory, which consists in putting a
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Preface to A Contribution to the Cr
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Capital, Volume I (1867)From the Pr
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A use value, or useful article, the
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imposed necessity, without which th
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embodiments of one identical social
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abstract. The twofold social charac
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ased on the production of commoditi
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Capital Vol. III. Chapter 2. The Ra
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specific relationship to surplus-va