Africa quarterly special on emerging powers.pdf - SAFPI

A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y■ From the Editor’s DeskEmerging Powers: A time for new dreamsIt’s a moment of unprecedented churn in globalgeo-politics, a moment that comes but rarely when anold order gives way, imperceptibly but surely, to a newone. <strong>Africa</strong>, the continent that was once superciliouslydismissed as a foredoomed place of darkness, is now not onlyshining anew, but is at the centre of a new great game ofcourtship. The rise of emerging powers, <strong>special</strong>ly the BRICScountries, has changed the rules of engagement, compellingthe established status quoist powers to shift their strategy in thisrecalibrated 21st century contest for <strong>Africa</strong>’s resources,markets and friendship. In this arguably post-American world,marked by an inexorable shift of power from the West to therest, <strong>Africa</strong>, a continent of around one billion people which isexpected to grow at a healthy 6 percent in times of thefestering eurozone recession, has a unique opportunity toshepherd its renaissance on its own terms and reclaim its placein an evolving global order.The <strong>special</strong> edition of <strong>Africa</strong> Quarterly brings together expertsand scholars cutting across continents to look at the unfoldingnarrative of Afro-optimism and the implications of the riseof BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South <strong>Africa</strong>) andother middle powers for a renascent <strong>Africa</strong>ncontinent. The statistics are revelatory: the BRIC countriesstepped up their trade with the continent from merely$3.5 billion in 2000 to over $200 billion in 2011. China hasmultiplied its trade with <strong>Africa</strong> from $3.5 billion in 1990 toaround $150 billion in 2011. India’s trade with <strong>Africa</strong> is estimatedto be over $50 billion; Brazil’s trade is pegged at around$16 billion; and Russia’s bilateral trade is around $10 billion.While each emerging power has its own motivations, imperativesand even competing ambitions for engaging <strong>Africa</strong>, thereis a marked realisation that the continent is a different place andrequires new strategies to forge alternative investment anddevelopment paradigms for the continent. The BRICS countriespresent a powerful challenge to the so-called Washingtonconsensus deployed by the U.S. and traditional Westerndonors and partners, some of them former colonialists, todominate the continent through the IMF-World Bank’s prescriptiveaid policies.With the unipolar moment of the American dominationwaning, new models have arisen: the so-called Beijingconsensus, a blend of authoritarian regulated political systemand state-led economic foray, and what some are seeing as the‘New Delhi model’ that is focused on a blend of capacitybuilding, human resource development, trade, aid andan <strong>Africa</strong>n-led consensus. One can also say there is a new“southern consensus” emerging for engaging <strong>Africa</strong> that isbased on the principles of South-South solidarity, whichcontrasts with the hegemonic, prescriptive Washingtonconsensus. Clearly, the accelerated engagement of emergingpowers has provided more choice of models/approaches to<strong>Africa</strong>, but one also needs to look critically to find out whetherthese new players represent real choice or are basicallyrepackaging old wine in new bottle. In other words, we needto ask: are emerging powers different from traditional powersin any substantial way or are they neo-colonial powers indisguise, resorting to simply packaging to differentiate/brandthemselves in <strong>Africa</strong> while following the same policies? In thiscontext, it is important to mention the backlash to Chinesepolicies in some parts of <strong>Africa</strong>.The articles in this edition document in great detail thetrajectory of engagement each of these emerging powers hassought with <strong>Africa</strong>, and provide a diversity of perspectives onthe questions and issues that arise from their trade and diplomacyin the continent. Taking an overarching view,K. Mathews argues that <strong>Africa</strong> must leverage its newpartnership with emerging powers in the interest of its ownlong-term development. “<strong>Africa</strong>n political elites will have tobe much more cohesive at the continental level if they are ableto use the competitive international environment to theircollective advantage. <strong>Africa</strong>n leaders also need to engageemerging powers more proactively in terms of <strong>Africa</strong>’s ownneeds, demands and aspirations,” he writes. In her article“The Other Powers in the Continent,” Sanjukta BanerjiBhattacharya contends that the relationships of the emergingpowers with <strong>Africa</strong> are being increasingly framed in thelexicon of “partnership”, be it strategic or economic. In fact,she points out that the methods of these powers are now beingemulated by both the older players and the new aspirants inthe continent that includes mixing trade with lucrativeinfrastructural investment and partnerships in agriculture,health, sport, education and technology.In a seminal sense, there is a radical shift from merelyself-interested profiteering to forging win-win and mutuallyempowering partnerships with <strong>Africa</strong>n countries. Paul MusiliWambua and Mumo Nzau hold India’s democracy as a modelfor an increasingly democratising continent. More than 30<strong>Africa</strong>n states have embraced democracy and many of themhave voluntarily subjected themselves to the <strong>Africa</strong>n PeerReview Mechanism. The authors argue forcefully that Indiacan play a leadership role in spurring <strong>Africa</strong>’s ongoingresurgence by helping to deepen and institutionalisedemocratic reforms in the continent.In fact, a lot is happening on the ground on this front. Egyptis keen to seek India’s help in bolstering its electioninfrastructure and officials from many <strong>Africa</strong>n countries comeAugust 2011-January 2012 7