that we are talking about today—spacechemical lasers, the ground-based lasers,the excimer and free electron lasers,the X-ray laser, neutral and chargedparticle beams, and all of these nonnuclear-killkinetic energy interceptorsthat are based on advanced sensorsand computers—none of themhad been really thought of at the timeof the most recent debate on strategicdefense in the United States, which wasonly 15 years ago. Everything that issubject to debate today has been inventedin just the last 15 years.The free electron laser has made ordersof magnitude of progress in justthe last one or two years. The neutralparticle beam, which is worked on atLos Alamos, has developed lately as apotential intercept platform and a discriminationplatform; that is, a way offinding out which objects are realweapons and which are just balloonsor surrogate targets, which has been aproblem of classical difficulty. The mostdifficult problem in strategic defensehas always been in eliminating nonserioustargets, so that you do not wasteyour interceptors.Tremendous strides have been madeon discrimination with particle beamsor impulse lasers. This also has happenedin just the last two years. Sincethe "Defensive Technology Study,"there are not only new technologiesbut also new insights on how to usethese new technologies to solve traditionalproblems.Question: How does this technologicalprogress reflect back to the economiceffects of an SDI program?I think you have to break the economiceffects down into two parts: thenear-term and the long-term issues.The near term has to do with research;the long term with a possible deployment,which is being discussed, but isnot now approved.The near-term discussion over theSDI budget is very intense, but theamounts involved are not significantfor a healthy economy. The budget ofa few billion dollars a year is large, butsmall compared to the defense budgetof the United States, and does not havea direct, significant impact on theAmerican economy.There is an indirect impact, and thatis probably positive. Historically, theDepartment of Defense has been a veryNisls Bohr Library/APSstuart K. LewisDr. Hans Bethe (left) no longer argues that SDI won't work, but that it might costtoo much. The research of Dr. Richard Carwin (right) demonstrates that hisarguments against the SDI are wrong.effective developer of technology, andit is to be anticipated that this wouldcontinue and that the developmentsof new types of lasers, of particle generators,and, in particular, of computers,would have an enormous positiveimpact on the commercial economy.As to the longer-term discussionabout deployment, were it positive, westill do not have a major economic impact.If you take figures of the size thatwe have been talking about, even thoseestimated by the adversaries of strategicdefense, you get numbers thatappear to be only a few tens ofhundreds of billions of dollars, whichare figures less than, or at least comparableto, what would be spent overthat period of a decade or so on alternativestrategic concepts.I don't think that the dominant issueis economic, as long as reasonable costgoals for the strategic defensive conceptsare met, as it now appears theycould be.Question: There are several argumentsbrought up against the SDI, such as thatit is immoral to build new weapons, orthat one should not invest in new weaponswhile people are starving on Earth.Do you think that some of these argumentsare valid?These are serious questions, butmost of them are not unique to theSDI. They have to do with any sort ofmilitary expenditures, and there are alwaysthose who argue that no moneyshould be spent on military technologiesas long as there is hunger in theworld. I would only point out that defenseand freedom are also importantvalues, as important in some ways asmaterial wants. <strong>And</strong> the point I stressfor Western democracies is that evenwith their expenditures for defense,they have a much smaller proportionof material wants than do the totalitarianstates from which they are attemptingto protect themselves.Sometimes these issues are amplifiedby connecting them with the issueof stability. There is a concern that thereis not just a basic investment in testingand trying to deploy strategic defense,but that there is a possibility that wewould get ourselves into an arms race,which would divert even further requirementsfrom the unfortunate ofour society. The numbers on the costestimates we went through earlier actuallyshow the contrary.It has been pretty clearly explainedby various spokesmen, perhaps mostprominently by U.S. ambassador PaulNitze, that if strategic defenses are costeffective—thatis, if it is more effectiveto develop defenses than to deployfurther offenses—then one does notget into an offensive or defensive armsrace. The net effect of the developmentand even the initial deploymentof strategic defenses will be to give apositive incentive to both sides to reducetheir offensive arms levels and,with them, their overall defense expenditures.. . .12 January-February 1986 FUSION Beam Technology Report
Question: It is often stated that theAmerican SOI program would automaticallyforce the Soviet Union into aggressiveopposition to defensive systems andforce it to build even more missiles, andthat there would be no way to go fromthe realm of Mutually Assured Destructionto that of Mutually Assured Survival.Is this true?In my experience, and I think in generalexperience, the Soviets are, despitetheir rhetoric, very logical in pursuingtheir arms programs. If defensesturn out to be more cost-effective thanoffenses, then independent of theirrhetoric I think the Soviets will be inclinedto build defenses.The only situation in which theycould be inclined to build further offensiverather than defensive systemswould be one in which defensive systemswere more expensive. ... If defensesturn out not to be cost-effective,I don't think they will ever seriouslybe proposed by the UnitedStates. Therefore the concern aboutthe Soviets having a cost-ineffectivedefense to counter it is not a valid one.Question: In the meeting today, Dr. EdwardTeller of the United States raisedthe question that the U.S. press has probablybeen more destructive to the SDIthan the KGB, because of the massivedisinformation that was tunneled throughthe Western media on the matter of theSDI. Can you comment on this?Dr. Teller is a very colorful fellow.He certainly has more experience withthe American media than I have. . . .The history of interaction has been thatthe critics of strategic defense havegotten along better with the press thanthe supporters and even neutral observersof the program. . . . Myimpression is that the critics receivedso much applause from the press becausethey very quickly organized, putout a series of reports—some by verysenior scientists with a number of verycrisp arguments, such as that strategicdefense could not work because of thefinite speed of light and because theEarth is curved. These were argumentsthat were simple, that were crisp, andthat were wrong. But at that time, theyseemed plausible and people couldmake good headlines of them.The Department of Defense, be-cause it is a big, slow-moving body,took a long, long time to put out astatement of its own. In addition, itsarguments were not terribly direct andquotable. . . .Question: What you think the SDI programmeans for Europe? There have beensuspicions that the SDI might "decouple"Europe from the United States byshielding only America and leaving Europeout.Not enough thought has been givento the impact of strategic defense onthe theater. I personally had not givenmuch thought to it, until a few monthsago, when Dr. Fred Hoffmann, whohad led the policy panel in response tothe President's speech, asked me toaddress this particular issue. . . .As I thought about it and workedthrough it and wrote on the subject, Icame to a series of conclusions, whichwere quite unconventional a fewmonths ago, but which are becomingnow much more widely accepted. . . .If one would develop a strategic defenseand also try to use some of thesesame technologies to better defend thetheater, you see that the limited threatand the selective Soviet objectives inthe theater provide an attractiveframework for the application of theconcepts. That is, there is a rationalengagement that you can understandhow to fight, which tends to make theconcepts a bit better. In addition, surprisinglyto me, almost all of the concepts—thelasers, the particle beams,the missiles—are directly applicable inthe theater generally, with significantadvantages in performance and survivability.Let me amplify this. The performancehas to do with the fact that inthe theater it is very much more difficultfor ballistic missiles to deploy effectivedecoys or surrogate targets. Inthe intercontinental engagement, theprincipal problem with the midcoursephase of the engagement is the presenceof large numbers of decoys foreach real warhead that you need to intercept.In the theater, none of the missileslike the SS-21, SS-22, or SS-23 ever getsabove the atmosphere; therefore, theycannot deploy effective decoys. Sotheir interception is a fairly straightforwardthing, with the nonnuclear con-cepts that have been developed andevaluated for strategic defense.On the survivability issue, the mainthing is that even in Europe, with nonnuclearconcepts, it is possible to dispersemany of the interceptors overwide areas; it is possible to move themat ti mes, so that the adversary does notknow where to look for them andwhere to take them out.Many of the mid-range conceptscould, moreover, be based either airborneor remotely out of the theater,in part on a submarine, if you will.Therefore, it is the survivability [of theantimissile weapons], which is thedominant issue in the strategic engagement,and which is of much lessimportance for the theater interaction.The third point that hit me is that theimpact of defensive systems for thetheater on stability is generally favorable;in particular, if they are evaluatedin concert with global defense. Thisis a point that is quite confusing for alot of people. People have a concernthat as strategic defenses are evaluated,the United States and the SovietUnion might withdraw behind theirstrategic umbrellas and leave the Europeansvery much out in the cold. Becauseof fundamental technical factors,which have to do with the performanceof the different concepts, inpoint of fact, that would not be thecase.The theater probably would tend tobe protected first, more so than eventhe U.S. homeland. The point is thatstrategic defenses, particularly spacebasedstrategic defenses, tend to bevery sensitive to the rate of attack, themissiles per unit time. Since the numberof missiles in the theater is muchsmaller, by perhaps an order of magnitudethan what is faced in an intercontinentalengagement, what thatmeans is that a concept that was justbarely sized to handle the intercontinentalengagement, would be oversizedby a factor of 10 to handle thetheater.Or, said another way, a system thatwas very marginal to handle the intercontinentalengagement would bemore than adequate to suppress ballisticmissiles in the theater. <strong>And</strong> thereforethe strategic umbrella actuallywould appear to be developed firstover the theater.Beam Technology ReportFUSIONjanry-February 1986 13