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The Handbook of Journalism Studies

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76 SHOEMAKER, VOS, AND REESE<br />

fi rst studies <strong>of</strong> its kind,” examined the reasons expressed by a news editor for accepting or rejecting<br />

a list <strong>of</strong> potential news items. Although it addressed the decisions <strong>of</strong> only a single person, the<br />

model proved highly infl uential.<br />

In reviewing the reasons given for selecting one-tenth <strong>of</strong> the wire stories for inclusion in the<br />

Peoria Star, White observed “how highly subjective, how reliant upon value judgments based<br />

on the ‘gatekeeper’s’ own set <strong>of</strong> experiences, attitudes and expectations the communication <strong>of</strong><br />

‘news’ really is” (1950, p. 386). His adaptation <strong>of</strong> Lewin was fi rmly individualistic, placing more<br />

emphasis on the gatekeeper than the channel, and subsequent studies followed suit, identifying<br />

journalist selectivity as the main source <strong>of</strong> news “bias.” In White’s recollection <strong>of</strong> his own earlier<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>essional work, he had a similar insight:<br />

I quickly became quite aware <strong>of</strong> my antipathy to the incoming columns <strong>of</strong> Westbrook Pegler, but<br />

I tried to edit his vitriolic prose with objectivity. One afternoon, though, the paper’s managing<br />

editor called me into his <strong>of</strong>fi ce and said, “David, I’ve noticed lately that Pegler’s columns are<br />

considerably shorter these past few weeks.”…Either subconsciously or with palpable awareness I<br />

had been cutting out sentences or whole paragraphs <strong>of</strong> vintage Pegler. (p. 647)<br />

<strong>The</strong> model strongly suggests that the main reason for media distortion is the need to narrow<br />

a multitude <strong>of</strong> happenings in the world to a modest number that eventually make the news. That<br />

implies that were that less the case and editors better able to choose appropriately, then news<br />

selection would be less problematic. Furthermore, the gatekeeping model includes room for a<br />

number <strong>of</strong> decision makers along the path <strong>of</strong> selection, but the tendency <strong>of</strong> many studies, including<br />

White’s, is to focus on one section <strong>of</strong> that process. “Mr. Gates” was perhaps given too much<br />

credit for wielding infl uence, given that he did not have at his command an entire selection <strong>of</strong> the<br />

day’s happenings. And his job was mainly to choose from among stories in the major wire services,<br />

which were largely comparable, meaning his selections were from among a narrow range<br />

<strong>of</strong> choices to begin with (as advanced later by Gieber, 1964).<br />

Although not a “gatekeeping” study as such, Warren Breed’s (1955) research on social control<br />

in the newsroom is a close contemporary <strong>of</strong> White’s and <strong>of</strong>ten mentioned together. In “Social<br />

control in the newsroom: A functional analysis,” Breed—also a former newspaper reporter—<br />

interviewed a sample <strong>of</strong> newsmen at medium-sized newspapers to determine how they discerned<br />

the appropriate way to handle their story selection. Breed, in a sense, identifi ed newspaper publishers<br />

as the de facto gatekeepers who operate through indirect means to ensure that only news<br />

consistent with organizational policy gets through. <strong>The</strong> relevant gatekeeping issue for Breed was<br />

that “policy news may be slanted or buried so that some important information is denied the<br />

citizenry” (p. 193).<br />

Breed’s contribution was to show how the most important gatekeeper may not be the one<br />

who is most immediately involved in the selection, but may reside elsewhere within more infl<br />

uential levels <strong>of</strong> the organization. If news is what the journalist says it is, the subjectivity <strong>of</strong><br />

the gatekeeper would seem to pr<strong>of</strong>oundly problematize the news process, and yet the fi eld was<br />

slow to follow up on this key insight. Reese and Ballinger (2001) argue that the reason lay in the<br />

expectation that acting adequately on behalf <strong>of</strong> the community, the gatekeeper “sees to it (even<br />

though he may never be consciously aware <strong>of</strong> it) that the community shall hear as a fact only<br />

those events which the newsman, as the representative <strong>of</strong> his culture, believes to be true” (White,<br />

1950, p. 390). Like White, Breed implied (as did subsequent interpretations by fi eld synthesizers)<br />

that the gatekeeping process could work to the satisfaction <strong>of</strong> the community via journalistic<br />

codes and other guidance, were the undue infl uence <strong>of</strong> publishers to be curtailed. According to<br />

these views, then, as long as gatekeepers remained faithful cultural representatives, the society<br />

need not fear their decisions.

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