The Impact of Content: English TextbookDesigning in IndiaSantosh Kumar MahapatraIntroductionHuman consciousness plays a huge role in theformation of one’s identity. In this regard,(Vygotsky, 1925) states that social activitiesexplain the emergence of consciousness inhuman beings. So social can also be an artifact<strong>and</strong> thus, may also be ‘a regulatory agency thatchannels human behavior <strong>and</strong> thought’(Ramanathan, 2005, p. 25). Considering thatschools can communicate the legitimate formsof truth through prescribed textbooks, <strong>and</strong> thatthe English language controls <strong>and</strong> moulds powerrelations in contemporary Indian society,critically looking into how texts are chosen <strong>and</strong>tasks are designed in English textbooks in Indiamay explain their possible impact on theformation of student identity.English textbook designing in IndiaDat (2008), in a review of English textbooksused in South-East Asia, points out that Englishtextbook designers in the region “seriously lackprofessional course developers <strong>and</strong> that therehas not been adequate training in materialsdevelopment” (p. 276). The scenario is not verydifferent in India, even though there have beensome positive developments in the field in thelast few years. However, having only a h<strong>and</strong>fulof trained experts in the area does not reallyhelp the cause. To make matters worse, quite afew so-called ‘trained experts’ prefer writingtextbooks for reputed publishing houses becauseof the huge financial benefits. This leaves thestate as well as the central educational boards(such as NCERT) with fewer options. Giventhat a large percentage of textbook writers at astate level is unaware of what Littlejohn (1992)calls ‘What is there’, ‘What is required’ <strong>and</strong>‘What is implied’, i.e. the basic theories <strong>and</strong>practices of textbook designing, quite a few ofthem choose easily available texts, follow thedesign of a few already existing textbooks, <strong>and</strong>develop some traditionally used task <strong>and</strong> activityBasically, those who have access tosocial comforts, luxuries, advancedtechnology, books, magazines, etc., caneasily <strong>and</strong> happily identify themselveswith the characters presented in the texts.On the other h<strong>and</strong>, students frombackward classes who have very little orno access to the facilities mentionedabove, may not have many characters<strong>and</strong> contexts to identify with.types. With pre-service training for Englishteachers offering little help with materialsdesigning, teaching <strong>and</strong> learning becomedawdling <strong>and</strong> uninteresting.Textbook content <strong>and</strong> politics of class <strong>and</strong>casteMorarji (2004), in an analysis of theEnvironmental Studies textbooks prescribed bythe NCERT, comments: “Lessons in textbooksare coded in ways which marginalize ruralidentity markers, <strong>and</strong> actively prescribe identitiesthat are coded as urban middle-class”. Morarji’s<strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Teaching</strong> Volume 1 Number 2 July 2012 12
observations are very similar to that of Illaiah(1996), who claims that the course content iseither unrelated to the cultural experiences ofdalit students, or undervalues their educationalexperience, dignity <strong>and</strong> self-esteem. Suchirregularities can also be found in Englishtextbooks. However, it is surprising that thecontent <strong>and</strong> context in English textbooks havenot drawn much attention for research, eventhough the fact remains that “English languageproficiency in a globalizing India is an essentialcomponent of one’s cultural baggage....For themiddle classes, English is a resource that mustbe defended <strong>and</strong> maintained at all costs”(Scrase, 2004, p.16).There are several ways in which the selectionof content for English textbooks can have adirect impact on the formation of identity of thelearners. In India, students from backwardclasses <strong>and</strong> minority communities often findthemselves at a disadvantage. Their community,belief systems, socio-cultural practices, etc., areeither presented in a distorted manner, orexcluded from the textbook altogether. Also,students coming from the dominant classes/communities to the classroom start forming aderogatory picture of these unrepresented orbadly represented classes/communities <strong>and</strong> ofthe people belonging to these communities.Basically, those who have access to socialcomforts, luxuries, advanced technology, books,magazines, etc., can easily <strong>and</strong> happily identifythemselves with the characters presented in thetexts. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, students frombackward classes who have very little or noaccess to the facilities mentioned above, maynot have many characters <strong>and</strong> contexts toidentify with. For example, a chapter onComputers is prescribed for Class IX studentsin Odisha, where more than 60% of studentsare from backward classes.As if the bias <strong>and</strong> ignorance in the contentselection is not enough, the end-of-lesson tasksfurther complicate matters. The questions usedin these tasks often develop a sense of ‘right<strong>and</strong> wrong’, <strong>and</strong> ‘good <strong>and</strong> bad’ in students. Inother words, they stealthily infuse “forms ofconsciousness that enable social control to bemaintained without the necessity of dominantgroups having to resort to overt mechanisms ofdomination” (Apple, 1990, p. 3). For example, atext talks about a female student from a slumwho is given guava leaves boiled in water byher mother when she has fever. The questionsat the end of lesson are asked in a way thatmakes the students believe that tablets <strong>and</strong>medicines prescribed by the doctors <strong>and</strong>available in the medical stores are the only rightkind of medicines. Again, if the text mentionsthat the girl’s mother does not take care of her,<strong>and</strong> beats her if she asks for clothes <strong>and</strong> otherthings, the end-of-lesson questions may portrayTextbooks are mere tools in this practiceof hegemony in which English as a culturalcapital helps maintain the dominance ofthe middle <strong>and</strong> upper class over theunderprivileged class. In this set-up, allthe good intentions of the ‘education forall’ policy remain unattended.the mother as a villain, instead of looking at thepathetic condition she is in, <strong>and</strong> the strugglesshe has to undergo every day to earn a living.Moreover, the questions can sometimes createa picture of what a ‘good <strong>and</strong> ideal’ woman isexpected to do.If the inclusion of Western or foreign texts atan early stage of English education bringscultural alienation (e.g. NCERT Class Vtextbook Marigold), texts where the socialpractices of students are presented in a negativelight does more damage to their self-esteem <strong>and</strong>motivation. They become apprehensive abouttheir socio-cultural identity, <strong>and</strong> try to eitheracquire a pseudo-identity of higher classes, orend up feeling a sense of depression, shame,anger <strong>and</strong> rebelliousness. Similarly, one’s sense<strong>Language</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Teaching</strong> Volume 1 Number 2 July 2012 13