Reforming the United Nations for Peace and Security

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destruction and the belated recognition of the usefulness—andsuccess—of the UN Special Commission (UNSCOM) and the UNMonitoring, Verification, and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC), severalauthorities in this field have suggested that the UN should have apermanent inspection service. This seems to me worth discussing.The section of the Panel’s report on collective security and the use of forceand its five basic criteria of legitimacy for the use of military force areparticularly valuable. Again the question is whether governments will feelable to accept them as a standing set of criteria for action.In the section on peace enforcement and peacekeeping capability, theparagraphs on improving capacity for rapid and effective response suggestthe usual formula of standby arrangements, high readiness, self-sufficientnational battalions, and so forth. That is all splendid. My question is, wouldthe governments concerned be willing to send their standby troopsimmediately to another Rwanda? At that time there were, I believe, 21standby arrangements, but not one could be mobilized. Recent years haveseen a number of similar failures, most recently, I believe, in finding forcesto protect UN personnel in Iraq.In full knowledge of all the political objections, which are sometimesstated as financial objections, I am still convinced that the credibility of theUN in peacekeeping emergencies will ultimately depend on a reliablecapacity to deploy quickly and effectively. That will mean a small (perhaps5,000-strong), completely international, very highly trained UN rapidreaction force at the disposal of the Security Council. There are a numberof excellent studies on this subject, so I shall not go into detail. But whenpeacekeeping capability is discussed, this option should at least bementioned, however dogmatic the present opposition to it may be. It isworth remembering that as late as the early 1990s a standing UN rapiddeployment force was a current and highly reputable idea. It was, I seemto remember, a plank in President Bill Clinton’s first presidential campaign,and former President Ronald Reagan gave it passionate support in a184
speech at Oxford in 1993. Ten years ago many people felt it was importantenough to support it publicly. It should at least be mentioned.The report’s proposals on strengthening the UN Secretariat are excellent.Most certainly a Deputy Secretary-General for Peace and Security (not anew idea) is long overdue. I believe that a Deputy Secretary-General forManagement and Administration is equally important. The Oil-for-Foodaffair has once again underlined the weakness of the UN in managinglarge and complex missions and operations. Improvement is urgentlyneeded and is unlikely to be achieved with the present organizationalsetup.IMPLEMENTATIONThe Secretary-General has already agreed to take action on the report’srecommendations that fall within his authority, and to consult with theheads of specialized agencies and other parts of the UN system on theimplementation of the report’s proposals that concern them.Some of the most far-reaching proposals can only be achieved through thesupport and cooperation of governments and by follow-up action in theintergovernmental organs of the UN system, starting with the SecurityCouncil. I am sure that the Panel has given much thought to the kind ofhigh-level representation that will be necessary to secure the cooperationand agreement of the UN’s member governments, and in particular of thefive permanent members of the Security Council. In the past manyexcellent and forward-looking ideas have died a dismal death being tom topieces by junior diplomats in the committees of the General Assembly. TheHigh-level Panel’s report is too important and too valuable to suffer such afate.185
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Reformingthe United Nationsfor Peac
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ContentsWorkshop ParticipantsvAckno
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ParticipantsWorkshop on United Nati
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Michael ReismanMyres S. McDougal Pr
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OverviewErnesto ZedilloDirector, Ya
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The important decision to make Secu
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member of the Panel’s Secretariat
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the new permanent members with a cl
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A model for a Security Council with
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criteria are intended not just to l
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TERRORISMThe Panel report urges the
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Participants also questioned the va
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FINAL CONSIDERATIONSThe High-level
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Promoting Democracy through Interna
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law—can channel internal dissent
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Many others had differences with th
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THE BEST KEPT SECRET: THE COMMUNITY
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Unfortunately, the Seoul Conference
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The important point is that the abi
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government by the Group’s most po
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Ministerial Meeting, the Convening
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2. Private foundations whose missio
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APPENDIX TO “PROMOTING DEMOCRACY
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The Report of the High-level Panel
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threats”. 28 So vulnerable indeed
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that the UN might be “facing a fo
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aw distributions of power and make
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Security Council. One of the Commis
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The second message of the report st
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vote of this member with veto power
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GOVERNANCE IN THE ECONOMIC DOMAINWh
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Comments on the Report of the High-
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ecommendations would also have the
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PANEL RECOMMENDATIONS ON ECONOMIC A
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What is worse is that almost an exc
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The conceptual underpinning of the
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such an eventuality; and to assist
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But it compromises on its own presc
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The UN represents the highest level
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The European Union in the United Na
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In the UN, the European Common Fore
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egard to resolutions put to a vote
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The European Commission cautiously
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The Group of Eastern European State
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“respect … for international la
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political declarations, especially
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marginalization. If the Security Co
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growth, the success of the democrat
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Comments on the Report of the High-
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• Regarding ECOSOC, the report ob
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cause of international peace and se
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• The Panel flatly rejects the ar
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In Model A, six of the nine new sea
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The Model A version of the new SC w
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Increased legitimacy helps Council
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essence, the Panel is recommending
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put under one purview. There are si
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eviews of behavior in some area, be
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A More Secure World? A Critique of
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Recognizing the crisis of confidenc
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creation of an international commis
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The US commitment to the global rul
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The closest the UN came to executin
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them, as the Panel readily acknowle
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Though the Panel offers very little
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the concept of collective security
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Assembly. Hopefully that input will
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generally also asserted that, despi
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shortcomings, as putting ever more
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powerful pairing of arguments that
Page 145 and 146: elsewhere and/or earlier. As discus
Page 147 and 148: for radical reform from the Secreta
Page 149 and 150: At San Francisco, the major powers
Page 151 and 152: over process. The prevailing view,
Page 153 and 154: significant power in its region. Th
Page 155 and 156: consequential proposals in other ar
Page 157 and 158: Indeed, if the Council is expanded
Page 159 and 160: egard—whether measured individual
Page 161 and 162: arriers to external intervention in
Page 163 and 164: Council, permanent or elected, have
Page 165 and 166: Security Council Expansion: Can’t
Page 167 and 168: importantly the quite proper concer
Page 169 and 170: superpowers in those situations whe
Page 171 and 172: Democratic majority (itself virtual
Page 173 and 174: developed countries known as the G-
Page 175 and 176: widely, an effective body might rea
Page 177 and 178: any US action. In much of the world
Page 179 and 180: Some Thoughts—Mostly Cautionary
Page 181 and 182: Panel Report goes further, however,
Page 183 and 184: • If the state fails in the midst
Page 185 and 186: the proactive rescue measures to th
Page 187 and 188: • There is a need for early and c
Page 189 and 190: HIV/AIDS could focus sustained glob
Page 191 and 192: THE SECURITY COUNCILEnlargement of
Page 193 and 194: model will depend, as at present, p
Page 195: Brief Notes on the Report of the Hi
Page 199 and 200: Negotiation difficulties, however,
Page 201 and 202: consensus but they embody little in
Page 203 and 204: NEGOTIATING CHARTER REFORMFor the a
Page 205 and 206: asic willingness to commit to a sys
Page 207 and 208: ecent Chapter VII resolutions have
Page 210: The Yale Center for the Study of Gl
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Reforming the United Nations for Peace and Security

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